The Tuskegee Airmen

Read ROHA's interviews with African-American servicemen in our Tuskegee Airmen section and for ideas on how to incorporate these resources into the classroom.  

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Background

ROHA began as a collaboration between the Rutgers College Class of 1942 and the History Department to document the alumni's life experiences--first- and second-generation immigrant upbringings, the Great Depression, World War II and beyond. ROHA soon opened its doors to all affiliated with Rutgers University, then, to all New Jersey residents as part of ROHA's service to the public of New Jersey. The interview tracks developed then--RU history, NJ History, veterans' stories--continue to form key parts of ROHA's long-term mission. The ROHA staff has since significantly augmented its collections pertaining to understudied, underserved groups--African-American, Latina/o, LGBTQ+, women, and others--within the Rutgers, NJ and veteran populations. ROHA has also launched partnership initiatives to document new populations and events, most notably the COVID-19 Pandemic and its impact on NJ.

Undergraduate Scholarship

Several scholarship programs--The Class of 1948 Scholarship, The Class of 1956 Scholarship & the Crandon Clark, RC '44, Scholarship--have allowed numerous undergraduates to participate in the ROHA as staff members while earning valuable financial support.  These undergraduates delve into the broader aspects of the program, including oral history techniques, archival management and event planning.  The Clark Scholar also assists the ROHA staff in documenting the experiences of Korean War veterans.

Volunteers

Louis Molnar, Program Volunteer Sydney Rhodes, Program Volunteer Edwin Robinson, Program Volunteer Nicholas Trajano Molnar, Program Volunteer

Pressman, James L.

Patrick Lee:  This begins an interview with James Pressman on April 22, 2009, at Rutgers University with Patrick Lee and Sandra Stewart Holyoak.  Sandra Stewart Holyoak:  Thank you very much, Mr. Pressman, for coming in today and talking with us.  I appreciate your coming in so soon after turning in your pre-interview survey.  Can you tell me where and when you were born? James Pressman:  I was born in Elizabeth, New Jersey, Elizabeth General Hospital.  I was born December the 3rd, 1945. SH:  Let me start by asking about your family history, beginning with your father.  JP:  Okay. SH:  Please tell me his name, where he was from and a bit about his family background. JP:  His name was Harry Pressman.  He was born in this country in 1911.  He was born in Elizabeth, New Jersey. He was an owner of Rahway Lumber Company in Rahway, New Jersey.  It was our family's business.  His father, my grandfather, Joseph Pressman, started it in 1924.  ... SH:  What a time to start a business. JP:  Yes.  ... My grandfather was from Russia, immigrated to the United States in the late 1800s, ... very early 1900s.  SH:  What was your father's background as far as education is concerned? JP:  He just was a high school graduate.  Very few people went to college back in those days.  He graduated from Batten High School in Elizabeth, New Jersey.  Back then, it was boys and girls.  ... Then, it went to all-girls and, now, it's Thomas Jefferson High School. SH:  Could you tell me about your father's military service? JP:  Oh, okay, yes, ... it's interesting.  He went into the Army.  He was drafted prior to Pearl Harbor and he was twenty-eight years old and he went to Fort Lee, Virginia.  It was called Camp Lee, Virginia, then, and he was in the Quartermaster Corps.  ... Before Pearl Harbor, a directive came down from Washington that anybody that was older than a certain age, and I believe it was twenty-eight or older, could leave the service.  So, he actually entered the service ... and left it prior to Pearl Harbor.  Once Pearl Harbor occurred, he was already out of the military, but was soon called back in. SH:  Really? JP:  Yes.  He went back in and he ... was in the antiaircraft artillery type of thing, early radar, and he was stationed in Miami Beach for a time, which our family always thought was quite funny. PL:  That is nice. JP:  ... Then, he finished the war in Panama.  He was stationed near the Panama Canal on air defense, so that he didn't see combat in either Europe or the Pacific, but he was at [the] Panama Canal.  That was his service. SH:  Did he talk about it at all? JP:  Yes.  He eventually got himself into what they called Special Services.  [Editor's Note: Special Service officers in World War II were tasked with providing recreation and entertainment to their units.]  ... He was sort of a gambler back then and ... he ran a business--he was always a business guy--so, he rented out uniforms.  ... He made a bunch of money when he was in the service [laughter] and did pretty well, and then, when the war was over, he came back and went back to work in our business, in the family business.  He also played a lot of poker in Panama--like many in the service did--to pass the time. SH:  That is a great story. JP:  True story.  I like to say he sold toasters to natives down in Panama that didn't have electricity.  I'm not quite sure if that's apocryphal or not.  [laughter] SH:  That was the kind of businessman that he was, right?  [laughter] JP:  Yes, yes, he could do it.  PL:  Do you think your father's service in the Army influenced your decision to join the service? JP:  I don't know.  I don't think so.  I mean, ... my uncles were also in World War II, but ... one of my uncles was killed at the Battle of the Bulge in World War II.  SH:  Was he your father's brother? JP:  No, no, this was my mother's side of the family.  My father only had sisters.  ... I was always interested in the military.  When my brother and I were children, we would play Army games.  So, I was always interested in it.  ... In fact, when I went to ninth grade, I didn't go to Rahway High School [for] my ninth grade, I went to Admiral Farragut Academy in Pine Beach, New Jersey, which was a naval school, and spent one year there and didn't particularly care for that kind of discipline.  So, I came back and finished Rahway High School, ... but I was always interested in the military and military things.  I always ... used to watch Victory At Sea [a popular documentary series on the US Navy broadcast during the 1950s on NBC] if you remember that program.  The theme music was great. SH:  Yes. JP:  Yes, so, yes, I liked war movies.  So, yes, I was always interested in it. SH:  Was the decision to go to Farragut because of your interest in the military? JP:  No, I think it was more my parents trying to give me some discipline.  [laughter] ... What I remember about it, when I got my acceptance letter, ... I remember being happy about it.  So, it didn't bother me.  It offered me a great education in my 9th grade year, and I did become more disciplined.  It was a good decision to send me there. SH:  Let us talk a bit then about your mother and her family background. JP:  Okay, my mother was born in New York.  ... Both my mother and my father's families settled in Elizabeth first, Elizabeth, New Jersey, and then, my mother came to Rahway later on.  Her father and mother ... emigrated from Russia, ... again, in the late 1800s, early 1900s.  They came to Elizabeth, and then, they opened up a business, their own business, on Third Street in Elizabeth.  It was like a haberdashery store, a dry goods store, that's what they called [it] back in those days.  ... It was called Krevskys Department Store.  She and her sisters didn't go to college.  They all got married, but my uncles all went to college.  One was a dentist, one was a lawyer, one was an electrical engineer and ... the youngest one perished in World War II.  ... SH:  Did your mother talk about that? JP:  No, it was a painful subject with my grandmother.  ... The only thing I knew about it was, he died in the Battle of the Bulge and he's buried in France somewhere. SH:  Really? JP:  Yes.  I remember her saying that Hitler killed her son.  She was a Gold-Star Mother--the honor that was given to mothers who lost their sons in the war. SH:  What was your mother's maiden name? JP:  Krevsky, K-R-E-V-S-K-Y.  That was her maiden name. SH:  Can you tell me how your parents met? JP:  I'm trying to think.  ... My mother said ... my father ... went to the YMCA there, in Elizabeth, and, somehow, somebody ... he knew there ... was going out with a girl and my mother was this girl's friend.  ... [She] tells the story of my father coming to the house for the first time to talk to my mother.  My grandmother answered the door and because he had just come from the gym and was wearing a sweatshirt, my grandmother said, "There's a bum at the door looking for you," [laughter] ... but, yes, they went out for any number of years.  They got married, on January 1, '42, right, you know, after Pearl Harbor.  SH:  Oh, my. JP:  Yes.  My father was thirty-one and my mother was twenty-eight.  They were both a little bit older than the average when they got married.  ... I don't think a lot of people got married young back during the [Great] Depression days and due to economics. SH:  It is interesting that they got married right after Pearl Harbor, four weeks later.  JP:  Yes, yes.  I think that was not unusual.  Young men realized that they would be at war on two fronts for a long time--they saw the writing on the wall. SH:  Did they talk about that at all?  Did that influence their decision to get married then? JP:  I imagine it did, but they never really mentioned it.  They never discussed it much, but I am sure there was a "now or never" attitude at that time.  Also, they had been dating for several years already. SH:  Was it already something that was planned? JP:  Well, they had been going together for, like, three or four years.  I believe they'd been going together for a while, and so, that was the time, because ... he had gone in the service, and then, come back out and, now, he was back in, just like everybody else was, for the duration.  So, they got married.  SH:  Was your mother able to travel with him at all? JP:  Yes.  I think she remembers going down to Fort Lee, Virginia, with him and into North Carolina.  I don't know whether that was the first time [he was in the service] or after they were married.  I tend to think it was after they were married [that] she did, while he was in the United States.  ... When he was shipped out to the Panama Canal, she went home to live with her parents until he came back.  PL:  Speaking more about your childhood, can you tell us about your experiences in elementary school? JP:  Well, I went to Madison School.  I started off in Roosevelt School in Rahway--nothing particularly remarkable about my student career there.  [laughter] Then, I went up to Madison School in Rahway from middle school, and then, like I said, I went to ninth grade at Admiral Farragut Academy, and then, I spent the last three years at Rahway High School.  My grades were, I would say, average, maybe a little above average.  My SAT score, I remember, was over 1000.  This is when, you know, it was [out of a possible] 1600.  Now, again, this is 1963 and a score over 1000 was okay back then.  Today, I don't know if I could get into Rutgers, [laughter] but the other thing I had going for me was, I was captain of the Rahway High School swimming team in my senior year.  So, between that--and I think I got a 1060 or something on my SATs--and my average grades, to this day, I don't understand how I got ... by the admissions at Rutgers, but I did get admitted to Rutgers College, and Rutgers College, back then, was a very highly rated school.  Everybody that didn't live in New Jersey thought it was an Ivy League school, which, of course, it's not, but it had that kind of reputation out of the state back then, in the '60s.  It had a very high [reputation], and it was five thousand men at Rutgers, then. SH:  That many? JP:  Yes, okay, all men. SH:  How many siblings do you have? JP:  I have a brother and two sisters.  My two sisters actually went to Douglass [College, part of Rutgers University].  SH:  Did they? JP:  Yes.  My brother went to Temple University and he's a podiatrist, went to Philadelphia College of Podiatric Medicine.  ... The next sister ... went to Douglass and got a master's degree in, I think, Hebrew University in Israel and she's now a librarian at Princeton.  ... She speaks Hebrew and Arabic, and my younger sister went to Douglass.  She was an art major, and so, she works in that field.  She also has an MFA degree. SH:  Where do you fit in the order? JP:  I'm the oldest.  So, it's me, my brother the podiatrist, my sister who works at Princeton, and then, my sister the artist--that's the span.  SH:  Did you have to work in the family business? JP:  It was my choice.  I worked there when I was in high school.  I started sweeping floors as a young boy.  ... We owned a lumberyard/hardware store then.  I rode on trucks and was a help.  Then, when I got my license, I was a truck driver.  I worked several other jobs, but, most of the time, I did work in the family business in the summers as a teenager. SH:  What about after school? JP:  After high school? SH:  After school in high school, when you finished your classes, did you have to work at your father's business? JP:  No.  Well, okay, Rahway High School--we'll talk about high school--back then, was on split sessions.  Half of us went seven [AM] to twelve [PM].  The other half went, like, one [PM] to five [PM].  There were so many [students], yes, they split the sessions.  So, I was in the morning session.  So, I went to swimming practice at five o'clock in the morning at the Rahway Y [YMCA], for the swimming team.  Then, we went to school and I was home at about twelve-thirty, and I really didn't go right to work.  I came home and it was a tough day already.  I'd been up from down, you know, first, you had ... swimming practice for an hour, hour-and-a-half, and then, five, six hours of school.  So, most of the time, I worked only in the summers.  I don't really remember working after school. SH:  Did your mother work outside of the home? JP:  Yes, my mother worked in her parents' store for a time.  Then, ... I guess when they moved to Rahway, when she started having the children, she was home, and then, she had various jobs.  She worked.  She was a volunteer for several things.  She did Braille.  ... She worked in several stores for a while, and then, after we were all out of the house and she got into her sixties, she started her own business, an antique business, and carried that on for almost thirty years.  She's ninety-six now.  ... She lives alone.  She still drives, but she's not doing her business anymore, but, yes, she had quite a career. SH:  Were there community service groups that your family was involved in? JP:  My mother was involved with the Temple Sisterhood for a time, and, like I said, the Braille, she transcribed books into Braille.  ... I don't know how she got interested in it, but ... that's what she did for a time.  My father was totally committed to the business.  ... Besides the lumber/hardware business, the retail end, we were also builders, built homes.  We developed property, land, down the Shore, Jersey Shore, the Seaside Heights area, and so, he was totally committed to the business.  SH:  It was a "twenty-four/seven" type job. JP:  Pretty much, yes.  He loved it.  [laughter] PL:  Did you have a television at home? JP:  Yes.  Oh, well, ... I remember getting the TV.  The first TV was almost like a piece of furniture.  It had doors that folded in the front and it was black and white.  Yes, I remember that, sure.  That was in the early '50s, when it first started, sure. PL:  Did you like watching TV shows? JP:  I remember Howdy Doody [a children's television show broadcast between 1947-1960], okay, all right. [laughter] I remember, boy, The Roy Rogers Show.  You know, Nellybelle was the Jeep, right.  ... The jeep had a name, I think it was Nellybelle.  I watched all the early programs that were broadcast.  [Editor's Note: The Roy Rogers Show, a Western television series broadcast from 1951 to 1957, featured a World War II jeep, Nellybelle.] SH:  Was television still a novelty?  JP:  Yes, I mean, yes, and, ... again, it was black and white.  ... I can remember, we moved ... from one house to ... the next house.  We had a den, but, then, we'd all sit--the family would sit--in there and we'd watch Sid Caesar [a popular sketch comedy performer featured on Your Show of Shows and Caesar's Hour in the 1950s] and some of these other shows, you know, as a family.  Jackie Gleason, I Love Lucy--all those shows. SH:  Did your family eat dinner and watch television as well? JP:  No, no.  ... We didn't have a TV in the kitchen.  We did much later on, but, in the early days, we had the den and we all would sit in there.  We did not eat dinner in the den. SH:  Was there a family tradition of having to be home for dinner?  What were some of your family's traditions?  JP:  Well, with my father, you know, working a lot and my mother in and out, I don't know that we had any particular tradition.  I mean, we had some religious holidays that we would always [observe].  Either at my grandparents' house, and then, at our house, we would have Passovers and things like that, but, on a day-to-day basis, it was, you know, ... you do the best you can.  [laughter] But my mother usually did have the table set and we ate most dinners together until we were older and sometimes had outside activities.  My dad was home by 6:50, this is when we ate. SH:  Growing up in Elizabeth and Rahway, did you have a large extended family? JP:  Yes.  ... I had seventeen cousins on my mother's side.  There were twenty-one of us.  I had seventeen cousins and the four of us in my family.  So, yes, we would all get together, and then, all the kids would be running around, and we did it at my grandparents' house in Elizabeth and, almost every [day], go over to an uncle's house, whatever.  ... Actually, there's a Rahway County Park in Rahway.  We used to go there for a family picnic once a year.  My grandparents would reserve a grove.  I don't know if you've ever been there, but they have these picnic groves in that park and we would go there as a family and have a family picnic.  ... I remember that as a young child.  On my father's side I had eight cousins.  We did not get together as often as on my mother's side, but we were all very friendly, and did see each other on certain occasions. SH:  Did your family go on vacations? JP:  I really don't [remember].  They tell me that we went on certain day-trip vacations, but I was so young, I don't remember.  ... Then, I really don't remember going on family vacations when I became old enough to remember things.  I'm going to have to think about that one for a while.  [laughter] ... When I was younger, ... as opposed to an actual vacation, we would go to the mountains.  We would go up in the Watchung [Mountains].  They had the swimming clubs up there and cabins and, every summer, we would rent a cabin, you know.  So, I guess that would be considered a vacation, although it was only twenty or twenty-five [minutes].  As a young child, it seemed like it was forever to drive [in] a car, [laughter] but it was up on top of the Watchung Mountains.  So, yes, okay, that would, I guess, ... count as a family vacation.  SH:  Is that when you got interested in swimming? JP:  Yes, I was on the [team].  We had the swim club up there and I was on the swimming team, you know, for the club.  ... We had a pool, a couple of pools, in the area where I lived--the Oakcrest Swim Club and Ash Brook Swim Club, which was in the Edison area--and I was on their swim teams.  ... When I went to Admiral Farragut Academy, they didn't have a swim team and I was really disappointed, and then, when I came back, I swam sophomore, junior, senior year for Rahway High School.  PL:  That is really surprising, that they did not have a swim team at Farragut. JP:  Yes, you would think so.  They had a football team and gymnastics.  They had a bunch of stuff, but they didn't have a swimming team.  They probably had a pool, I'm trying to remember, but I know they did not have a team and I know that was really upsetting, one of the reasons why I left, because I wanted to swim in competition.  PL:  When you were in school, do you recall practicing duck-and-cover drills? JP:  Yes, I remember that.  In elementary school, we would have to get under our desks.  I was trying to think--I think I remember--I remember stamps.  We would buy war, not war bonds, but stamps, or something like that, and put them in a book.  It was a way of saving, you know, for whatever, for ... financing the government. Somehow, I remember those stamps, sort of like [Sperry and Hutchinson] Green [Trading] Stamps, you know, but not.  It was sold in the schools and I remember that we had closets in the back of the room.  ... Sometimes, we'd go in the closets and hide, yes, absolutely. SH:  You remember the drills.  JP:  Yes. SH:  Was your family observant of your faith?  Did you keep a kosher home? JP:  My mother tried to keep a kosher home as much as she could, kosher food, separate dishes, et cetera.  We also observed Passover, Yom Kippur, et cetera.  My mother's family was more into that part of their lives.  My father's family was not.  ... In other words, my father worked on Saturday.  We weren't Orthodox Jews, we were actually Conservative Jews, ... which is in the middle--Reformed, Conservative, Orthodox.  We were in [the middle].  Our temple in Rahway was Conservative.  ... SH:  Growing up, did you ever suffer from any anti-Semitism? JP:  Not that I remember.  We had a big community in the town, which no longer exists, in Rahway.  The temple's been sold.  Most of the people have moved away, but, back in those days, we actually had a church basketball league, but it was [part of] the synagogue.  ... We would go to other churches and play.  ... You know, it was pretty easygoing in that regard, yes.  SH:  Do you remember anything about the Civil Rights Movement? JP:  Well, I remember, you know, seeing it on TV.  Being from up here, ... you know, the North was already ahead of that power curve.  We didn't have those kind of problems here, ... like they had down in the South with segregation.  So, you know, we followed it.  I don't remember it being a big, big deal.  It became a big deal, but, in the beginning, it was nothing that ... caught my attention.  I witnessed more of it when I moved to the South in the military--such things as separate Greyhound bus station waiting rooms, water fountains, et cetera. SH:  Did your family follow politics at all? JP:  My grandparents on my mother's side were lovers of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, because of the Depression and because they felt that he saved them from going under.  So, they became Democrats.  My mother's only living brother, though he's an attorney, he's still a rabid Democrat.  ... He came out of that side of the family.  The other side--my father's side--were not that political, but my dad did vote Republican the last few elections in his life. SH:  Did you follow politics while you attended school? JP:  Well, you know, I graduated high school in 1963.  That's kind of before Vietnam came on the scene and all the protesting, and the Civil Rights Movement.  I actually [did], yes, in high school, right.  SH:  Did you follow the 1960 Presidential Election? JP:  Yes.  ... I remember, we all liked Kennedy.  ... Those of us that ... became Republicans and all that, still, back then, ... if we could vote, we would have voted for Kennedy.  We really liked him.  He was young, and the PT-109thing and all that, so, yes.  [Editor's Note: John F. Kennedy commanded PT-109 in the Pacific during World War II, which was destroyed in combat against the Japanese.  Kennedy's heroic actions led to his crew's survival and later contributed to his image as a war hero during his political career.]  Of course, I was young and more idealistic then, but I would not vote for him today.  Nixon would have made a better president for that time. SH:  Do you remember the day he was assassinated? JP:  I was in Rutgers University, at the language lab, listening to an Italian tape, when he, whoever was running that lab, stopped the tape and said the President had been shot.  We all went back to our dorms and we were gathered in the--behind Demarest, there's a quad, right?  ... The history building was there at that time--forget the name of it--and there was a quad. SH:  Bishop House. JP:  Bishop House, was that it? yes, okay, just like this one, [18 Bishop Place].  Anyway, yes, we were there and I actually have a picture somewhere home.  Targum took a picture of all the kids gathering there and ... there's a picture of me standing in the background with my hands on my hips--no doubt deep in thought.  It was a terrible day.  I was [there].  The only reason I could definitely identify myself [is], I was wearing my high school letter jacket.  ... So, yes, it was a really, really bad day here at Rutgers, I'm sure everywhere.  I remember, ... it was the only time they did away with [classes], stopped classes.  They didn't have classes.  Talking about the technology, we watched the funeral, and I think I watched Jack Ruby kill Oswald on TV.  It was a black-and-white TV with "rabbit ears" [antennae] and we watched it.  I don't know if it was at "The Ledge" or somewhere in somebody's room, because we didn't have TVs in the rooms.  ... By today's standards, it was pretty Spartan.  [laughter] [Editor's Note: Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas.  Lee Harvey Oswald, the primary suspect in the assassination, was himself killed by Jack Ruby on live television days later.] PL:  Demarest is still pretty Spartan. JP:  Yes.  PL:  You rarely get cellphone service in there. JP:  Yes.  Well, we had a payphone, one payphone for twenty-five guys, or something like that, and we couldn't have girls in the room.  ... We had a radio and we had no TVs, I know that.  I mean, like I said, when Kennedy was assassinated, we had to find a TV somewhere. SH:  You were a freshman. JP:  Yes.  SH:  How did you make the decision to come to Rutgers? JP:  How I did it?  Well, okay, I applied only to four schools. SH:  You had always expected to go to college. JP:  Yes.  In my family, it was [the case that] nobody ever said you had to go to college, because it was just assumed.  I mean, I don't ever remember wanting to do anything else after graduation from high school.  So, my grades and SATs weren't stellar, obviously, but I applied to Union.  We used to call it Union County--it was called a junior college then, now, it's community, four-year community college--but ... we called it "UC Juicy."  [laughter] So, that's what we called it and ... I got in there.  I got into Monmouth College, I got into Temple University and I got in at Rutgers College.  I actually wanted to go to Temple University, because Temple had a Naval ROTC program and I just liked Philadelphia.  ... When I went down there, they didn't have a room, a dorm room, for me. So, I thought about it and I decided to come to Rutgers, and [it was] the right decision.  [laughter] SH:  Were you planning to swim in college? JP:  No, no, I wasn't recruited.  I wasn't--I was good in high school, but not good enough to compete on that level here, okay.  However, I will say this.  Back then, at Rutgers, I don't know if you still do, you had to take two years of gym or physical education and pass it.  ... It was a "pass/fail," not a graded course, and my first year at the gym, ... the pool was in the Student Center now on College Avenue, ... I took a lifesaving course and, the second year I was here, my sophomore year, I taught gym.  I taught swimming to other [students], to freshmen.  So, that was interesting. SH:  You must have been pretty good. JP:  Yes, I was pretty good at lifesaving. SH:  Did you ever think of becoming a lifeguard? JP:  No, no, but I did do that here.  It was just [that] rather than having to take physical education, I got to teach it.  PL:  Can you tell me about living in Demarest Hall? JP:  Yes.  It was, you know, a really nice building.  I remember I liked it because it was colonial in architecture.  PL:  It was a relatively new building at the time.  [Editor's Note: Built in 1950-1951, Demarest Hall served originally as a dormitory for Rutgers freshman and, later, football players and special-interest students.] JP:  Yes, it was in '63.  It was really, really nice.  ... Like I said, we had a floor.  Our floor had twenty-five or twenty-seven guys, with something called a preceptor.  I don't know if you still have that here. PL:  Yes, we still do. JP:  Okay.  My preceptor was a guy named Bob Norton, who was captain of the Rutgers Football Team back then, and ... one of the freshmen on my floor was a guy named Jack Emmer.  Jack Emmer ... played football for Rutgers, went on to become the Army lacrosse coach for about twenty years and, in fact, just as a back story, Jack came to my home to recruit my son ... to go to West Point, but my son chose the Air Force Academy.  ... It's funny how things come back, you know, things that happened early on in your life.  You run into these people again.  ... Yes, Demarest, I liked it.  It was nicely located at that time, [near] what was called Records Hall. PL:  Yes. JP:  That was where we ate.  That was our dining facility. PL:  That was the dining hall. JP:  Yes, and it was Spartan.  It was, like, World War II-ish, yes, and the food wasn't all that great.  PL:  It is still not that great. JP:  And the Student Center was called "The Ledge."  I don't know if you still call that building "The Ledge." SH:  They call it the Student Activities Center [SAC] now. JP:  Okay, yes, and they actually had dances and entertainment up on the roof. SH:  Really? JP:  Yes. SH:  Did they actually use the roof? JP:  Yes, yes, they did.  PL:  There is still a staircase going up to the roof. JP:  Yes, and they had a cafeteria in there.  It was interesting the way they did it.  You would get in line and you would place your order on a piece of paper and they'd write your name on it and they'd hang it up, and then, they'd keep moving it down this wire until [it reached] the other end.  When your food was cooked, they'd call you by name.  [laughter] That's how it worked back then.  SH:  Was there an initiation for freshmen? JP:  Yes, every freshman had to wear a dink and a tie. SH:  Any color tie or a specific type of tie? JP:  No, it was special.  I think it was a Rutgers tie and a red dink--which was a hat, sort of a Robin Hood-ish type hat, without the feather--and we'd have to wear them.  I forget how long it was, but, yes; I don't think you could get the kids to do that today.  [laughter] SH:  Was there a competition between the sophomores and the freshmen? JP:  ... I'm trying to think.  ... They used to bus us up for flag football up at the University [Heights], what's called, you know, the University Heights up there.  I don't know if that was required or we just did it, ... yes. SH:  Were there any other activities? JP:  I don't remember that.  ... Yes, I remember the flag football up there. SH:  Were there mixers with the students who attended Douglass College? JP:  Yes, I remember going over there and they had dances at the student center over there, and hanging out. [laughter] SH:  When you came to Rutgers in 1963, was ROTC still mandatory? JP:  No.  ROTC, up until probably, I don't know, the year, I want to say '60-'61, everybody who was, I guess, physically qualified had to do the first two years of ROTC, and then, you could make a decision either to continue on or not continue on with no penalty, you know, not like a service academy, ... but, when I got there, it was not mandatory.  ... In fact, I did not join ROTC because Vietnam was not an issue at that time.  I was more interested in the Navy, still, at that time, than I was in the Army or the [Air Force].  We had Air Force ROTC here and, in 1964, the middle of my sophomore year, now, Vietnam was on the horizon, and I had no plans to go to graduate school.  So, I looked into joining ROTC and they had something called the "Compression Student," which meant I took the four years in two-and-a-half.  They compressed it for me.  ... I didn't go to summer camp until after I graduated.  So, I graduated Rutgers, went to summer camp after I graduated and got commissioned at summer camp, as opposed ... SH:  Really? JP:  Yes, to doing it here on campus, yes. SH:  How many students took the compressed curriculum? JP:  I don't know, but there was a bunch.  A lot of guys made the decision later on, especially.  I imagine that was common during that time, because, like I say, when I got there, Vietnam was not a factor.  A year later, it was very big. SH:  I had never heard of the compressed ROTC curriculum before this interview. JP:  Yes, it's called a "Compression Student."  I remember going in and talking to a couple of majors who were here, and they were both Southerners--a lot of Southerners in the Army back then.  The professor of military science was a guy named Colonel [John J.] Pidgeon, and I thought--I didn't know whether I was joining the Army or the Confederacy there for a while, [laughter]--but yes, they really helped me.  ... Later on, I think [in] my junior year, a friend of mine had gotten his pilot [license], an older friend of mine had gotten his pilot's license, and took me flying in a single-engine plane and I liked it.  ... They had an Army ROTC flight program here at Rutgers.  Both Air Force and Army had this program. SH:  Really? JP:  And so, ... what you would do is, ... you had to take a test and a physical, and, if you qualified, you'd get your [license].  They sent us out to Somerset Airport and we'd get forty hours of flight instruction, enough to get your private pilot, single-engine land [rating], and they'd provide you with enough information to get your written test passed.  So, before I graduated college, I actually had my pilot's license, and it was done [for] free and you had a certain amount of Army guys do it and a certain amount of Air Force guys do it.  ... What that did for you was, it guaranteed you a slot in flight school, so that I knew, when I graduated, I'd go to officer training school, branch training, because you had to go to Infantry, Armor, whatever branch you were commissioned in, for three months, and then, you would go directly from there to flight school.  So, I spent a year in the United States prior to going to Vietnam. PL:  Was there any competition between Air Force and Army cadets? JP:  Friendly.  No, there were twenty-six [hundred cadets].  There were five thousand guys at Rutgers.  Twenty-six hundred, more than half, were in ROTC.  When we formed up for a parade ... or whatever, we would cover the street from the Alexander Library to the other side of the gym.  There were a lot of guys in ROTC--more Army than Air Force, but Air Force was substantial, too.  Well, yes, we all got [along].  There was no kind of inter-service rivalry, I don't think.  I don't remember anything like that between the guys. SH:  You had an interest in flying even before you went into ROTC. JP:  Right, right, ... just one of those things you get interested in when you're young and I saw an opportunity to do it for free. SH:  Did the space program increase your interest in aviation? JP:  Yes, that [may have been a factor].  I mean, I remember following, you know, the Apollos and the Mercurysand all, and ... all those chutes and all the rockets.  I remember watching all the rockets that failed.  People don't remember that we failed more often than not in the beginning.  You see the rockets go up, and then, come down and explode on the pad, and I remember that, but that was a separate issue.  It never occurred to me to connect those two things. SH:  You were not interested in participating in the space program at any point. JP:  No, no.  I was lucky to be able to fly a little plane, never mind in space.  [laughter] PL:  Did you notice any antiwar activities on campus as the Vietnam War escalated?  Did you know anyone who participated? JP:  Oh, yes.  My faculty advisor was a Professor Eugene Genovese, I think his name was, who went from here, I think, ... taught at McGill in Canada, later on, but he was my faculty advisor in the History Department.  He was a history professor and he was the guy that led the sit-ins.  We used to have sit-ins in the gym, you know, the anti-war types.  ... On the very few occasions when I had to see him for an issue, it turns out it was always on drill day, which means I had to go in my uniform to see the guy, [laughter] but he was very good and we never had a problem.  ... As I remember, whatever issues I had were resolved by him or he told me what to do.  So, no, ... I didn't have any problem that way.  [Editor's Note: Historian Eugene Genovese took a pro-Vietcong stance during a teach-in at Rutgers University in 1965, which led to criticism from New Jersey politicians.  The Rutgers administration defended Genovese for exercising his academic freedom.  Genovese later taught at Sir George Williams University in Montreal between 1967 and 1969 before moving on to other universities.] SH:  He never made any comments about you being in a military uniform. JP:  No, no, it wasn't [confrontational].  At Rutgers University, the anti-war movement was not violent.  I mean, I remember, at Columbia, they had taken over buildings and things like that, but there were protests and they had these sit-ins, but it wasn't of a violent [nature].  At least when I left, in '67, it was not of a violent nature here on this campus. SH:  Were there teach-ins? JP:  Teach-ins, sit-ins, yes.  ... That was the expression of the anti-war types.  They had--the kids, you know, you had the term, back then in the early '60s, was beatniks--the kids that ... went around with [protest signs].  They'd put signs in their windows.  They were pre-hippies.  ... When we were in drill, some of them would come around and put flowers in our rifle, things like that, but ... there was nothing of a violent nature here at this campus.  SH:  How integrated was the student body? JP:  Not very.  This guy I know, and I remember his name for some reason, Elijah Miller, was a high jumper and he was African-American and some, a lot, of the athletes, ... you know, were African-American, but it wasn't, back in those days, ... that much of mix, I would say, [to] put it that way.  It was not reflective of the society in general and, when you talk about ... whatever the society mix was here in New Jersey, because you're talking about a state college, ... I would say it was mostly white back then. SH:  Was there a rivalry between Rutgers College and the other colleges in the University system? JP:  Not particularly.  I mean, we were of the opinion that Rutgers College was the best school of Rutgers University, "Rutgers-Camden, no-no.  Rutgers-Newark, eh.  Rutgers College!"  ... That's what I remember thinking, that, you know, if you ... went to Rutgers College, that would differentiate you, okay, from other Rutgers schools.  ... Douglass had a good reputation, I mean, but that was different.  That was girls, this was boys, okay. So, we're talking [about different systems].  ... The "Aggies," [students at the College of Agriculture], I don't remember, you know, any particular problem or anything like that. SH:  Had Livingston College been formed yet? JP:  No.  The only thing that was over on the University Heights back then, as I remember it, was [that] the football stadium was over there.  They had something there called the Van de Graaff accelerator.  I don't know if it's still there or not.  Van de Graaff, it was some kind of thing that was here, science thing, that split atoms, I don't know, was called the Van de Graaff [particle] accelerator [used in science experiments]. PL:  It is interesting to imagine that we actually had a particle accelerator on campus. JP:  Right, yes, and the Physics Department, I remember taking physics up there.  There was a physics building up there and I don't think there was much more than that up there.  I remember a lot of athletic fields there, but not many buildings. SH:  What was your major? JP:  History. SH:  History was your major.  JP:  [Yes]. SH:  Did you have a minor? JP:  Art history. SH:  How did you get interested in art history as your minor? JP:  Well, I took Art 101, 102, as, you know, part of the required, you know, liberal arts [curriculum at] Rutgers. You had to take a foreign language.  I don't know if it's still the same, but we had to take phys. ed.--you had it for two years--a foreign language for two years, a math or science, one each or both, whatever, for two years.  So, I took geology and "Physics For Idiots," what we called it.  [laughter] ... No, it was three kinds of physics courses here at Rutgers--two-credit physics, three-credit physics and four-credit physics.  Four-credit physics was for ... people who maybe wanted to be physics majors, had a lab.  Two-credit physics was for physics majors.  That was purely, I think, theoretical physics.  Three-credit physics was for people who wanted to take it to meet the requirement, the science requirement.  Therefore, we called it "Physics For Idiots."  [laughter] Okay, so, I took physics and I took geology.  I didn't like math, ... and I'm off on a tangent here.  What was the question?  I'm sorry. SH:  I was asking about your major and your minor. JP:  Oh, how I got hooked up now?  So, you had to take sociology.  I took sociology and the other thing was that I took Art 101, 102, and I really liked it.  ... From there, ... I just started taking art courses that interested me--"Italian Renaissance Sculpture," "Rococo Art," "Renaissance Painting"--a flurry of art courses that I enjoyed. SH:  Do you think a liberal arts education is important? JP:  Yes, yes, I mean, ... unless somebody says, "I want to be a scientist or a doctor."  Then, you have to go a different route, okay.  You have to load up your college [schedule] with those kinds of courses.  However, if you go into college and you don't know what you want to be, or even if you know, like, for instance, if you want to be a lawyer, because both my sons are lawyers, still, liberal arts is the foundation for that.  Okay, so, yes, I believe that it's a good way to go, ... especially for those that don't have a direction yet.  SH:  What was the interaction like between the faculty and administration and the students? JP:  Well, I was a friend of Mason Gross.  Mason Gross was not a building then--he was a human being. [laughter] [Editor's Note: Mason Gross was the Sixteenth President of Rutgers University, serving from 1959 to 1971.] SH:  Well put. JP:  And he would wander the campus, and, for some reason, he and I would interact, bump into one another, and we'd start [talking].  He would stop me.  He was very [nice], you know, nice guy, friendly, interested in students. He would stop and he would talk to you, and, I remember, he showed up at a few football games ... and we bumped into [each other] again.  ... He recognized me.  We weren't friends by any stretch, but he was very friendly and, yes, you know, it was good.  ... I liked all my professors.  ... A lot of them were really good people.  I don't remember, you know, any particular problem with the faculty.  It was a very good experience, I thought. SH:  Who was your favorite professor? JP:  Professor, Doctor, Peter Charanis in the History Department. SH:  Why was he your favorite? JP:  Well, let's put it this way: when he gave a lecture--he was in Byzantine history--when he gave a lecture, certain lectures, there might be a hundred people in the class, there'd be three hundred people in the lecture hall.  ... He would do the "Dance of Theodora" and other things, that were popular lectures, that were well-known lectures. He was great.  Yes, he was. SH:  He lectured in Bishop House. JP:  Scott Hall.  He might have done some classes there, too.  ... One of my professors was a guy named Dr. McCormick, whose son has done pretty well here at Rutgers, [laughter] ... yes, but I only had him for one course. [Editor's Note: Richard P. McCormick and his son, Richard L. McCormick, were professors in the History Department.  Richard L. McCormick went on to become President of Rutgers University in 2002.] PL:  Which history courses did you take at Rutgers? JP:  Well, I could start with Dr. McCormick, "The Intellectual History of Modern Europe."  That was an interesting course.  Let's see, "Byzantine History;" boy, you've really got me on the spot.  "American Economic History," Sidney Ratner was the professor, you know, like that.  I took "The History of England" at Douglass, for obvious reasons.  [laughter] It was the only course ... offered at Douglass that a history major could take.  So, I went over there, ... yes, and there's other ones, ... if I had my transcripts, and I should have brought my transcripts, but I didn't. SH:  Were there convocations when prominent speakers would come to campus? JP:  Nothing that I remember.  There might have been, but I certainly don't remember.  I remember they had certain musical groups here.  Kingston Trio was here, I remember that.  SH:  Were they? JP:  [Yes].  [laughter] That's about all I remember. SH:  Did they still have the Military Ball? JP:  They might have, but I don't remember going to it. SH:  Were there any other organized dances that you recall? JP:  There might well have been, but I don't remember.  PL:  Were you involved in any student organizations? JP:  No, just ROTC. SH:  Let us move on to your later career at Rutgers, which coincides with the escalating Vietnam War.  By your senior year, you were a "Compression Student." JP:  Yes, I was a "Compression Student," for ROTC. SH:  How was the Vietnam War discussed on campus?  Was it discussed in your classes? JP:  I don't remember any of our classes taking a political bent, or whatever you want to call it.  I mean, now, you know, people complain that college professors are all leftists or whatever and try to indoctrinate students.  I don't know if that's what you're getting at, but I don't remember ... that kind of indoctrination, either pro-war or anti-war.  ... You know, Rutgers, I come back to the idea that Rutgers was an "Ivy League-ish," college and it was a different atmosphere.  ... I don't remember any kind of that [activity], that kind, although I'm sure these people, you know, the professors, had their political [views], whatever, but they didn't try to pass it on to us, that I remember. SH:  Did you ever consider joining a fraternity? JP:  No.  I was what was known as a "GDI."  I don't know if you've heard that expression, okay. PL:  Can you explain what a GDI is? JP:  Yes, it means a "God Damn Independent."  [laughter] ... That's what we called it back then, although I've been known to attend a few fraternity parties and I had friends from my high school that were here before me that were in various fraternities, and I had friends of mine from ... my Demarest days who went on into fraternities.  ... So, I would go over, but I never tried to join one.  I was never--what's the term they use, recruited? SH:  Rushed. JP:  Rushed, right, or whatever, yes, for whatever reason.  That's fine.  It was fine with me.  SH:  Were you involved in any fundraising during your time at Rutgers? JP:  No, no.  ... The one tradition that continues to endure is spring break.  We did go to Florida.  [laughter] SH:  You went to Florida. JP:  Yes, six of us in the car, yes. SH:  Did you have a car on campus? JP:  No, freshmen couldn't have cars because of the parking problem, and I think my last year, [the] one year I lived in an apartment in Piscataway, I had a car.  ... Then, my last year, I commuted from home, ... but I didn't actually ever have a car here on campus.  ... SH:  You became a commuter. JP:  Well, in my senior year, because of [my schedule].  I had taken a full load of courses, five courses, every semester.  When I got to my senior year, I took--it was part of this ROTC thing--"ROTC MS3," "MS4," were three-credit courses, just was like any other three-credit course.  It was a full course, [similar to a course in] history, whatever else, okay.  So, I only had, in my two senior semesters, ... three regular courses and ROTC.  I took four courses.  As a result, I didn't go to school on Friday.  You know, ... kids schedule themselves, when they can, so that they don't have to go to class on Friday or Monday, whatever they do.  ... Then, some days, you'd come down here and I'd only have two periods in a day.  I'd be done at twelve or one.  ... I didn't want to live in an apartment anymore.  I didn't want to live in a dorm.  The dorm thing kind of got old in a hurry, and so, ... I decided to commute from home.  It was no big deal.  I got snowed in a couple times.  I was able to stay with my buddies, on the "river dorms," who lived here.  [Editor's Note: The "river dorms," Campbell, Hardenbergh and Frelinghuysen Halls, are dormitories on the College Avenue Campus along the banks of the Raritan River.]  So, yes, it was really no problem. PL:  I know that, in the spring and early fall, it gets really warm here.  In Demarest, it is quite an experience.  Did you have any problems with the heat or the cold?  JP:  Yes, you opened the windows.  [laughter] It's about all you could do, yes.  ... I don't remember being uncomfortable like that, but ... we didn't have, certainly didn't have, air-conditioning or anything like that--you know, just open the windows.  We didn't spend a lot of time in the dorm.  I remember being at the library a lot or hanging out in, you know, other places, and being at "The Ledge," or whatever. SH:  Do you recall any political events affecting the campus during your time at Rutgers? JP:  ... Kennedy's assassination, I would say. SH:  I just wondered if there was another big event. JP:  Nothing of that magnitude.  SH:  Yes, it would be hard to top. JP:  You know, [that would] be like Pearl Harbor, you know.  Everybody remembers where they were [for] Pearl Harbor, [the December 7, 1941 attack], and everybody remembers where they were when Kennedy was assassinated. SH:  What did you think of President Johnson? JP:  It's hard.  You know, what I think of him now is a whole [different story]. SH:  That is what I mean--can you step back and remember what you thought then? JP:  Yes.  I remember seeing him, on TV, taking the oath on the plane.  [Editor's Note: Lyndon B. Johnson, after President Kennedy's assassination, took the oath of office on Air Force One, which became one of the iconic images of the day's events.]  I remember him being from Texas.  I didn't really know much about liberal politics or conservative politics back then.  It's not like it is today.  So, I didn't really give it ... a whole heck of a lot of thought at this point.  As the years went by you take the oath of a soldier and so, you do what you're supposed to do.  You know, back then, there was no [reaction]--because Johnson became President, I didn't quit ROTC or anything like that.  ... SH:  There was no sense of animosity. JP:  Not with me.  I'm not saying other people [felt that way], but, well, with me, I didn't.  ... When you are that young you usually have a sense of trust. SH:  Very few people know much about the Vice-President. JP:  Yes.  I know I remember Spiro Agnew, but that [was much later].  [laughter] [Editor's Note: Spiro Agnew served as Vice-President under President Richard Nixon between 1969 and 1973, when he resigned from office amid a bribery and tax evasion scandal.]  Do you? no, okay--pointing at the student interviewer, okay.  PL:  I think I am a bit young.  [laughter] SH:  What were your plans for after college?  Did joining the service figure into your plans? JP:  Yes.  I had no plans to go to graduate school, none whatsoever, at this time.  So, I had configured it so that I would go into the military.  ... Between my flight training program and what I knew I had to do in officer's school, that was a year.  ... I was hoping, you know, [in] '67, by the time I'd finished all my training, the war'd be over--wrong.  [laughter] That didn't work out well, but I had a four-year commitment.  So, I knew that when you took flight--normally, ROTC, if you didn't do anything extra special, you had a two-year commitment.  You graduate, you enter active duty, you'd have two years active, and then, four years in the Reserve.  It was the standard way to go, but, if you were in flight school, flight training, you had to give four years. SH:  You knew of the commitment before going into the service. JP:  Right.  So, I had my next four years, ... you know, laid on for me.  I knew what I might do.  I was happy with it. SH:  You knew you would go into the service right away. JP:  Actually, as I told you, I graduated in June of '67, but I didn't go to my "summer camp," was what we called it then, until July of that year.  ... I was commissioned at the end of July in '67.  So, I didn't get my orders [right away].  Once I was commissioned, I got my orders.  I went on active duty, actually, in January of '68, I started. So, I had almost a six-month period before I got my orders. SH:  What did you do during that time?  Was it hard to get a job? JP:  No, it wasn't.  [laughter] SH:  I wondered if there would be any reluctance to hire someone who was going into the service. JP:  I went to--interesting, I haven't thought about this in a long time--I went to an agency and I got a job with a company called Liberty Mutual Insurance Company, as a claims adjuster.  ... I spent two weeks in Boston and six weeks in Philadelphia for training, and I worked out of their East Orange office ... until I entered the service.  ... Somehow, they hired me and I did that for about four, five months, and then, went into active duty.  PL:  What was working for Liberty Mutual like at the time? JP:  It was interesting.  It was a lot of fun.  I mean, you know, don't forget, I was young.  Two weeks in Boston, all expenses paid, [laughter] wasn't too terrible.  Six weeks in Pennsylvania, in Philly, they put us up and [we would] get an expense account.  ... It was interesting training.  It was a job, claims adjuster, in auto--a liability adjuster is what I was.  ... It was an interesting experience while I did it.  I learned a lot. [TAPE PAUSED] SH:  Please, continue. JP:  Okay, [I was] just talking some more about Rutgers.  It was a tradition, football games, now that football's really big at Rutgers now, but, back then, we played Princeton every year at Princeton.  ... The tradition was, we would get all dressed up, jackets, ties, pretending to be "Ivy League-ish," ... when we went to the game, the Rutgers-Princeton football game.  We'd go down to Princeton, trying to look like them.  It was sort of [a prank]. [laughter] So, I remember, one of the guys on our floor wore to the Princeton game plaid Bermuda shorts, some kind of a flaky shirt with a bowtie, and do you know what saddle shoes are, the brown [shoes]? SH:  Yes. JP:  Yes, he wore saddle shoes, [laughter] Bermuda shorts, and it was very interesting.  ... Yes, that was our wild streak back in those days, going to the Princeton football game.  [laughter] Okay, I'm sorry, go ahead. SH:  What about the Targum?  JP:  Targum was, you know, very well done, I thought, back then, even today, and they had the Mugrat.  I don't know if they still do the Mugrat.  [Editor's Note: The Targum, Rutgers' student newspaper, produces a satirical fake issue each semester entitled the Mugrat.] PL:  They still do the Mugrat.  JP:  Okay.  I remember my first Mugrat, first semester freshman year, big article--I didn't see the word Mugrat--"Women To Be Allowed In Dorms."  Everybody was going with this.  [laughter] ... PL:  There was an article in the Mugrat, just last year, on introducing co-ed rooms.  [laughter] JP:  Well, it would've had the same net effect if they said we were going to separate them out.  This was where they were going to allow women in your room, you know.  ... So, that was my first [experience with the Mugrat].  You know, it was well done, really was.  I think some of them, and I'm not a hundred percent sure, but some of the people that worked on the Targum went on to be professional people in that field.  It was well done. SH:  Did the Targum report in a manner that was anti-fraternity or pro-fraternity? JP:  Oh, I remember some articles like that.  Honestly, the only Targum I ever kept was the one that [was published] the day that Kennedy died.  I should have brought it.  I didn't really think [to do so].  I have it home somewhere, yes. SH:  Before we leave Rutgers, are there any other questions? PL:  Let us continue on. JP:  Okay. SH:  You talked about the six months where you were working for Liberty Mutual.  JP:  Right. SH:  When did you first find out when and where you were going to report? JP:  Well, I didn't get my orders until--I think I got them on my birthday.  That would be December of '67, right.  I remember, I had a ... SH:  Some birthday present.  [laughter] JP:  Yes.  Well, I knew they were coming.  I just didn't have the official orders until I went to the post office.  They came and I had to sign for them.  It was certified mail.  I mean, I'm eighteen years old, or, no, ... I guess I was twenty-one at this time, but I never got a certified letter [before].  ... So, I went to the post office and opened them up and it was, "Report to Fort Benning for infantry officer basic.  Report to Fort Wolters, Texas, for flight school. Report to Fort Rucker for flight school.  Re-assigned to what was called USARV," which was the generic [term], was United States Army Republic of Vietnam, which we called USARV, which was just a generic assignment.  ... Once you got to Vietnam, they put you in your particular unit.  So, I got my orders in December. SH:  You knew from that first set of orders where you would be going eventually. JP:  I knew I would be going to school, my schooling, and I knew I'd be assigned to Vietnam.  I just didn't know exactly where I'd wind up once I got to Vietnam. SH:  I did not realize that.  I thought you just went from school to school.  JP:  No. SH:  You knew right away. JP:  Yes, well, because I was [in] the flight program and ... that was the deal.  You'd go right from your officer basic to your [flight training].  Flight school was split then--four months at Fort Wolters, four months at Fort Rucker. SH:  How difficult was the transition from flying as a civilian to flying in the military? JP:  Well, actually, ninety-five percent of the people who went to flight school did not have prior flight instruction. So, it gave me a little edge, I think.  I mean, the ground school was [easy].  I had already ... learned about navigation, certain things that you learned that I already had, having a leg up on it.  ... I was actually an honor graduate from flight school.  I think I was second or third in my class, ... you know, not because I was anything great, but because I had the advantage over a lot of them. PL:  Did flight school prepare you well for your transition to rotary-wing aircraft? JP:  Well, flight school was all rotary-wing back then.  I don't know if that's what you mean.  PL:  Because you were a pilot on fixed-wing aircraft. JP:  I was, right.  I was fixed-wing ... in college, right, ... but Army training, at that point, all initial entry students went to rotary-wing--didn't always, wasn't always that way.  Before Vietnam, they went to fixed-wing training, fixed-wing school, or helicopter school, but, now, with the Vietnam War really going strong, everybody went to helicopter school. SH:  They did? JP:  Yes.  Fixed-wing became a secondary transition course, we called it.  Later on, if you were very lucky, you could get fixed-wing transition, but you had to go through helicopter school first. PL:  That is interesting. SH:  There are so many different types of aircraft.  JP:  Right. SH:  All of the pilots went for rotary-wing training before they flew fixed-wing aircraft. JP:  Starting with the Vietnam types.  ... Before, in the, maybe, ... [late] '50s and '60s, it might have been all, I'm not sure, fixed-wing school first and helicopter second, ... but, once Vietnam was really cooking, everybody went. Initial entry ... at flight school was all helicopter. SH:  What types of helicopters were you training on?  I know the technology for helicopters really changes in the 1960s.  JP:  The primary instructor school, [which] was at Fort Wolters, Texas, was one of two aircraft, TH-55 [Osage], which was a Hughes aircraft, or the other one was the OH-23 [Raven], I think it was.  So, there, those were the primary trainers.  Most of us were in the TH-55s, which was a really small [helicopter], almost like a mosquito, would be the best way to [put it]. SH:  It looked like the helicopter you would see on M*A*S*H, [a 1970 film and, later, television series (1972-1983), set in the Korean War]. JP:  Yes, right, right, okay, yes.  The TH-55 was upgraded, was a newer version, back then, of what was used in Korea, the 23 or the OH-13 [Sioux].  In fact, the OH-13s, which was what M*A*S*H was [using], were used in instrument training.  They still flew those back then, but only for instrument [training], the four weeks we took in instrument training.  So, flight school was divided into two parts, primary at Fort Wolters, and then, the secondary one at Fort Rucker, where we transitioned into the Hueys, which you think about [most often] in the Vietnam War, except for those four weeks of instrument training, which were OH-13s. SH:  How new were the Cobra gunships in comparison?  JP:  Cobras, I didn't see one until we got to Vietnam.  ... I think they were introduced around '68.  I think, I'm not a hundred percent sure, because I wasn't a Cobra pilot, but we had them in our unit.  Up until then, it was B model and C model gunships, Hueys, gunships.  [Editor's Note: The HU-1 Iroquois, later designated the UH-1 Iroquois, was nicknamed the "Huey."  As a utility helicopter, they were used for various tasks, including as gunships, by the US Army.  Introduced in 1967, the AH-1 Cobra, nicknamed the "Hueycobra," was used solely as a gunship.] SH:  While you were training, did you see other new technologies being introduced? JP:  Well, you wouldn't see anything at Fort Wolters.  That was all the little ones, but, at Fort Rucker, in those years, they were still flying some of the old and some of the new.  The Mohaves, CH-37s, I think they were, were there.  The Chinooks were there, which were a newer version of heavy lift.  They had the sky cranes [that] were there, the CH-54s, but most of the work was being done, when I got there, ... in Hueys, H model or D model Hueys, which was what we all trained in.  The other helicopters in Vietnam, the Cobras, the OH-6s, those were all transitions, after you graduated flight school.  Everybody, when I was there, went from the TH-55 into the Huey, okay.  ... After graduation from flight school, you could be [sent for additional training].  Most of us went to Vietnam.  A few guys got Chinook transitions here in the United States, but most everybody went to Vietnam, and then, if you were going to fly a Cobra or a Loach, which is what we called an OH-6, you would be transitioned or learn that in-country.  They called it a "transition." SH:  You actually would learn in Vietnam. JP:  Right, there's a school.  There was a Cobra school in Vung Tau, where we'd send the guys that wanted to be gun pilots who were maybe assigned to lift, or there's scouts who wanted to try Cobras.  We'd send a few of them to Vung Tau, where they would learn how to fly it in what we called an "in-country transition."  PL:  During flight school at Fort Rucker, did you notice any differences between the Army manual and what the instructors taught you? JP:  No.  It was pretty much done by, ... I'm trying to think of the word, ... like a lesson plan, and it was all pretty much done to script.  You went from the various phases--first, you transition into the actual aircraft, then, ... you do this instrument training for four weeks, and then, you do what we call a "tac X," or a tactical exercise, where you'd actually go out in the woods with the helicopters and do the stuff you would do in Vietnam.  ... They had certain side courses they taught us, like sling, how to do a sling load--how to pick something up with a helicopter and drop it--and all that kind of thing.  Night flying, we did.  SH:  Did you believe your training was adequate? JP:  It was good in the sense that I knew how to physically operate the aircraft, yes.  I could get right into a helicopter and fly it.  That part was not a problem.  The problem was the tactics.  Totally, it is hard to [train for]. You can't duplicate people shooting at you on a course.  You practice for various mechanical failures--engine failures, tail rotor failures.  There are all kinds of things that can happen, but you never really know how you'll react to it until it actually happens to you.  ... Then, there were low-level flying [missions], ... all the various things, tactics you use to avoid being shot, things like that, that ... you would learn, you'd pick up, from the older pilots.  The procedure was, you'd get over there, when you started to fly, you were a copilot.  The guy in the right seat--talking about a Huey now--the guy in the right seat was the copilot, the guy in the left seat was called an aircraft commander.  The aircraft commander ... was there, had more experience, obviously, than the copilot, and you would learn.  SH:  Was it difficult to transition from Rutgers to Army life? JP:  ... I liked it.  It was different, but I really liked it.  I liked going to Fort Benning.  I liked the training.  So, I didn't have a particular problem with it.  I mean, I knew what I was getting into pretty much. SH:  Were there any African-Americans training to become pilots? JP:  You know, it's funny, I don't [recall], never really paid attention.  ... There were, you know, some.  Again, I don't think it was in proportion to the society as a whole.  I mean, if the society was twenty percent, ... I don't know that that was necessarily reflected in the military.  Don't forget, the military then was different than today. Today, you have men and women serving [together on] almost every level, and, of course, it's much more integrated, I'd say.  I don't know if that's the right word.  Back then, during the Civil Rights Movement, one of the things I remember the politicians complaining about was that the draft affected minorities ... not as equal.  You know, if you were a college kid, you could get a deferment.  ... There were various [reasons].  So, they were always complaining that the draft was unfair because, at that time, I believe the Army was--there were more African-Americans, maybe, on the frontlines or in Vietnam than in the general population, so, they were bearing maybe a higher brunt of casualties.  Now, don't forget now, I was in aviation.  Aviation was a separate group, okay.  We didn't have that kind of racial makeup that they did maybe in the line units, in the ground units.  It was different.  I'm [not] saying this is right or wrong--it's just the way it was.  It was not done on purpose.  There was nobody trying to keep African-Americans out of flying.  I don't mean to imply that.  I'm just saying that's just the way it worked out at that time. PL:  You were commissioned as a second lieutenant and went to the officers' club.  JP:  Right. PL:  When you were in the officers' club, did you notice any racial tension between blacks and whites? JP:  There were no racial tensions in the Officer's Club stateside that I witnessed.  The only racial things that I noticed in Vietnam was that ... when we were off duty, okay, the African-American soldiers, if we went downtown, they had their own [places].  They would go to their own clubs and ... the bars, whatever I'm talking about.  I assume this was maybe similar throughout the country, but I can only talk about Phuoc Vinh, where I was stationed.  The rest of us went to other places.  That was not something that was forced.  In other words, they didn't say, "Whites Only," or, "Blacks [Only]," you know, no, no.  PL:  It was just a normal thing. JP:  ... They wanted to be with their [friends], you know, hang with their buddies, I guess, and we [did, too], you know.  So, it was not [forced].  There was ... nothing forced about it or deliberate or anything like that, that I could tell.  I mean, it was simply a matter of choice.  That's the way it [was]. SH:  Had you been dating anyone before you left for Vietnam? JP:  I had some girlfriends in college, but ... I wasn't [with] ... anybody, a steady girl or anything like that.  ... When I went to Fort Benning, I met a young lady who I married prior to going to Vietnam, and I'm still married to her forty-three years later--so, make out of that what you will.  [laughter] SH:  Was she from North Carolina? JP:  No, she was originally from Nebraska.  She was actually a "military brat," "Army brat."  ... Her father was an Army officer and he had retired at Fort Benning, Georgia, in the early '60s, and I got there in '68, I guess.  ... I met her at the officers' club and, then I ... left Fort Benning to go to Fort Wolters.  She came out later on and we got married in Texas while I was in flight school. SH:  I saw the date on your pre-interview survey and was curious as to how you met your wife.  JP:  Yes, she [was there], yes. SH:  In what ways did you prepare for your time in Vietnam?  At the time you are getting ready to go over, the war is escalating.  JP:  Yes.  I mean, I don't remember any [preparations].  I mean, again, when I went to Vietnam, a couple things had occurred in my life.  I had graduated college, I was an officer in the Army, I had a pilot's license and I had completed a year's training.  It wasn't like kids who were drafted when they were eighteen and, six months later, they were in Vietnam.  I was already--I won't say a man--I was on my way, you know.  I don't know that I'm grown up yet, [laughter] but I had started the process on my way to Vietnam.  So, I guess I'd want to say I was a little bit more stable than maybe the other, you know, younger soldiers, okay, who went over there.  ... I didn't do anything necessarily out of [the ordinary], extraordinary, to prepare myself, just the training, you know.  It was sort of ... a process, a training process. SH:  Where did your wife wait for you? JP:  She stayed with my parents the year I was over there and, when I came back, we left and went to Texas.  ... I spent another year in the Army after I got back.  SH:  I was going to say ... JP:  Yes, she was unhappy staying with my parents, [laughter] It was not her choice, but she survived, and so did I.  SH:  How were you transported to Vietnam? JP:  Okay, I took a commercial flight from Newark Airport to California--San Francisco, I want to say.  Where's the Golden Gate Bridge?  Is that San Francisco? SH:  Yes. JP:  Yes, okay, then, went to Travis Air Force Base.  ... We didn't fly military.  They had contract carriers, airlines that probably don't exist anymore, but they contracted with the government to do this, and so, it was, ... you know, like a cattle car type of thing, wasn't a military plane, was a civilian jet.  ... We flew from Travis Air Force Base to Hawaii, and then, from Hawaii, I think I went to--I'm not sure if it was Guam.  On the way over, I think it maybe was Kadena Air Force Base in Okinawa, and then, to Vietnam.  On the way back, it was Guam, maybe we flew to Guam, Andersen Air Force Base, and then, to Hawaii, and then, to San Francisco, back to Travis, and a commercial flight back to Newark. PL:  How were the accommodations on the plane? JP:  Nothing special, I mean, nothing bad, nothing special.  I remember, I mean, you're twenty-one, twenty-three years old--you know, it's fine. SH:  When you left Rutgers, did anyone in your class follow the same path as yourself? JP:  Well, I'm sure [others did].  Because I was commissioned after graduation and most of them were commissioned ... just prior to graduation, I was probably a little bit behind my classmates, but I did run into [a few].  ... One of the guys that was in the flight training program, he happened to be the quarterback of the Rutgers Football Team.  His name was Fred Eckert, back then--his name is still Fred Eckert, I'm sure.  [laughter] ... I was at a place in Saigon called Camp Alpha.  Camp Alpha was where you go when you were leaving the country to go on R&R, something like that.  ... You'd go there and you would get clean uniforms, you would get a shower, warm shower, and you would get your money, your military payment certificates, exchanged for "greenback" dollars, so [that] you could spend them out of the country.  ... While I was in the shower--it was me and another guy standing there naked--and I looked at him and he looked at me and we knew we knew each other.  ... Turns out he was Fred Eckert from Rutgers University, the captain of the football team.  Freddie, he ... actually joined the National Guard in New Jersey ... with me and I flew with him for a little while here in New Jersey.  Then, he worked for Xerox, and then, he got transferred up to New York and I haven't seen him in a while, but, so, yes, ... every once in a while, I'd run into some Rutgers guy in Vietnam.  I ran into a couple of them, you know.  I gave a couple of them rides in my helicopter.  It was purely by chance, but you would run into people.  PL:  On your résumé, it says that you went to jungle survival school. JP:  Yes.  When I went to Vietnam, ... I was an infantry officer.  The guys in the Air Cavalry troops, most of the officers were armor officers, okay.  So, ... my unit in Vietnam--the Air Cavalry troops--had a ground platoon.  We had what's called the Blue Platoon, or ground platoon, and they had entertained an idea of making me the Blue Platoon leader.  So, they sent me to this school in the Philippines called Jungle Survival School, run by an organization with the acronym FAETUPAC.  FAETUPAC means Fleet Airborne Electronic Training Unit, Pacific. It was a naval thing--no idea why they would run, FAETUPAC would run, the jungle survival school, but they did--and it was run by the Negrito Indians.  I don't know if you know anything about the Filipinos, but Negritos ... would be tantamount to Native Americans here.  They are a native people that live in the jungle and ... they ran the school.  It was only a three-day school.  You fly in ... SH:  Really? JP:  Yes.  I flew from Tan Son Nhat into Clark Air Force Base in the Philippines.  ... It's interesting, they took us by bus from Clark Air Force Base to Cubi Point Naval Air Station, which is on the other side of the Philippines, overlooks Subic Bay.  ... It was the bus ride like you see in a movie--narrow roads down a mountain.  You know, you could look outside the bus and you're looking [down].  Okay, it was ... SH:  Straight down. JP:  Yes.  It was a very interesting bus ride.  So, yes, I went there and I completed jungle survival school, wasn't that rigorous.  ... It sounds worse than it is.  It was just three days out in the woods, and they taught us how to survive in the jungle.  There's a lot of interesting things in the jungle you can live off of, and then, I went back to Vietnam. SH:  Was there anything you saw that frightened you? JP:  The one thing I remember is the bats in the morning.  The bats would return to their caves in the morning and they would cover the sky.  It would look black and you'd see the sky moving, you know, black, but it was the bats--scared the heck out of me.  SH:  You saw something else that was flying, besides you. JP:  Yes.  [laughter] PL:  Now, back to Vietnam. JP:  Okay. PL:  You said that you were a copilot before you became a pilot. JP:  Aircraft commander, yes. PL:  The older guys, what did they teach you? JP:  Well, you've got a couple of things.  You've got tactics.  In other words, for instance, above fifteen hundred feet AGL [above ground level], they couldn't hit you with small arms fire, thirty-caliber or below, okay.  So, you'd learn.  One of the things you wanted to learn, when you're dealing with terrain that is mountainous or has hills, you might be fifteen hundred feet above the ground, but, if you're flying next to a mountain, you may be only seven hundred feet from the ground to that mountainside.  ... You know, you really have to know where you are, and they taught you ... the lay of the land and how to navigate, because there were no [aids], the typical, traditional type of navigational aids that the pilots used, VORTACs [a radio navigation aid] and all kinds of radio equipment.  They didn't have those in the jungle.  You just simply ... flew what they called "dead reckoning."  In other words, you'd have to know where you started, where you were going and you would plan your course, ... but, over time, if you worked in the same area, you would know every creek, every river.  You'd know where you were, where they had the fire support bases out there.  You could ID them by their location and what they looked like.  So, it was just a learning experience on how to do things to stay alive. SH:  Describe the base you were on and its function.  Where was your base located? JP:  Phuoc Vinh was the headquarters of the First Air Cavalry Division back then.  First Air Cav had moved.  [It] was traditionally, you'd know from the movie We Were Soldiers, ... up in the Second, II Corps/I Corps area, in the northern part of South Vietnam, and then, ... just before I got there, in about February of '68, I believe, or '69, sorry, they moved them south into III Corps, which contained Saigon.  Anyway, we were about maybe thirty miles north of Saigon and Bien Hoa, Long Bin, and ... the town of Phuoc Vinh was division headquarters, okay, and we were there.  Our Air Cav troop was there, my squadron headquarters were there, and we had other troops.  One was at Quan Loi and one was at Tay Ninh.  So, that area of Vietnam that the First Cav operated in, we had our First [Squadron] of the Ninth [Cavalry] in all around it.  The base had an airstrip and it had--most of the division units were there--besides our Air Cav troop, an aerial rocket artillery [unit]; Blue Max was there; the division headquarters' aircraft were there; 11th Girl Scouts, 11th GS [General Support Aviation Company], was there. Basically, it was division headquarters. SH:  Where did you first land when you arrived in Vietnam? JP:  ... When I came in, the plane landed at Long Binh, which was there, was a complex--Saigon, Long Binh and Bien Hoa--and they were all pretty close together.  Long Binh is where the replacement company went.  The plane landed, as I remember, in Long Binh.  ... Yes, I'm trying to remember, but I'm pretty sure it was Long Binh. SH:  What was your first reaction to being in Vietnam? JP:  It was like a furnace.  Walking off an air-conditioned plane into the [air], it was like walking into a furnace.  It was a hundred-and-some-odd degrees.  Just what I remember, it was awful hot.  [laughter] PL:  You would think that jungle survival school would have prepared you for the climate. JP:  Well, that was after I got there.  She's talking about [when I first arrived], yes.  ... SH:  What was your first assignment?  Were you there as a replacement? JP:  Okay.  When I landed, we went to ... what they called a "repo-depot," the replacement [depot], okay, and we were there for a few days, a day, not long.  ... A few of us who got off that plane were assigned to the First Cavalry Division.  ... Then, we were assigned further down to the unit we would be in the First Cav.  That's when I found out I'd be in the First of the Ninth. SH:  Was everyone there a replacement for helicopter units? JP:  No, no.  It was just a mix of people, yes, officers, enlisted.  ... Well, there was three of us from that group ... that I know were helicopter pilots, that went to the First Cavalry Division.  We all went together.  So, once I was assigned to the First Cavalry Division, because, like I told you before, the First Cav had just moved recently from their base in An Khe, which is up in the northern part of South Vietnam, to Phuoc Vinh, they had something called "charm school."  "Charm school" was sort of like a three-day indoctrination course that the division gave to its newly assigned members.  So, we went from Long Binh, we flew up to An Khe [and] spent three days up at An Khe, at "charm school." SH:  Tell me about "charm school."  [laughter] JP:  Oh, I remember getting familiar with the weapons, familiarization [with them].  There wasn't much because I don't remember that much.  SH:  This was all officers. JP:  Yes.  I don't know if the enlisted guys went up there, too.  They probably did, but I don't remember.  ... So, it was only a couple of days.  ... Then, we went back down to the airfield at An Khe and they flew me back to Phuoc Vinh, which is where I landed, at Phuoc Vinh, and then, they sent a jeep down to pick me up and that's when I first reported to my actual unit.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] SH:  Go ahead. PL:  The Army has strict protocols for officers in terms of their dress.  When you went to Vietnam, were these rules relaxed? JP:  Well, the answer is, you'd wear a flight suit.  It was a Nomex flight suit and you wore it for safety reasons, because it was flame-retardant.  So, when we flew, you know, we wore the two-piece.  ... In the old days, when I was in flight school, they had the old gray flight suits, like you might think about, with the zipper on the bottom, zipper on the top.  It was a one-piece flight suit, okay, wasn't very fire-retardant.  ... By that time, the Army had--we were using what they called Nomex, which was a type of material that was ... flame-retardant.  It was a two-piece thing that was Army green and you wore your name tags and your patch, or whatever.  ... Then, you had gloves you wore, when you flew.  You wore flight gloves to keep your hands [safe].  In case you were on fire, your hands wouldn't burn, and then, you'd also wear [a helmet].  ... We had regular, the old-style helmets for a time, and then, we got these new, better, soundproof and bulletproof, bullet-resistant, helmets in.  So, off-duty, ... most of the pilots, all of us, you know, ... were walking around in our flight suits or, you know, some form of civilian thing, you know--shorts, t-shirts, maybe no t-shirt.  ... I've got pictures of it here, but, anyway, go ahead.  I was trying to describe it. PL:  I am sure the flight suits were very warm. JP:  Yes, but, when you flew, for every thousand feet above ground level, you'd lose two degrees centigrade.  So, as you gained altitude, you got cooler, plus, the fact ... you had the doors open and the windows open, you could fly the helicopter out of trim and it would create a nice breeze through the helicopter.  There are ways to defeat the heat.  [laughter] SH:  Talk about a typical day in your unit. JP:  Typical day, ... it was the day [that] would start at night.  We'd go down to the tactical operations center and they'd give us a briefing of the next day's mission.  Then, we would carry that information, the leaders, the platoon leaders, whatever, the commanders, the people ... who are leading the whatever mission, would get the briefing from the CO or the intelligence type, whatever, whoever was doing the briefing at night.  Then, we'd go back to where we lived and we would give that information to the guys that were going to fly the mission and we'd get up in the morning and, whatever the mission was, we'd go and execute the mission. SH:  Were the quarters where you lived called a hooch? JP:  ... Yes, it was a hooch. SH:  Was it already built? JP:  Yes, it was a wooden frame building with a screen, sort of like a screen, a summer porch house, it would have been, you know, here.  You know, it's a wood frame with screens around it. SH:  How often was there incoming fire? JP:  Yes, we got rocketed and mortared pretty regular, I would say.  We had, in my room, when I finally got my own room--I didn't have my own room for the first couple months, until we had some casualties and some guys left, so that I ... was able to get my own room--and then, ... I built a bunker in my room.  In other words, [I] sandbagged this thing up and I put a piece of wood there.  I had a roommate.  ... He slept on the bottom, I slept on this piece of wood.  Then, we built the sandbags up higher.  Then, we put a piece of steel [on top], plate steel we got somewhere, so that if something came right through the roof, we'd have a chance of surviving.  ... SH:  What did you do for fresh air?  It is hot and you have all these sandbags around you. JP:  You know, you get used to the heat.  You get what they called--the word, actually, is "acclimatized," [laughter] was the word they used.  So, yes, ... you know, it wasn't that bad, I mean.  At night, actually, it could get cold, a little cooler.  It's not the desert. SH:  Where would you go for recreation?  Was there an officers' club? JP:  There's an officers' club.  ... Of course, we had our helicopters.  If we weren't [on duty], if we could get a helicopter and we weren't having a mission, we could fly [on our own].  We used to fly to a place called Lai Khe, because they had something that looked like a Dairy Queen right off the airfield.  We could stop and get an ice cream.  We could fly down to Bien Hoa, ... to the officers' club.  They had nice officers' clubs, and [the] Air Force had better facilities.  So, yes, we had ways of [relaxing].  ... In Saigon, they had something called--the helicopter pad there was called "Hotel Three."  It was off the Tan Son Nhat Airbase, was a separate part, and you could land there.  They had a big PX there.  They had the Air Force officers' club there.  I mean, we didn't get to do that a lot, but you could, from time to time.  We used to fly down to Vung Tau, when we could get away.  Vung Tau, ... you know, it was like the Jersey Shore, would be the best way to put it. SH:  Really? JP:  Yes, it was "The Jersey Shore of Vietnam," and all the various embassies of the countries there, ... it was right on the ocean and they had beachfront homes there, and so, it was sort of like a "Down the Shore" type place we could go.  [laughter] Not very often, but, once in a while, you could get down there. PL:  In your Air Cav unit, I understand you worked with the 75th Rangers. JP:  Yes.  Every division in Vietnam had a Ranger company assigned to it.  It's not like today, where you have actual Ranger units, okay.  ... This unit was commanded by a captain and they had three or four, we called them LRRP lieutenants.  LRRP means long-range reconnaissance patrol, okay, and what they were, they were configured, they would go out on a team, maybe four, maybe five, depending [on the mission], okay, and they'd have an area to recon, and then, ... our unit was responsible [for them].  What I would do is, I would take the team leader and one of these LRRP lieutenants out and we'd go over the area that they were going to be working in and we'd look over the area from the air.  ... Then, we'd pick out a landing zone.  Sometimes, we'd pick out two or three, and I'll tell you why in a minute.  Then, we'd go back, and then, they would do whatever they did, and then, we'd execute the mission, maybe in the next day or two.  We wouldn't do it right away.  You wouldn't want to recon something, and then, [attack], because, if there were bad guys out there, they'd know you were coming.  ... Whatever the ... timing was, two or three days later, we'd go out and insert the team.  ... One of the things we would do is, we'd pick out maybe two or three landing sites and we would land in all three of them, but, ... obviously, the Ranger team would only get off in one, so that they couldn't really tell, you know.  It was a little confusing to the bad guys.  ... Yes, that was our responsibility, was putting these guys [in], reconning for them, to find out where we could put them in, in whatever area they were going to work.  If they got into contact, we'd have to go out and rescue them, because four, five guys, they didn't have a lot.  You know, they couldn't sustain a combat operation night and day.  We pulled them out at night.  We pulled them out during the day if they got into contact with the enemy, or [at] the end of the tour.  ... The mission was usually three or four days of reconnaissance.  They'd go out there and they'd monitor trails.  They'd sneak around--maybe they'd find documents, maybe they'd shoot a guy and they'd take stuff, or whatever it was.  One time they had a prisoner.  We went out and got them.  They had a POW.  That was rare, but I did fly a mission where they had an enemy soldier they had taken, and that's how they operated. SH:  Was this a typical mission?  What was a typical mission like for you? JP:  Well, we had responsibility for the Rangers.  Our primary responsibility was moving our own infantry platoon. I was the lift platoon leader after a while.  SH:  What is a lift platoon leader? JP:  ... All Air Cavalry troops were configured, in Vietnam, pretty much the same.  You had the gun platoon, which was either your Charlie or Mike model gunships, or, later on, the Cobras, you had the scout platoon, which was the OH-6--we called them Loaches, was a scout aircraft--and you had the Huey section, which was six Hueys we had, and then, you had this ground platoon, okay.  ... What would happen is, the scout birds and the gunship would go out on a team called a "Pink Team," and they would go out, and then, if they found something, like if they discovered a bunker complex or they shot some guys up, then, we would decide whether or not to put the infantry guys in to develop the situation.  So, if we were going to put in these [men], our own infantry--it was only a platoon of guys--then, that would be our responsibility, to fly them into the LZ, put them in, and they, generally, typically, would not stay overnight.  ... We put them in, they'd [do] whatever they did, you know, do whatever the mission was, and we'd pull them out. SH:  You would have to go back and get them. JP:  Right.  ... Well, the way it was worked is, we were based at Phuoc Vinh, but our Charlie Troop, my unit's area of operation, was up in the Song [Nga] Bay area, which was maybe fifteen, twenty miles north of Phuoc Vinh.  So, what we would do is, we would take the Blue Platoon and the lift section and we'd fly up to the other base, ... early in the morning, and we'd just sit there and wait.  ... What we would be doing is waiting in case the scout [element], the teams that were ... doing the reconnaissance, would find something or more.  A lot of times, too, they were shot down.  A scout ship would be shot down and we were the rescue, you know, the ready reaction force.  [At] that point, we would simply get on the helicopter, take them out there and go right into the crash site and try to save the crews and get the aircraft out of whatever we were doing.  So, that was our primary mission, was our own guys. Secondary mission was the Rangers.  Tertiary mission, I would say, would be the sniffer missions we talked about, and I also had a lot of special missions.  I ran gas missions a few times.  A gas mission is [when] we'd take a fifty-five-gallon drum of CN [phenacyl chloride]--CN is a tear gas, but there's two kinds of tear gas, CS [2-chlorobenzalmalononitrile], CN.  CS is the kind of stuff the police use, where ... it doesn't hurt you.  You cry and it hurts your eyes, but it doesn't [incapacitate you].  CN is real nasty stuff.  It's a persistent agent.  It's really, really, really bad tear gas.  It's not lethal, but it's awful stuff, and we would take it and put it in a fifty-five-gallon drum with an explosive inside it, and then, I would sling load it beneath my helicopter.  ... We'd have a gunship with us.  We'd find a tree line that looked promising, where we might think the bad guys are, and ... I'd punch it off and drop this thing like a bomb into the trees, tree line.  ... Then, the Cobra, after a few minutes, would go in and shoot up the area, just in case any guy was running around or anything like that.  I didn't do that very much.  ... I think it was more experimental than a common mission.  I also had a mission [where] we put the dogs in.  The tracking dogs, we had [them]--they were at Phuoc Vinh with us--and, once [in a while], not a lot, but we'd take the black labs [Labrador retrievers] in, and they had a special [designation], like the Rangers.  It was their own unit, the reconnaissance dogs.  ... We would insert them every now and then, and would do special missions.  I did a recovery of an Air Force jet that had crashed and we put an Air Force team in there to see [the crash], to recover the remains, whatever.  It was right in the middle of the jungle.  They couldn't get in any other way, so, we had to put them in [with] ropes, you know.  SH:  Really? JP:  Yes, we called it McGuire rigging, rappelling in, where they rappel in, and then, ... when we pulled them out, that rope's called a McGuire rig.  I don't know where that name [comes from].  Anyway, we'd McGuire rig them out, pull them out of the jungle, and leave them underneath that helicopter and flying them back to where we could land them.  Yes, I've done that any number of times.  I did a mission where the Cambodians were complaining to the American Government that Agent Orange was drifting over Vietnam and into Cambodia and destroying their crops.  So, they sent these guys from Washington out and I had to take them in my helicopter with a pair of special binoculars, gyroscopically-controlled binoculars.  ... I flew them up along the Cambodian-Vietnam border and they were just looking to see if that ... in fact had happened.  We got a lot of special missions. PL:  What was it like to fly at night in Vietnam? JP:  Flying at night; ... we didn't have NVG, which means night vision goggles.  ... You had to ... pay attention all the time.  It was difficult at best.  We did it a lot.  It was dangerous.  SH:  Do you remember the first time you came under enemy fire? JP:  Well, the first, my first mission, one of my first missions, we were putting in the "Blues," [Blue Platoon], I guess. I'm trying to remember--I was in the right seat, okay.  ... Most helicopters you see in the pictures, the crew chief and the door gunner are sitting in the back of the helicopter with their machine-guns in the back.  This particular helicopter, the crew chief and the door gunner had moved the machine-guns to right behind the copilot and the pilot.  They were sitting right behind us.  Okay, I was on the right, [the] aircraft commander on the left, the crew chief and the door gunners were right behind us.  ... They had their M60s [machine guns] on a bungee cord, which is like a stretchy cord.  ... For some reason, they had rigged it that way this day, and we were going into this LZ and I was the new guy--I wasn't flying, I was just sitting there, didn't know what was going on.  ... The gunships were firing rockets into the LZ, to prep the LZ, and next thing I know [is] that they said, "We're going in hot," which meant that the machine-gunners would open up.  ... These guys were firing ... their machine-guns, but they were right behind us and the hot brass--the ejected rounds coming out of the machine-[gun]--were banging on my helmet, going down my flight suit.  I was scared.  [laughter] I didn't know what [was happening].  I don't know how scared I was.  I didn't know what the hell was going on at that point.  I mean, it was nerve-wracking, but, yes, that was the first time.  I was pretty lucky.  I mean, I didn't really [get hurt].  I crashed a couple times, due to the combat situation, not necessarily being shot down.  I got caught in weather a lot at night.  ... SH:  Please, elaborate. JP:  They had a LRRP team in contact.  It was at night.  It was a rainy night and ... nobody was flying, because the weather was so bad.  ... We couldn't fly instruments over there, because ... our helicopters didn't have the proper instrumentation.  Anyway, I remember, for some reason, the LRRP lieutenant came into the club, and I was not inebriated at the time, for whatever reason.  Most everybody else was, because they knew we weren't going to be flying, and he peeked [in] and he got me and we went down to the commanding officer of my unit.  He never frequented the club, so, he wasn't drinking.  So, he and I and a crew went out to find these Rangers.  ... We got out there--and it was monsoon season and the monsoons are like rainstorms, intermittent rainstorms--and they were in and out and we were having problems.  We couldn't fly in it.  We'd get caught in weather.  ... The Commander was flying and we had a flare ship out there to light the area up and the flare went off and we were [going down].  He had vertigo.  He was going right into the ground when I pulled it out, just before we went into the ground.  Finally, we pulled these guys up out of the jungle, on those McGuire rigs, okay, but we couldn't land anywhere.  We were out in the middle of nowhere.  So, they were hanging beneath my helicopter and we were flying them back to Phuoc Vinh and we got caught in another rainstorm and the flare ship dropped a flare.  ... They didn't see us, we didn't see them, and it went off almost right in front of us.  We were blinded for a while, for a few seconds, but we managed to get them back in one piece.  ... So, yes, it was exciting.  [laughter] SH:  Are there any other missions that stand out? JP:  That one, I think, was one of my most [memorable], was the most dangerous, had the most potential, I think, for catastrophe written all over it, yes.  Can you imagine ... if we'd have run into that flare ship?  We would have lost our aircraft, the flare ship aircraft and those six guys that were hanging underneath me.  ... I had the four guys in my helicopter, I had the LRRP lieutenant, who was talking to the guys on the ground with his radio--he was the guy controlling the guys on the ground.  He was in my aircraft.  I mean, it would have been pretty bad.  This LRRP lieutenant that was onboard went on to medical school when he returned home.  He served as a doctor in the Army--stayed in and retired. SH:  There was a heated, ongoing political debate regarding our participation in the war while you were in Vietnam.  Was it possible for you to stay neutral? JP:  Well, I mean, you don't lose your opinion just because you're in the Army.  I can remember sitting, talking to some of the other guys and saying, you know, "Jesus, if we were to wall this country off, bulldoze everything, ... you know, what would we accomplish?"  I mean, in Vietnam there were no significant resources.  The only thing there was the Michelin rubber plantation.  [Editor's Note: Michelin, a French company best known for their rubber products, operated rubber plantations in Indochina when the region was still a French colony.]  I don't think we had a shortage of tires.  There was no silver.  I mean there was nothing that you'd normally [fight over].  It was a war over an idea, ... of stopping Communism.  ... It's not like you were fighting [for resources].  We didn't need the bases, we didn't need ... any of the things that was produced in that country.  It wasn't, you know, like that.  So, it was, you know, a war--we look at it as a war against Communism.  ... I mean, I can't speak for everybody over there.  I believed in what we were doing, most pilots did.  I had no problem with it.  Korea is a good example. Contrast the communist North to the free South. SH:  I wanted to ask about that.  JP:  Yes. SH:  Do you think other people felt as you did towards the war? JP:  The overwhelming majority.  ... The people who liked it the least were the draftees.  I mean, kids today don't understand what it means to be forced into military service.  They don't have that frame of reference anymore.  ... To my mind, the best thing that happened out of Vietnam was the advent of the all-volunteer Army, okay, because that's why there's no large anti-war movement in this country today.  You always had anti-war people in this country.  ... Starting with the Tories [during the American Revolution] and working your way forward, there was always people who didn't like war, okay, but, back in the Vietnam days, when you added in ... the draft, now, ... you could go to any college campus, you send an activist, and you could get yourself an army of students going, like Kent State, for instance.  [Editor's Note: Mr. Pressman is alluding to the May 4, 1970 Kent State shootings, in which members of the Ohio National Guard killed four students and wounded nine others.]  ... Then, you had your parents, the parents of all the [potential draftees].  I mean, you had an enormous reservoir to work with for anti-war activities out of the Vietnam War because of the draft.  Take away the draft and, now, you have parents whose kids don't have to serve if they don't want to, and the kids in college, their primary concern is their next beer, not the next life.  [laughter] I mean, so, the anti-war movement, I think, has been toned down significantly, although, I mean, you still have the people.  There's no question about it, but ... you don't see revolutions on college campuses anymore or people in the streets or taking over a building, all that business that happened ... during the Vietnam War, because there's no draft.  I think that's a good thing. SH:  While you were in Vietnam, did you hear about anti-war activities occurring in the United States? JP:  Oh, you know, you would hear about it.  [You would] be so busy, you know.  You're so busy doing your job and trying to stay alive that ... SH:  Do you recall media coverage of the war? JP:  Yes.  ... I don't remember anybody ever [visiting us], you know, any kind of press coming to [our base], when I was there, anyway, doing any kind of thing like that.  I mean, ... Bob Hope was there.  I didn't get to see him, but some of our guys got to see him.  He was close by.  Tarzan came to our unit and rappelled out of one [of] our [helicopters].  Ron Ely, I think, was Tarzan at the time, and he came to our unit and we let him rappel out of one of our helicopters.  [laughter] SH:  Were you involved with any PR in your unit? JP:  ... The First Cavalry Division had their own [press].  We had our own newspaper, you know, called The Cavalier.  ... It was always, you know, positive press, obviously because it was coming out of the military.  ... Again, I mean, ... our unit, a helicopter unit, like ours, was mostly officers--there are enlisted--and most everybody in our unit were volunteers.  Even if you were drafted as an enlisted man, if you wanted to come to our unit, you had to volunteer to be a crew chief or a door gunner, okay.  ... Some were assigned, you know, out of the pool, but most, a lot of guys, came over from other units, so that they even [chose that]. SH:  Really? JP:  Yes.  So, we didn't have a lot of problems--you know, anti-war--within our own units, problems like that. Most of the guys were [good], and you really had to be up on it.  If you're [in] aviation, between maintenance and everything that was going on you had to really do your job, if you wanted to stay alive. PL:  How was the mail service while you were in Vietnam? JP:  ... We got mail pretty regular.  It was no problem.  ... It was free.  You could mail [for free].  ... I don't know if you knew that--anybody ever tell you that?  You could mail [for free].  ... Instead of a stamp, you would write your APO number on where the stamp would go and you'd put it in the mailbox.  We had ... a mailroom and we could mail stuff home for free. PL:  Was there any censorship of the mail? JP:  No, not that I know of.  I have all my [letters].  My wife saved all her letters from me--nothing was censored. A lot of what we did was--I mean, I know it sounds arcane to people, you know, kids today, with their e-mails and cell phones [laughter]--we used to do reel-to-reel tapes.  You would tape ... SH:  Right. JP:  And then, you would mail the tape home and they would [play it], you know, and so, ... I've saved all of those, too.  So, yes, ... it's sort of a historical record, but, yes, that's how we communicated.  I think I phoned home maybe two or three times.  You had to go to Saigon.  ... It was a USO office and was like a radio phone.  ... Maybe two or three times, I was able to get there to call home, but it was all done with letters and those tape recorders, reel-to-reel tape recorders. SH:  I do remember them well. JP:  Yes.  [laughter] PL:  I remember the cassette tapes. SH:  Were there soldiers who could not make the adjustment from civilian to Army life? JP:  Well, I mean, ... always, in any situation, you'd have some problems with some enlisted men.  You had drugs, not a lot, but you'd [have some].   SH:  Were drugs a problem? JP:  Not as bad as probably in some of the other units, because, when you're in a flight unit, drugs are--[laughter] you know, you didn't want to be flying or doing maintenance and doing the things that would kill you while you were under the influence of something, ... but they were there.  They were. SH:  Because your life depends on the maintenance crew.  JP:  Yes, yes, making sure that the aircraft is [in top condition].  I mean, it's bad enough people are trying to shoot you down--you didn't want something to fall off, you know, because of poor maintenance.  ... We had a guy; ... the enlisted guys were [playing a game].  We had an incident where they were playing quick draw, and the guy drew his pistol, a forty-five-caliber pistol, and cocked it.  ... They were playing and he put it back in the holster, forgot he had it cocked, and, the next time he drew it, it went off, shot one of our guys.  ... I remember, when we went down to the hospital to see him--he had to be medivaced--he was shot in the abdomen.  ... The bullet went around inside him and tore up his diaphragm and hit his spine, and so, ... he was really messed up.  So, we went down to see this kid.  So, you have incidents like that.  We didn't really have--I mean, they talked about things like "fragging" [the killing of officers by their own men] in Vietnam, you know.  We never had incidents like that.  ... We worked well. We were close-knit.  We flew together.  When we weren't flying, we hung around the airplane together.  We ate together; ... when we were in the field, not back at the base.  So, we were sort of, like, a little mini-fraternity, would be the best way to put it, and officer, enlisted--once you were out there flying, it didn't really [matter].  We didn't have any kind of serious, serious problems with draftees and people trying to hurt officers or stuff like that, not in that unit. SH:  Did you have a call sign or nickname? JP:  I had my call [sign].  My official call sign was "Cavalier 3-9," was my call sign.  I had two other, nicknames, call signs, I'd guess you'd call it.  One was "Cavalier Jungle," because, when I first got to Vietnam, I was in the [ground platoon], on the ground for about four or five weeks, learning to be the platoon leader.  I went to jungle survival school, so, they called me "Cavalier Jungle," and the other one was "Cavalier Jew," because there was very few Jewish guys over there.  I was, like, the only one.  [laughter] So, they would use that, not a lot, but, yes, that was ... my two nicknames, "Cavalier Jungle" and "Cavalier Jew," and my call sign actually was "Cavalier 3-9." SH:  Why did you switch roles in your unit?  JP:  Well, yes, well, what happened was, we had taken some casualties and they needed pilots.  So, they put me back in the cockpit and they assigned somebody else to do that job.  So, they needed me more as a pilot. Actually, when I went over there, ... I had a medical grounding.  I couldn't fly for, like, four or five weeks, and when I got off the medical grounding, they needed pilots, because they had lost some pilots--either some went home, some were killed, whatever.  ... They put me into a cockpit. SH:  How long did it take you to become an aircraft commander? JP:  Oh, not exactly sure, but I want to say three months, maybe.  I can remember exactly how it happened.  We were sitting in our hooch and we had a downed [aircraft].  Somebody crashed and we were running.  Somebody crashed, one of our guys.  We were the ready reaction force to rescue them, like I said.  So, they ring a bell.  Each hooch had a bell in it, and the guy in the headquarters, in the tactical operations center, would ring the bell and we'd all just ... run to our airplanes, get in it, take off, and then, ... they'd tell us where to go and where to pick up [survivors], where the crash was, or whatever.  ... I remember running down to the helicopter and ... I wasn't the section leader then, I was just a copilot.  The guy says to me, my platoon leader said to me, "We're out of aircraft commanders.  You're now an aircraft commander."  So, I was promoted on the run and, from that day forward, I flew in the left seat.  [laughter] That's true.  SH:  How often did you have to rescue downed aircraft?  JP:  It was frequent, I would say.  I mean, we lost [many aircraft], because of the nature of the work--the scout pilots.  It wasn't always somebody being shot down, or, sometimes, people crashed, you know, made a mistake, crashed, could be any number of things, but it was [on a] fairly regular basis, yes--not every day, but we took some significant loses over time. SH:  As you became more experienced, did you try to pass what you learned on to the new members of your unit? JP:  Well, yes, when I became an aircraft commander, I would fly with a copilot and I would teach him.  ... In August of '69, a new guy came in, and I had acquired my own room, like I talked about.  This guy came in and he lived with me as my roommate ... until I left, the following March.  It was August, I left in March the next year.  ... He and I became really good friends, and stayed friends for the rest of our lives.  He recently died.  [As a] matter-of-fact, ... two weeks ago, he was buried in Arlington--full military honors--he and another guy from my unit.  They were buried on the same day.  So, that's why I couldn't come in before, because I was down at Arlington. SH:  You had said you were down in Arlington. JP:  Yes, ... that was my roommate, and he had gotten pancreatic cancer, fought it for a year, but didn't survive. PL:  How close was the relationship between the flight crew and the mechanics? JP:  Well, it was close, because our mission, a lot of our missions, required that.  For instance, on a single-ship mission, if you were going into a very small LZ, landing zone, okay, what would happen is, once we'd get close to the ground, the crew chief and the door gunner might either get on their bellies and lean out the aircraft, or at least hang out the window, and ... talk to you about, you know, "Move your tail to the left," ... because you'd almost, similarly, like, screw yourself into this LZ, because ... we were working, always, in tight spaces.  ... The Rangers would always be in a little clearing, or whatever.  It was always tight, and so, yes, we really worked well together, and we had very little, you know, problems with these guys.  We'd all get along.  It was not as formal, maybe, as maybe some other kind of unit. SH:  While you were in Vietnam, was it safe to visit Saigon? JP:  It was safe.  This was after Tet of '68.  [Editor's Note: The Tet Offensive of 1968, in which every major city in South Vietnam was attacked by the Vietcong, is seen as the point when American public opinion began turning against the war.]  I remember taking a jeep ride from Bien Hoa to Saigon, going over the Newport Bridge. Newport Bridge was--anybody who was over there in that area knows what the Newport Bridge was.  Later on, at the end of the war, ... on TV, you could see the NVA [North Vietnamese Army] tanks coming over the Newport Bridge, okay, but, anyway, I remember driving down there to Saigon in a jeep.  I ... forget what I was doing, ... or we'd fly in, and you could carry your weapon, but you didn't really need it.  It was like any big town.  It was pretty, you know, hustle-bustle.  ... They called Saigon "The Paris of the Orient."  It was hustle-bustle, but it was all Vietnamese style--no incidents that I [recall], when I was in town, about any kind of fragging or booby-traps, anything like that.  It was fairly safe.  I remember that.  SH:  Were you always armed? JP:  Yes.  Well, "armed," if you want to call a thirty-eight-caliber pistol being armed.  [laughter] SH:  That is true. JP:  I don't know if that qualifies, but, yes. SH:  Were there any inspections of your unit? JP:  Well, you had typical military inspections.  CMMI [Command Maintenance Management Inspection] was one of them, called a command maintenance inspection, something, where somebody from the division would come in and look at you, you know--yes, nothing.  They made us clean up our rooms every now and then, [laughter] ... but nothing significant in that area. SH:  Did your father-in-law give you any advice? JP:  My father-in-law? no, not really.  SH:  Because of his military service.  JP:  No, except he did tell me not to try to be a hero. SH:  He was in World War II and Korea. JP:  ... Yes, he was in World War II and Korea.  He was an engineer officer.  ... It's funny--he had built the airfields at Fort Wolters and Fort Rucker.  ... So, when I married my wife, we ... sort of went back in her childhood, because she had lived at Fort Wolters when she was a child.  We went there.  She'd lived at Fort Rucker when she was a child and we went there.  ... So, yes, it was interesting, but he, interesting, ... was on Eniwetok Island.  I don't know if you know what Eniwetok was or not.  ... I think that's where they did nuclear tests, A-bomb tests.  ... He had contracted cancer very young, at fifty-seven, I think it was, ... and passed away, and so, we don't know if that was the cause, but we've always suspected.  He was all over the Pacific in WWII--Philippines, Okinawa, and other places.  He spend a year in Korea, also.  He was a great guy and a self-made man--LTC Kenneth N. Holmberg. SH:  They did not know about the effects of radiation.  JP:  Yes, yes.  ... SH:  Were you aware of the dangers of Agent Orange?  You had mentioned previously that the Cambodians had lodged complaints about it.  JP:  We didn't know that it was dangerous, that [it] caused the health problems that they discovered years later. We knew it was nasty stuff because ... it was a chemical that killed.  [laughter] I mean, you didn't have to extrapolate too far to know if it would kill living things, you know, if you want to count yourself as a living thing, but ... we didn't realize the consequences of it, I don't think.  I've seen it employed.  I saw the Air Force, you know, put it in.  They used to drop it from C-123s [Provider], I think, and you would see the stuff coming out the back. When it came out, though, I don't know whether they called it Agent Orange or it looked orangey when it came out of the airplane.  ... I remember seeing it employed and I've seen the effects of it. SH:  Really? JP:  Yes, but, I mean, the effects on the vegetation, not on human beings, but we didn't really know it was a carcinogen until, you know, later on. SH:  As a pilot, were there some tactics that you employed that you feel may have been ineffective at the time? JP:  No.  Everything we did was tried and true, you know.  We knew exactly what to do to decrease the possibility of being shot out of the air, you know. SH:  Did you have to report body counts? JP:  I'll tell you an interesting story.  When I first reported to the First of the Ninth, we--myself and the two other guys that were assigned--went to the squadron commander's office, not my troop commander, the guy that--the squadron commander--that was the next higher headquarters.  ... His name was Colonel Peterson.  He was a strange individual, as I remember, but he said to us, the three of us, that, "Here in the First of the Ninth, we don't give a body count unless we can land our helicopters, get out and step on their heads," which caught my interest, as a new guy.  Body counts were obviously exaggerated over there, but it wasn't necessarily.  We were never told to exaggerate that kind of thing.  We pretty much reported the truth.  Because we were a reconnaissance unit, it was critical that we reported what we saw and not what we'd like.  ... Now, once it ... went from squadron up to the division, whether or not somebody was padding their résumé, I couldn't answer that.  I'd hope not, but you don't know, but we didn't pad our résumés by body counts--at least, you know, it didn't [seem to be the case], not that I ever knew of.  SH:  Did your feelings change towards President Johnson now that he was your Commander-in-Chief? JP:  I'll tell you, one of the things that changed [the war in] Vietnam, as far as I was concerned, was the My Lai Massacre, okay.  [Editor's Note: On March 16, 1968, hundreds of unarmed civilians were murdered by US Army soldiers in the Americal Division, an event that, when made public over one year later, turned public opinion against the war.] SH:  You heard about what happened right away. JP:  Yes.  We--let's see, how can I put this?  I had an incident after the My Lai Massacre.  The word got out and all that, because it happened before I was there, but it took awhile before it broke in the news.  ... We had an incident where a Ranger team had come in off a patrol and ... they were talking about mutilating a body.  The guy was already dead, a dead soldier.  They had mutilated it, cut off a body part--maybe an ear--you know, as sending a message.  The word went up the chain of command and I was randomly pulled out of the line with another guy, and we had to fly back to that area.  This was a hot area, and they wanted to find the body, to see if it was [mutilated, that it] actually happened, and then, they were going to prosecute these guys for mutilation of a body.  ... What happened was, I had MPs on the airplane with me, I had CID, which was--CID is a military version of the FBI, I guess would be the best way of [putting it], Criminal Investigation Division.  These were the detectives and we had some of them on the airplane.  We went back in.  ... I remember it because, that particular mission, ... my aircraft crashed on that mission.  We were going back into this same LZ that we pulled them out of, and it really wasn't a two-ship LZ, but, when I came over the LZ, there was a guy right behind, another helicopter right behind me.  ... I knew if I didn't do something, he was going to fly right into me.  So, I moved up to the front and I ran out of power before ... I landed and hit the ground.  ... It broke the skid, it punched its chin bubbles out, whatever, but the other guy got in okay.  So, I was able to fly it out, and then, later on, land it.  ... The body had [been removed]. The NVA didn't leave bodies laying around.  They pulled them out.  They pulled him away and buried him.  So, they could never find that body.  So, nothing was made of it, but I just thought it was interesting that they would take me out of the line--away from my regular missions--to go back there to see if [the body was mutilated, because] somebody said something.  I mean, it was a total waste if time and effort.  Before, nobody would have done anything, nobody would have cared.  Now, everybody was sensitized to atrocities, if you want to call it that. To me, doing something to a dead body is not necessarily an atrocity.  If he was alive, yes, ... you'd have a problem.  ... So, yes, the My Lai event changed things. [TAPE PAUSED] SH:  This is interesting. JP:  [laughter] That's what my wife would say, anyway; go ahead. SH:  Did you have any personal interactions with the South Vietnamese population? JP:  Okay, ... on our base, we did not have what were called "hooch maids," okay.  Some of the people, a lot of them, maybe, had women that worked on their base that would do the laundry, that would live--actually, sometimes, would live right in there--and they'd shine your shoes, they'd do a lot of things, but we had a civilian workforce there that did things like fill sandbags.  We had laundry service.  We sent it out and it came back.  ... I don't know exactly where it went, ... and they would do that.  ... For a time, we were allowed to go downtown after [duty], if we weren't working.  Downtown, they had bars, restaurants of sorts, and they had a market down there where you could buy food, French bread, different things.  It was dirt roads.  It was, you know, not what you'd think of as a town today, but it was Vietnamese.  It was a relatively substantial town in comparison, ... but, after a time, for some reason, they wouldn't let us go downtown anymore.  So, after that happened, we really didn't have a lot of interface with the Vietnamese population. SH:  Do you know why they stopped letting you go? JP:  I don't know, maybe there were some incidents.  ... The Vietnamese soldiers would always have, like, shootouts down there.  They'd shoot, like duels and stuff.  I mean, it was like [laughter] the Wild West sometime, yes. SH:  What were your impressions of the South Vietnamese Army? JP:  We had some missions with them, not a lot.  ... Ninety-five percent, ninety-seven percent, ... of our missions were in-house, what I would call "in-house."  ... Some of the assault battalions and other helicopter units would take the Vietnamese Army units here and there.  They were around.  It was like--I remember seeing them up at Song Bay.  ... [laughter] It was more like a Boy Scout jamboree than a military operation.  There were some good Vietnamese military units.  The South Vietnamese Rangers, South Vietnamese Airborne were very good units.  The regular, what you'd call regular Army units, "straight-leg," [a pejorative term for ground soldiers used by airborne soldiers], whatever you want to call them, were not very well disciplined.  ... I remember, we did a couple--I personally--with, well, some of our other guys, put in some Vietnamese troops.  I forget why.  I mean, it was a highly [rare occurrence].  It was once or twice, maybe.  They came out with a program called--it was in Vietnamese, two Vietnamese words which escape me, but it meant, "Working together," "(tan tian?)."  I forget what the Vietnamese words were, and we were supposed to be working [with them], giving [them training], like today, with the United States Army training the Iraqi Army to take over.  We were, theoretically, trying to get the Vietnamese to, ... you know, take over.  ... Now, you're in 1970 and they're trying to ... wind it down--never really worked out very well.  The regular soldiers weren't really very good.  The Airborne and the Rangers were more professional. SH:  What about other programs to win the "hearts and minds" of the South Vietnamese?  JP:  Well ... SH:  Were you involved in any of those? JP:  No, no.  ... My unit, we were strictly in combat operations.  We really didn't get involved with that kind of thing. SH:  Did you have any contact with soldiers from countries allied with the United States while serving in Vietnam? JP:  Well, not in our area, but ... there were Philippine units there.  Up north, there was the [South] Korean Tiger Division and White Horse Division.  ... The North Vietnamese didn't mess with the Koreans.  Koreans [were] pretty brutal people.  I mean, they didn't operate under the same rules that we did. SH:  Really? JP:  So, I mean, you had Australians there.  We ran into some Australian guys.  They had the British, the Canberra, bombers I saw operating out there.  I mean, there was a smattering of a lot of different things there.  SH:  Did you receive R&R [rest and relaxation] after a certain period of service in Vietnam? JP:  ... You were entitled to one R&R, which was, I believe, a week, eight days, something.  ... Of course, the married guys, like myself, we went to Hawaii.  I went to Hawaii to meet my wife.  However, that was in--see, I got there in March, April, probably in October--after about six months, but here's something you probably won't hear. We had "turn back R&Rs" in the First Cavalry Division.  "Turn back R&R" was, they had so many slots for R&Rs, ... if they weren't used, you could get one, another R&R.  I, in fact, had three R&Rs, one in Hawaii, to see my wife, and then, ... I went twice to Taipei. SH:  Really? JP:  In Taiwan, yes, "turn back R&R." PL:  How was Taipei? JP:  I liked it.  ... Back then, it was a big city, you know, was ... probably the same as many big cities.  ... People were very friendly, the Chinese, you know, Taiwanese.  They were American allies; ... wasn't the Red Chinese, that's for sure.  [laughter] No, they were [nice], you know, and it was really interesting.  I really enjoyed it.  ... I remember, they had a Chinese circus there.  It was in a building, like a ten-story building, and every floor had a different act, acrobats, you know.  ... Then, of course, there was a lot of drinking and partying going on.  ... One time, I went with my roommate.  He and I ... got to go together.  So, we had a good time on R&R in Taipei.  SH:  Was it hard to return to Vietnam after your R&R? JP:  To go back?  I wasn't real thrilled leaving Hawaii.  [laughter] It was a long flight and I can remember being, you know, not real happy about it, going [back], after being with my [wife], you know. SH:  Was it hard to readjust once you got back to your unit? JP:  Not really, no.  You go right back to work.  It's ... no big deal.  ... When I went on the next one, and when you get close to the end of your tour, any time out of country is good.  [laughter] ...  SH:  Did you become superstitious about certain things? JP:  You try to stay away from any [hazards], you know.  ... You get assigned your missions, but there are things you could do to really stay away from some of the more dangerous things.  I mean, as I got closer to the end, I tried to be more careful, more selective about my missions, but there were guys that were killed that were what we called "short," you know, within a week or two of going home.  So, you really couldn't get away, couldn't get out of doing [your duty].  You had to do your job.  You really did.  I mean, there were certain things you might be able to do, but ... you had to take your missions right up to the end.  SH:  How did your unit recover wounded or killed soldiers? JP:  Well, no, ... if we're pulling out people that are still alive, we would simply fly them to the nearest hospital, ... could have been, depending where we are, at Phuoc Vinh, had [the] 15th Med there.  We'd fly them there.  You had the 93rd Evac in Long Binh.  You had a hospital in Lai Khe, which was fairly close by, or you could take them to the nearest aid [station].  Every fire support base had an aid station.  So, if they were dead--we really, I never really, pulled out any, you know, what they called (line ones?) or people that were KIA--they would send somebody else out there to bag them and take them. SH:  Are there any other parts of your Vietnam service that we have not covered? JP:  Well, I mean, you kept trying to get at me at the political [aspect], you know, what we thought of the war and all that.  Now that I look back on it, I mean, we lost the war politically, not ... because we didn't have enough men, materiel.  We had five hundred thousand guys in Vietnam.  ... We've got Afghanistan and Iraq today--you've got less than two hundred thousand.  In Vietnam, which is probably a smaller geographic area, we had five hundred thousand guys.  ... We had the Navy.  We had the Battleship [USS] New Jersey hanging around.  We had strategic air.  We had B-52 strikes.  We had tactical air.  We had airfields in U-Tapao.  ... I mean, we had everything going on there, okay, and the reason we lost was because [of] the politicians, [and] the persistence of the North Vietnamese.  I mean, obviously, ... they waited us out, but, ... I mean, once we were gone, they walked over the [South Vietnamese].  You know, they just took over the country.  ... What people don't realize is the real killing over in that part of the world didn't really start until after we left--the death, you know, whatever they called it, in Cambodia.  [Editor's Note: The "Killing Fields" are the mass graves in Cambodia where millions of people were killed and buried by the Khmer Rouge regime that came to power in 1975.]  Fifty-eight thousand Americans were killed, God knows how many Vietnamese and, you know, civilians and whatnot were killed, and then, you had the enemy soldiers in North Vietnam.  That was probably nothing compared to ... the murdering that went on after we left.  People, the anti-war types, they kind of overlook that part of what happened. SH:  The Khmer Rouge. JP:  Yes, right, [the] killing fields, is that what [it] is?  Yes.  So, you know, you have to look at [that].  You look at things in a historical context.  You look at, in Korea, okay, same thing, we had a North and a South.  The South was on our side, North was against us.  We didn't finish that--look what we've got today.  We've still got the same situation, only they're going to be nuclear.  They're nuclear armed now in the North.  So, you've got a horrendous problem there.  First Iraq War, we stopped short of Baghdad, and was that good or bad?  I don't know, but we had to go back and finish the job.  So, now, Vietnam, you know, we pulled out, they took over.  There was all those massacres and everything.  The press never covered that.  Now, all these years later, you're getting a little bit--it's more normal.  I mean, it's sort of like they're becoming almost--even though the North Vietnamese government or the Communist government is in the whole country, we're allies again, sort of like Japan and Germany.  So, you know, it's interesting, you know, when you look at it historically. SH:  Have you ever thought of going back to Vietnam? JP:  Yes.  A guy that I served with runs a company that takes you back to Vietnam.  That's his business now, and you go back to where you were stationed.  You can also go [elsewhere]--like, I never was in Hue, you know, or some of the other famous areas.  I never was up at Khe Sanh.  ... I was strictly [there], stayed in my area, and, you know, I'd be interested in going back, seeing what's there in Phuoc Vinh, where I was stationed, and some of the other places I was--haven't done it yet, but I'm thinking about it. SH:  You talked about staying in contact with fellow soldiers and having to attend the funeral services for two of your comrades. JP:  Yes, they buried both guys on the same day in Arlington. SH:  Have you gone to reunions? JP:  All the time.  Yes, I belong to any number of veterans' organizations--too many to be effective, I think.  ... Locally, I belong to the Vietnam Veterans of America in Union County.  So, I work there.  I belong to the VHPA, which is the Vietnam Helicopter Pilots Association, which is an organization just of pilots, no crew chiefs, no door gunners.  They have their own organization.  They have the reunions I go to.  I belong to the First Cavalry Division. They have their alumni association and I go to their reunions periodically.  ... Then, my unit in Vietnam, the First of the Ninth, has their own reunions every other year.  It's called the Bullwhip Squadron, and the reason they call it that is because that was their call sign when they first went over.  ... I go to those every other year.  ... Most of the time, they're held at Fort Rucker.  This time, they're having it at Fort Benning, because they were ... originally formed up at Fort Benning, years ago, in '65.  So, yes, I participate.  I belong to the VFW, although I don't participate.  I belong to the American Legion, although I don't go to their meetings.  It's just too much.  There are too many organizations, but, ... in the local one, I'm on the board of directors, and so, in the other ones, I go to their reunions and all that and I enjoy it.  ... SH:  When you returned to the United States from Vietnam, you were still in the service. JP:  Here's what happened to me.  I served three years, two months, nineteen days, okay, but who's counting, right?  [laughter] Okay, at the end there, in '71, when I ... still had time left on my commitment, however, they were having a draw down, okay, ... they had too many pilots, too many.  ... So, I was released early.  So, when that happened; ... after I left Vietnam, I went back to Fort Wolters, Texas, to be an instructor pilot, okay, went there for a year, was released from active duty, went back to New Jersey and joined the National Guard.  I went back to--I lived in Rahway then, now, I live in Clark--but I ... went back home, went to work for my family's business, Rahway Lumber Company, and I did that ... until we closed.  About thirty years, I worked there, until the business was sold. SH:  Really? JP:  Yes, and when I returned to New Jersey, I joined the National Guard in Westfield.  Strangely enough, they had an Air Cavalry unit in Westfield.  Helicopters were at Linden Airport.  So, I flew there for another six years. Then, I left the service, left the National Guard, and went back to school, back to college, strange place called Rutgers University, to get my MBA, which I did on the GI Bill.  So, I went four years to Newark at night, while I was working.  Then, after I finished, got my MBA, I went back into the service, but I wasn't flying anymore, ... no longer on flight status.  ... I served in a unit at Fort Dix for a number of years.  ... Then, I developed a case of cancer and couldn't keep up, so, I had to drop out.  ... I served in the active Army, I served in the National Guard, went to school on the GI Bill for my master's program, and then, continued on [in] the Army Reserve.  It was actually at Fort Dix.  I was there for a number of years, and then, finally, had to leave.  So, that's ... what happened after I went back. SH:  How many years did you have in the Reserve?  JP:  I had about ten or twelve years in, but I couldn't [stay in].  I wanted to stay, if I could, but, medically, I couldn't do it.  SH:  You were given a military medical discharge. JP:  No, I just had to leave, but I enjoyed it.  I mean, I loved it.  I would have stayed.  If I had to do it all over again, I probably would have stayed in the Army, as a pilot, if I could. SH:  Could you tell us about your current affiliation with Rutgers? JP:  Well, like I said, I got my bachelor's, and then, I have my master's, MBA, at Rutgers, and then, I went to a meeting down here at the Rutgers Club in New Brunswick.  I forget how I was [invited].  ... I don't remember.  I got a letter.  It looked like a free dinner, okay.  [laughter] So, anything you get free from Rutgers, you want to take it.  So, anyway, I went over here to the Rutgers Club.  ... It was the Rutgers School of Business Alumni Association and they were looking for trustees.  So, I signed up.  So, I served on their Board of Trustees for the School of Business Alumni Association, up until the time that our friend Dr. McCormick decided to change the alumni situation here at Rutgers and we had no more affinity groups.  It was all one big, happy family, the RU--something or other--AA, whatever they changed it to.  ... They changed the nature of the organizations, and so, I decided not to be a trustee anymore, but I did it for about fifteen years, I would say.  I enjoyed every minute of it. [Editor's Note: In 2007, Rutgers University reorganized its alumni system by creating the Rutgers University Alumni Association, a new association to represent all Rutgers University graduates.] SH:  You are also involved in the mentoring program. JP:  Well, yes, ... I do that.  That has yet to come to fruition.  They're having some problems there.  They haven't figured out a way, I think, to meld the mentors and the mentees together.  I don't hear positive things about it--not to say it's a bad thing.  ... They sent us a letter, about giving us some names of students, and you call them and they don't know what you're talking [about] or they don't want you, they don't need you, whatever.  I mean, ... so, yes, I think they still have some work to do with that, but I do that, yes.  SH:  Did any of your children attend Rutgers? JP:  No, no, [laughter] but my two sons, are crazy, nutty Rutgers football fans, but neither of them went to Rutgers. They have season tickets, spend thousands.  I mean, they have six seats.  It costs them, I don't know, three, four thousand dollars a year, whatever they overcharge you for football tickets here.  ... SH:  [laughter] That is true. JP:  But, no, my older son ... started off at the Air Force Academy, and then, transferred to Johns Hopkins, and then, went on to get a MBA at Loyola and a law degree at Fordham.  My younger son went to Gettysburg College, and then, graduated from there, and then, went to Georgetown Law.  ...  SH:  You have two lawyers. JP:  Two lawyers, yes.  My wife ... got a teaching degree from Kean University.  ... After I sold our business, I got a teacher's degree.  I got a certificate ... to be a social studies teacher.  I took the Praxis test.  I don't know if you know what that [is], yes, and so, I have a little piece of paper somewhere at home in my desk drawer that says I'm a teacher of social studies.  So, I don't teach full-time, I substitute teach.  Then, I decided I had nothing else to do, so, I went out and got a real estate license.  So, I do dabble in real estate.  So, I remember standing in front of a class of high school students, and I was sixty-two or three, and they're complaining about high school.  ... I held up the book, I said, "I'm taking a test.  I'm sixty-three years old.  I'm still going to school.  Stop complaining." [laughter] PL:  They always complain. JP:  You know, I mean, one of the things, also, ... after I got out of the active Army, along with getting my MBA, while I was in these Reserve units, I ... took the armor officer advanced course, Command and General Staff College, aviation accident safety course--I took a bunch, you know.  I did a lot of schooling over my time.  SH:  Was there ever a possibility of you being called to active service? JP:  No, because, during that time; ... it's only since the Iraq War where they started to take National Guard and Reserve units and move them wholesale, you know, as units, into the combat theater.  In Vietnam, there were no National Guard or Reserve units called up.  Individuals could volunteer.  In fact, we had one--one of our gun pilots was from the California National Guard--but that was rare.  It just didn't work like that back then.  They didn't call up whole units.  In fact, joining the National Guard, like, you remember with President [George W.] Bush, they were complaining that he joined the National Guard so [that] he didn't have to go to Vietnam.  [Editor's Note: President George W. Bush served in the Texas Air National Guard from 1968 to 1974.]  They simply ... forgot that he was a jet pilot and that he had to go to flight school, had to do a lot of things, you know, but, anyway, ... that was one of the things that the Vietnam War was [known for], that ... if you could get into a Reserve or National Guard unit, you probably weren't going to go to Vietnam.  ... I consider it [that] you still served your country.  Not everybody, ... you know, is destined to go into combat.  I mean, it's still an honorable thing to do, even if you thought it might keep you from going to Vietnam, you know what I'm saying?  If you sign up, you sign up--that's all.  You serve, you serve. SH:  How were you treated when you returned from Vietnam? JP:  You know what?  We came back, at least I came back, and a lot of us came [back this way], we didn't come back en masse or in units, like they did at the end of World War II, where they came off the ship and they marched down Fifth Avenue.  No, I flew in, you know.  I got off the plane in Travis Air Force Base.  I quick ran to the airport at San Francisco and took the first plane home.  I didn't run into any kind of, you know, virulent anti-war sentiment directed against me personally, okay.  I mean, in fact, ... the first thing I looked for was a unit to join.  I wanted to stay in.  So, I went right into the National Guard.  ... I remember, we didn't have any problems.  I remember, we flew our helicopters and landed at Westfield High School, and we landed right in their athletic field, let the kids look at the helicopters.  I obviously knew what was going on and, obviously, I was a guy--I was a Vietnam veteran for the war.  I mean, I believed in what we were doing one hundred percent and I had no use for, you know, draft dodgers or, you know, civil disobedient types, I guess.  SH:  What commendations did you receive? JP:  A bunch.  [laughter] PL:  I have the résumé.  JP:  You want me to read off my résumé?  I know what I got.  [laughter] SH:  I saw pictures of you being given medals. JP:  Yes, well, I received three Distinguished Flying Crosses, Air Medal with "V," Army Commendation Medal with "V," Bronze Star, like that--a couple of awards from New Jersey for service, New Jersey Merit Award, New Jersey Distinguished Service Award ... with Silver Oak Leaf Cluster.  So, you have to figure that one out. [laughter] ... Yes, you do these things and that's what happens. PL:  How was it to transition from flying in Vietnam to becoming an instructor for other helicopter pilots? JP:  ... It was a challenge.  I really enjoyed it.  ... We flew in these little TH-55 [Osage], Alphas they were called then.  It was good work.  ... One of the funny things is that Fort Wolters was ... right outside of Fort Worth.  You had Dallas, Fort Worth, Weatherford, Texas, and then, Mineral Wells is out there, okay.  ... Our heliports were on the military base, but the staging fields--where we actually did the training--was on public or private, I'm sorry, private land.  The Army contracted farmers' pastures and they would fence them off and put a tower in there and we would do our [training].  ... We'd pave it for them and we'd have our own airstrips and helipads, and we'd go out to these different--we called them stage fields.  ... Every morning, one of my jobs was to go out there and herd the cattle, [laughter] because they would open the gates and let the cattle, their cattle, go through in there.  I'd have to fly out there with my helicopter and ... I'd use the helicopter like a horse, you know, and herd, actually herd, the cattle that were on the stage field off the stage field, land the helicopter, close the gate, then, call the rest of them out to come in and start working.  [laughter] SH:  Please, describe the pilots. JP:  ... My students were a mix.  We had Vietnamese students, but I never had foreign students.  ... We trained the Air Force helicopter pilots, a little known fact.  The Air Force did not have its own helicopter school. SH:  Is this true? JP:  Navy did, Air Force did not.  They came to us.  Later on, I'm sure that changed, but I had a couple of Air Force guys that I trained.  I had a couple of guys from the National Guard.  National Guard had flight units and they ... had the ability to send some of their guys through flight school.  So, I had a couple of National Guard guys, and then, a couple warrant officer candidates--a various mix.  They were, you know, pretty good.  I mean, you had to have something on the ball to go to flight school.  They weren't all college graduates, ... like I was ROTC and all that, but a lot of them--you still had to pass the mental test, the physical, you know, [be] physically fit, you know. You had to have the desire to do it and you had to have, you know, the wherewithal.  So, most of the guys that went through flight school had something on the ball, I would say. SH:  Thank you for coming.  If there is something that we have not asked that you would like to share, please do. JP:  Well, ... I mean, I want to say that, you know, when you're in the military, okay, you take the oath to protect and defend the Constitution against all enemies, foreign or domestic--and, if you're a history major, then, you write me a three-page paper on what constitutes a domestic enemy--but that's the oath, okay.  ... When you take the oath, ... my opinion is, what you're really saying is, "It's my country right or wrong."  You really don't take the oath of office and say, "Unless the President is a Republican or a Democrat.  Then, I'm not going to do it."  You don't get that option, okay, or, "Unless I believe in what's going on or I don't [object]."  No, once you take ... the oath, then, you've got to go where they send you.  ... I don't have any sympathy for somebody who joins the service, and then, decides that, "Oh, I think that's an illegal war," you know.  You really don't get that option.  You hope that [it works out].  You know, our country's set up [where] the politicians say where to fight, and then, the Army or the military go and do the dirty work, but you really don't ... get the [choice].  If you want to be in politics, go into politics; [if] you want to be in the service, then, it's your country right or wrong.  ... You have to, you know, ... take the orders.  ... That's just my opinion.  There are many reasons why the military is deployed, and the deployments are well-planned by military experts.  A soldier follows orders. SH:  Thank you for sharing that with us.  I hope that when you get the transcript back, if you see omissions, you will fill them in. JP:  Yes.  If you want me to come back and do more, I will.  I mean, I enjoyed it.  ... SH:  Was your unit well-supplied in Vietnam? JP:  Okay, we had an incident where they were being very protective about rotor blades.  They said there was a shortage of rotor blades, for some reason, and, one night, we were mortared and the mortars fell in our flight line and shredded all the blades on our Hueys.  ... Within a few hours, they had changed them all and we were back on. So, somehow, they were able [to do that].  We got first priority because our unit--as any cavalry unit [would], but I'm only talking about the First of the Ninth, and as it related to the First Air Cavalry Division--we were the eyes and ears of the division.  ... We were out there all the time, hunting the bad guys, shooting them up, starting things. So, we were high-priority.  ... If we lost a lot of aircraft, we got replacements.  I really can't remember a time when we had to stop operations because we didn't have what we needed.  SH:  You described crawling away from your helicopter in the book The Headhunters.  [Editor's Note: Author and Vietnam veteran Matthew Brennan documented the stories of his fellow pilots and crewmen, including James Pressman, in his book, The Headhunters (1988).] JP:  Oh, yes.  ... I told you, the first few weeks, I was on the ground because I was temporarily medically grounded.  ... We had an aircraft that ... crashed out up close to the Cambodian border, and it was in--I didn't know it at the time--but I finally realized it was in a bomb crater, ARC LIGHT.  ARC LIGHT is a B-52 strike, and, when they're dropping all those bombs, they blow open the jungle and you can see, you know, all [of] the hole, this thing in here.  [Editor's Note: B-52 strategic bombers deployed in support of ground operations throughout Vietnam operated under the codename ARC LIGHT.]  Whoever this guy was, he had crashed his helicopter in the middle of one of these bomb craters.  In one of these open areas there, there was a bomb crater. So, we went in to secure the aircraft that was on the ground.  I went in with ... what they called the rigging team. We were going to sling load this thing out, and it was a Cobra.  ... Normal procedure for ... slinging a Cobra gunship out is, you'd take the ammo off it, you'd drain the fuel tanks, you know, but it was later on.  It was getting dark and it was really in "bad guy country" and we didn't want to hang around.  So, they just rigged the thing to be slung out.  When the Chinook picked this thing up, the strap broke and the Cobra fell down, crashed right in front of me and it caught on fire.  So, you know, ammunition and rockets were going [off].  I mean, it really [laughter]--it was exciting, and so, I turned, stayed [low].  You know, you have to crawl.  I didn't want to stand up, because I would be cut in half.  So, I stayed on the ground like a spider, used my fingers and my toes and crawl along until I came to the bomb crater and jumped into the bomb crater.  SH:  You were actually out of your helicopter. JP:  I wasn't in the helicopter.  I was on the ground.  I wasn't flying at this particular time.  I was flown to this area, with the ground platoon and the rigging team.  That was standard procedure when we have an aircraft that wasn't totally destroyed.  If it was still intact, we wouldn't leave it out there.  So, we'd rig it.  If it was a little bird, a small helicopter, we could sling it out with our own H model.  We could sling out a Loach, because it was not that much weight, but a Cobra is much bigger.  We had to use a Chinook, call in a Chinook to sling it out.  So, we were waiting there and, when this thing picked it up, it was rigged wrong.  Something happened and the strap broke and the thing crashed and it burned up in the LZ with us there. SH:  That must have gotten your attention. JP:  Yes.  I was happy to go back to flying.  [laughter] SH:  There was another story where you were laying on the ground. JP:  Oh, yes.  Well, that, I was in that hole, that thing was burning and the machine-gun ammunition in the Cobra was cooking off and you could hear--it sounded like popcorn.  ... The rockets, the aerial rockets, were igniting and shooting out, you know, going out.  They didn't have any particular direction.  They were snaking on the ground, going up in the air.  ... I guess the helicopter must have exploded, the fuel, whatever, and I was in this bomb crater and I saw all this white phosphorous.  I don't know, it was coming over my head, so, I jumped out of the bunker and ran into the jungle, into the tree line.  ... A few feet into the tree line, I tripped over something and ... I laid down, ... just in case any of these things were flying around.  ... Later on, a flare ship came in and, when they were going to pull us out and dropped the flare, ... I was in a graveyard.  I could see it was fresh dug graves there, because the NVA would take [their dead], wouldn't leave the bodies there.  They would pull them out ... if they were killed by the bomb strike, whatever.  They'd pull him into the jungle and bury him, and so, I was hiding behind one of those mounds.  You could see the mounds.  You know, it's obvious what it is, yes. SH:  You must have been happy when the helicopter pulled you out. JP:  Oh, yes, I was very happy to leave that place.  [laughter] SH:  Did you keep your logbook? JP:  No, you don't keep them.  They stay with the airplane. SH:  Do they? JP:  Yes, the maintenance log was in my [helicopter].  ... Our personal flight records were kept by a guy in the tactical operations center.  [There] was a guy who was in charge of that, and then, they'd be incorporated into your permanent records. SH:  Your best diaries are the letters that you sent home. JP:  Yes.  ... A lot of it is there.  Actually, the best thing is the tapes, some of them.  As I listen to them, ... it's hard to imagine some of the things I said, you know.  I know--it's funny--the one thing I kept saying over and over again, that I don't remember, I was always telling my wife, "I'm tired."  Every tape, every letter I wrote, at the end, I would say, "I'm really tired.  I have to go to bed."  ... I don't remember that, but, obviously, that must have been what happened.  SH:  That is pretty interesting.  JP:  Yes. SH:  You mentioned previously, and I wanted to follow up--what was a "sniffer mission?" JP:  ... Oh, yes, a "sniffer mission," it was called.  Sniffer mission--we would fly to division headquarters and we'd pick up a piece of equipment, I guess is the best way to call it.  ... It would sit in the middle of the airplane, the helicopter, and they'd put this hose out the front, okay, and we'd take on a chemical officer and an enlisted guy, his assistant, who ran this machine, and then, we would fly a prescribed course, okay.  ... We would have with us a Cobra, and this is a gunship.  ... The guy in the front seat of the Cobra--the pilot--would have a map with the course and he'd be there to protect us in case we crashed or something.  ... We would fly low-level, right on the tree line, and this machine would pick up the smell of--I guess the best way to put [it] is, when a lot of people urinate, there's a smell of ammonia in the air, whatever it is, that chemical that this machine is sensitive to--and it would [find that].  You'd get a reading.  When it got a reading above a certain level, they'd know that a bunch of men had stayed the night there, whatever it was, and then, the guy--my crew chief--would throw a smoke grenade out.  ... When the guy in the high bird or Cobra would see the smoke, he'd mark it on the map.  ... If you did enough of these sniffer missions, and I wasn't the only one doing them, you could begin to see the infiltration routes, where they were coming into the country from Cambodia, or wherever they were moving around.  You could sense or pick up large movements that way.  I don't know that it was a precise science, but, ... when you combine that with other intelligence, with the sound listening devices we would put in and other things, you could get a picture of where they were moving.  ... You could find out, like, for instance, if they were massing to attack a particular base. You could see it in that kind of intelligence. SH:  Did your unit have good intelligence? JP:  Yes.  ... We had something--there's all kinds of interesting things going on.  We had something called the "double check six," which is a helicopter with all kinds of radio gear on it, and what it would do [was], it'd monitor enemy radio transmissions.  ... Their call sign was "double check six" and they could actually follow, direction find, an enemy radio signal right up to an NVA soldier with a radio on his back.  They could actually track him down, if that's what they were doing.  So, we had that.  ... You know, when you put it all [together]--it was never one thing. Intelligence is never one thing.  I mean, you might be able to capture a map or a guy and he'd tell you something, but you have to build the whole picture.  So, the sniffer missions, the sound listening devices, the Ranger teams doing reconnaissance, ... capturing a map--you'd put it all together and you could get a picture of what was going on. SH:  Did your unit have any interactions with the CIA? JP:  The boys with no name tags?  [laughter] SH:  The CIA, yes.  JP:  Those guys, no.  Air America was there.  I saw their planes in Saigon.  We had--there were mercenaries in Vietnam, not Americans.  They were called ... Hmongs or something like that.  They were ethnic Chinese that lived in Vietnam.  ... CIA would arm them and send them out to hunt.  I didn't [get involved with that], but ... we never really interfaced with those kinds of guys.  We were strictly, mostly, straight up military operations, you know, First Cavalry Division.  I think the First Cav, when they brought them down into where they were in III Corps, around the Saigon area, [it] was to block infiltration of the NVA to try and take over Saigon.  ... We were positioned between Cambodia [and Saigon], the Parrot's Beak, the Elephant's Ear, which were areas where ... that's where they invaded.  When they invaded Cambodia, that's where they went in, part of where [they went in], you know, right there.  ... So, that's what we were doing there, and we were like a blocking force.  SH:  Were you in Vietnam during any of the "bombing pauses?" JP:  I was in Vietnam when they had a three-day [truce].  ... The North Vietnamese declared a three-day truce for Ho Chi Minh's death.  It was September of 1969, early September.  [Editor's Note: Ho Chi Minh died on September 2, 1969, at age seventy-nine.]  ... I was flying a mission, a Ranger mission.  ... A couple of days before, we had found this place where we wanted to put them.  ... I was taking the actual Ranger team in--it was during the ceasefire.  When I landed in the LZ, apparently, these guys were on break.  The bad guys were right in the LZ and they were sitting up against the trees, smoking and joking, okay, and I put this Ranger team right on top of them.  ... By the time I landed on the ground--the minute you land, they jump out, the Rangers--I couldn't get them back in and they started shooting them up, shooting up the place.  So, I had to take off.  ... We called in the contact and the Cobra rolled in and killed a bunch of them.  Anyway, so, I came back in a little while later and pulled them out, because it was too hot to leave them there.  They were compromised already.  SH:  Really? JP:  Yes, but that was on, supposedly, a ceasefire for Ho Chi Minh's [death].  [laughter] SH:  There was no ceasefire for your unit. JP:  No, no.  SH:  The war was also televised. JP:  Yes, yes.  ... My mother told me that my father would sit every night and watch the news, you know, [to try to] see me, but, of course, you know, I mean, all you would hear is how many guys were killed, Americans.  ... The problem with that war was, one of the problems was, you couldn't kill enough of them.  That's why this body count thing was useless, because, even if it was true, over a ten-year period, I mean, the kids that were four, North Vietnamese, that were four or five years old, ... in ten years, we're fighting, you know.  They had replaced [the casualties].  They continually replaced those that they had lost.  So, it didn't make any [difference].  ... In the end, it really didn't make any difference how many [were killed].  I mean, they were constantly being replaced and ... the North Vietnamese were more interested in--they would sacrifice two, three hundred guys to attack a fire support base, or more, to kill one or two Americans, or ten or whatever.  They were fighting a war for the anti-war movement back here, you know.  It didn't matter that we killed three or four [hundred], whatever it was, didn't matter, because they had killed five or six Americans.  That's what got reported and that's what was driving, you know, the politics of all this.  ... SH:  The body count backfired. JP:  Yes, in a way, in a sense. SH:  There are pictures of American servicemen helping small children in Vietnam. JP:  Yes.  ... I mean, this business of "baby killer" and all that stuff the liberal press tried to pin on us--American soldiers would rather feed a kid than hurt him, okay.  American soldiers, if we found a child that was hurt, we'd fly him to a hospital.  We'd take care of him, you know.  We didn't, nobody--unless there was something really [wrong with someone].  You know, I mean, you get bad apples in every bunch, but 99.9 percent of us would never go out of our way to hurt a child or to kill innocent people.  Now, you had the My Lai Massacre.  You know, those things happen in war, but, I mean, we had five hundred thousand guys there, you know, and it was a ten-year war, probably five, six million people, American servicemen, because we rotated in and out in Vietnam.  I mean, there would be no children left if we were all baby killing, you know what I'm saying?  That was just a political thing.  It's like today, when they try to say, you know, "blood for oil" in Iraq.  Well, you know, I didn't see President Bush and Vice-President [Richard] Cheney getting rich on oil revenues because they took over Iraq.  ... You know, it's just slogans and politics, is all that was.  The liberal press is to blame, also. SH:  Did your military service influence your career afterwards? JP:  Well, I mean, you know, it made civilian things seem less menacing.  I don't know how else to put it to you. Things that happened in my business were, "No big deal, at least you're not trying to kill me," you know.  [laughter] ... When you're under tension like that, and the threat of [death], threat of [harm], for a whole year, I mean, it makes other things pale in comparison, ... I guess is another way of putting it.  I don't know how else to put it for you. SH:  Thank you for coming in and sharing your story with us. JP:  Oh, sure. --------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Jovelle Tamayo 7/1/11 Reviewed by Nicholas Molnar 7/25/11 Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 8/3/11 Reviewed by James Pressman 10/27/11    

Seward, Walter

KP:  This begins an interview with Walter Seward (RC '17) on December 30, 1996 at West Orange, New Jersey, with Kurt Piehler, and MC:  Melanie Cooper, SH:  Sandra Stewart Holyoak. KP:  I guess I would like to begin by asking you a few questions about your parents, your mother and father.  We read in one of the Rutgers publications that your father was a church elder and also a civil engineer. WS:  Right. KP:  I was wondering what led him to come to New Jersey? WS:  Well, ... that's simple enough.  My great-grandfather was a minister, and when he retired he moved from Middletown, New York down to Vineland, because it was what they called, at that time, a local option town.  And where he figured it would be better for his family to be in an area like that, rather than some other places.  And so he bought a farm of twenty acres, and retired down there.  ... When he died he left it to his son--and well, to his widow--and then the widow left it to their son, who would be my grandfather.  ... When he died, he left it to my father.  So we were living up at the time near Albany, a little town called Ravena, twelve miles south of Albany at the time my brother was born . ... In order to save the property and the interest in it, we moved to Vineland in the old house down there, and that's been our family home ever since.  My father rebuilt the house, so it's entirely different today from what it was originally. KP:  For your grandfather, it sounds like temperance was a pretty important issue for him. WS:  Well--my great-grandfather. KP:  Great-grandfather. WS:  Well, for the whole family for that matter, yeah. KP:  That played a big hand in why he selected Vineland to live in. WS:  Yes, right.  Yes. SH:  Have you carried on with the Presbyterian faith?  Are you an elder in the church also? WS:  No, I've never had that honor.  But my father was an elder in the Vineland church.  As a matter of fact, he helped to build the present church in 1913, he was on the building committee.  And much of the church structure is a result of his expertise. KP:  Do you know how your parents met? WS:  Well, all I can say is they met at the Congregational Church in Lansing, Michigan. SH:  What was your father doing in Lansing, Michigan? WS:  Well, he was living there as a young man, because on the maternal side, there was another prominent family, by the name of Bement who were manufacturers of machinery. ... He sort of had an inclination, and liked machinery, so he went to Lansing to see what he could earn, and that's how they happened to meet there.  Grandmother's family all lived in Lansing, and knew the Bements, of course, they all went to the same church.  So that's how my father and mother met each other. KP:  And then they moved back to various locations over the years to ... and upstate New York, Ohio, Ontario. WS:  My father was also an expert in conducting commercial lime operations.  There was an opening up there that they were trying to establish, so he went at that time to establish a business up there at a lime kiln.  We were only there a year when my grandfather died, and in order to save the property, my father decided that we should move to Vineland.  And that's where our family always [has] been ever since. KP:  So your family home in Vineland, is it still in the family? WS:  Yes. KP:  Who is living there now? WS:  Well, some rather unsatisfactory tenants who don't pay their rent. Betty Seward:  Nobody in the family now.  Walter's sister lived in it for a number of years after their mother died.  And when she died, almost nine years ago, since then we've had various tenants. KP:  Where did your father work when he moved to Vineland? WS:  Well, he worked first at the old soldier's home.  Where he ran the electrical department.  They're weren't many opportunities, and so he took ... that job.  Then he established his own business as a civil engineer.  One of his big jobs which he undertook was to take over the making of the tax maps of Landis township.  And he died in an accident in October 1917, ... he left that unfinished.  I was just out of college, so I didn't know anything about it, so I took it over, and I made the map (1918-1919). KP:  How did they ... WS:  Took a couple of years to do it. KP:  Had your father trained you how to do the work? WS:  No, I had done some field work for him, but he hadn't trained me at all.  I ... didn't take an engineering course at college, so I didn't know much about it.  But I learned as we went along, and there was quite a lot to it, but we finally got it all done.  It was a map of a couple of hundred sheets, each two by three feet which fitted together, make one great big area ... about twice the size of this house.  It was made in accordance and approved of the State Engineering Department in Trenton. KP:  Your mother, it sounds like she was fairly active in the church. WS:  She was, yes.  She was one of the officers of the charities ladies' missionary society. KP:  Was she involved in any other organizations besides the church? WS:  No, I think not.  That seemed to take all the time she had. KP:  After your father's death, did your mother work at all outside the home? WS:  No, my mother always kept the family going. SH:  How many siblings did you have? WS:  Oh siblings?  I don't like that word. [laughter] SH:  How many brothers and sisters? WS:  I had two sisters and a brother. SH:  Older or younger? WS:  Younger.  He was the youngest of the family. ... We lost him.  ... BS:  That was about the end of World War I, the flu epidemic. KP:  Influenza. BS:  Yeah, he was one of the first ones. KP:  Did your parents expect you to go to college?  Was that always part of their plan for you, that you would go to college? WS:  No.  Circumstances were not favorable.  Well, the way I got to college was this: when we moved from Ravena to Vineland, ... I had my first year of high school up in Ravena.  But I moved to Vineland, their school was a little more advanced than the Ravena High School.  And so I had to make up some work, and the only way to do it was to do it in the summertime.  So I went to the school principal in Vineland, to see what arrangements to make.  And he referred me to James Morrow, a young Rutgers man who was then attending Rutgers by the name of James Morrow, a very brilliant boy, and he tutored me during the summers with the makeup work and so forth.  And he told me about Rutgers scholarship exams which could be taken, and if you passed, and got one, they would pay your expenses at Rutgers.  Because, that's what he had done.  And so in my high school junior year, I took some exams, and took the rest of them at the end of my senior year at high school, and somehow or other they gave me a scholarship.  So that's how I got to Rutgers.  He took me to Rutgers and looked after me and found me a room, and a roommate, and so forth and so on, he got me started there. KP:  So James Morrow was pretty important to you. WS:  Yep.  He was very important. KP:  What happened to him after college, what was his story? WS:  From college--he graduated from college in 1914, he went on to Harvard Law School, and graduated there in 1917.  The year I graduated from college, he graduated from Harvard Law. KP:  It sounds like he might have had an influence on your going to Harvard. WS:  Well, yes, yes. ... That's true. KP:  I assume he had a legal career, James Morrow. WS:  Yes.  Yes, he did.  In New York City, Yep. BS:  As far as your family was concerned, though, they valued education.  Had your mother gone to college? WS:  No, mother was a schoolteacher, but she hadn't gone to college. BS:  In those days one didn't need to.  But both your sisters went. WS:  Yes.  They took college courses. BS:  And both of them became teachers. WS:  Yes. BS:  It was a family that did value education, definitely. KP:  Had you considered any other colleges besides Rutgers? WS:  When I was quite young, I thought I was going to go to Cornell, when the boys were talking, you know, big talk, oh where they were going when they got through school.  The name Cornell fascinated me. [laughter]  I don't know why, because I didn't know anything about it. KP:  Growing up in Vineland--to this day the area around Vineland is still very agricultural. ... WS:  Pretty much, yes.  It's always been some industry there.  And I guess the first industry was the Welch Grape Juice Company.  Right next door to the high school.  The building almost burned down, or would have, except I was crossing the schoolyard while I was making the tax map, and one evening I saw a flame in the building in the back of it.  So I ran right over to the firehouse nearby.  Firemen came and put the fire out.  But by that time, in the years before it, Welch had moved up to Westfield, New York, where they've been established, oh, it'll be at least a hundred years, more than that. KP:  What did you do for fun growing up in Vineland? WS:  What did I do for fun?  Well, I have to put it this way.  I didn't have much time for fun except I would--we had a small truck farm, and I used to help plant and pick beans, sweet potatoes.  One year we had a big dahlia farm, and things like that.  Tomatoes, and we would ship to--by way of a broker there in Vineland at the station.  We would ship our products to New York by train, and we still have the wheelbarrow down in Vineland that I used to cart these big hampers full of beans and tomatoes, and goodness knows what, you know.  It was quite a job. SH:  Did your sisters help with the farm at all? WS:  My older sister did.  My younger sister was a little bit too young to do that kind of work. KP:  You said you had a small farm, but how many acres was it? WS:  Well, half of it was in woodland, and the other half was clear. KP:  And it sounds like that kept your family very busy. Because your father had a regular job as an engineer. WS:  Yes. ... Of course, at harvest time when we had to pick beans we had to hire, you know, pickers to come in day to day.  And, of course I, as I say, didn't live in Vineland very long, I was off to college in 1913, so it really only was about three years.  Then after I was out of college, I was home for a couple of years before I went to law school, and then after that, I came up to Newark, and I've been up here in North Jersey ever since . KP:  Having moved to Vineland, did you ever miss Ravena, and New York?  At first, did you miss it? WS:  Yes, I did, because the people up in Ravena were very, very friendly, and in a short time we got to know everybody and it was a nice small town, you know.  Down in Vineland it was quite a different area--different class and type of people.  Foreigners, especially Italians.  We had never been mixed up with foreigners at all, up to that time.  It was quite a change for us. KP:  So I imagine that you heard a lot of people speaking foreign languages, Italian and other languages are very common in Vineland. WS:  Well, mostly Italian. ...  There, the Italians are good workers.  They're ... not afraid to work, and they have a job, they go ... right to it and get it done.  Born in them, I guess. ... They were very successful at farming.  And, of course, there was a big poultry center, too.  People from all over would come to Vineland to establish themselves in the poultry business.  And that lasted for quite a while, but eventually it petered out.  And there's still quite a bit of farming down there. KP:  Did your family farm up in Ravena, New York? WS:  No, no. KP:  So really this is a new experience. WS:  My father was busy with establishing this lime business up there.  And so we didn't have a big estate up there. KP:  It sounds like your father was very successful. ... WS:  He was a self-made man, and I wish I had his brains. KP:  Going to Harvard Law School is a pretty impressive feat. WS:  Well, they took me in.  I stopped on the way up, I stopped in New Brunswick at the college, because I couldn't find my college diploma which was needed as an entrance requirement at Harvard Law.  ...I stopped there, and I got a letter from Luther Martin who was the registrar, and ... that satisfied Dick (Ames?) the secretary of the Law School. KP:  Did you ever find your diploma? WS:  Oh, it's around somewhere.  I don't know where it is.  I got a lot of stuff down at the home yet that we never brought up. KP:  When you came to Vineland, was there a movie theater in town?  Was there one Ravena? WS:  They started one in Ravena while we were there, yes.  They charged fifteen cents, but I couldn't go there, I didn't have fifteen cents. KP:  So when was your first movie did you take in? WS:  Oh, I guess it was there.  And we could go to Albany, they had a good movie in Albany.  And whenever we went there, we could usually ... go to see a movie.  But in Vineland, they didn't have a movie for ... a few years after we got to Vineland. KP:  Your parents, politically, in the early 1900s, who did they favor?  Did they favor Roosevelt or Taft or Wilson? WS:  Well, all I can say is, as far as I know, our family has always been Republican.  ... When I was in school there in Toledo, ... they had a mock election for the children, you know.  And I voted for Taft, because he was the Republican nominee at that time.  But we always admired Teddy Roosevelt, he was a great man.  After we moved to Vineland, he was engineering the Bull-Moose Party, you know, and he came through, and gave us a talk from the platform at the rear end of the train right there at the station.  So I saw Teddy Roosevelt. KP:  It sounds like your family were Bull-Moosers, that they favored Roosevelt over Taft in '12. WS:  I think so, yes. KP:  How did your mother and father feel about the vote for women?  Was your mother in support of suffrage or was she against it?  And how did your father feel? WS:  The question never arose.  We never had any ... KP:  Never had a discussion about it. WS:  ... about that.  It wasn't an issue. MC:  Did your mother vote once she was allowed to? WS:  Oh yes, oh yes. KP:  In coming to Rutgers, how difficult was Rutgers your first year?  A lot of people we've interviewed said their first year was a tough one, including Carl Heyer.  Although he even argues his sophomore year was his hardest year. WS:  Well, I was pretty green.  I was just a small town country boy, you know, and I had never been away from home on my own, and Jimmy Morrow helped me out, and there was another fellow, Jim Hanford, Class of '15 who also filled in when Jimmy Morrow wasn't around.  So ... they helped me along, and eventually I got into things.  I had to wear a little black cap with a green button on top, you know, as a freshman. KP:  And did you have to carry matches for the upperclassmen? WS:  Oh, sure. ... Oh yes, we had to carry matches, yes.  And not only that, but ... one time as a freshman, when starting the football season, and Rutgers was going down to Princeton, I carried the suitcase of White, one of the Rutgers men down to the station for him. KP:  We also came across, in one of the yearbooks, a description of your junior year that said, "You never think him an athlete, at 105 he tips the beam ..." WS:  "... Yet all the same, he played a great game at right guard on the class football team."  I got in one play. [laughter]  And that earned me my numerals so I could wear a hat with my numerals on it.  I got it around here, once in a while I take it down, for reunion.  Betty usually wears it. KP:  You did not make your mark as an athlete, except you did play one play. WS:  I used to go up on the field every day and watch the ... varsity team practice.  ... Sandy--Sandford, you know, George Foster Sandford--was the new football coach who really established football as a real business, you know, at Rutgers.  And it was very interesting, of course, I didn't know anything about the fine points of the game, but I used to be right there to see the men in  practice, and I guess probably it was in my junior year, we had a younger man, lower classes had just come--Budge Garrett, he ... came up from Peddie. ... He was a real athlete and a football man.  I remember in practice he was carrying the ball, came around the end, almost as it-- turned to me as we are now, and ... one of the men on the scrub team tackled him and brought him down and when he hit the ground the ground shook. KP:  It sounds like you enjoyed football a lot. WS:  Yes, well, ... when we lived in Toledo-- ... of course, I was in the ... sixth, seventh and eighth grades there--the football field was only a block away from where we were living, and I used to go over there Saturdays and do chores and [things] like that, and they would then let us come to the game free. ... Sometimes, after our chores were done, we'd go home ... and the game would be in the afternoon, so we'd go back, and there'd be a different man at the gate who wouldn't let us in, so we had to climb a high wooden fence. SH:  Do you still follow Rutgers football? WS:  More or less.  Not as much, perhaps, as I used to.  But I'm always interested in it. KP:  As a college student, what was your most memorable game that you remember watching?  Does any particular game stand out? WS:  I think just offhand it would be the game with West Virginia when Rogers, I think was his name, he was a wonderful athlete. And ... for the first time--nobody had ever seen it before--he threw a forward pass half the length of the field and everybody just gasped.  They'd never seen a forward pass before.  That fellow Rogers played on the team, oh, two or three years while I was in college.  He afterwards became the head of the athletic department in West Virginia at Morgantown.  So offhand, that always stood out as one of the big times. KP:  After graduating, do any of the games stick out in your mind? WS:  Well, in ... 1969, the hundredth anniversary when we played Princeton and won that game. [laughter] KP:  There was a big rivalry between Princeton and Rutgers particularly over football. WS:  Yeah. KP:  Do you remember, actually maybe I should have Melanie ask this question, about the cannon. MC:  Were there any cannon wars while you were there? WS:  No.  No, that was long, long since. MC:  Well, they still do it today.  Nobody went down to paint the cannon or steal it? WS:  ... No, nobody bothered about the cannons when I was in college.  There's that one in front of Queens that's always been there.  But that's the nearest we ever came to cannons. KP:  What did you major in at college, at Rutgers? WS:  I took what they call a classical course. ... We had to take Greek, that was the main distinction from any other course, we had to take Greek to be an A.B. ... Then, of course, I ... had Latin, continued my Latin at college.  Junior and senior year took Roman Law, and also Constitutional Law under (Scottie?) who had been president, and was an excellent teacher, and whose son proved to be an excellent teacher up at Harvard Law too. ... [Of] all the men up there, I liked Scottie's son, he was a great guy.  Just like his father. KP:  So that professor sticks out. WS:  Yeah. KP:  Sticks out the most for you. SH:  Did you have mandatory chapel? WS:  Oh yes, oh yes.  All the time I was at college and for a few years afterwards, chapel attendance was required.  And the juniors sat on one side of the main aisle, seniors on the other.  The freshman way over on the far side and the sophomores way over on the other wall.  While I was in college, let's see, it would have been my sophomore year I think, they revamped the interior of Kirkpatrick Chapel and made it what it is today.  Before that, there was, where the front part, the organs and choir loft all that is ... there were two floors there, and the president had his office on the first floor, there was a large lecture room, and a small library on the second floor.  But, when we went back for our junior year, the chapel had all been done over to what it is today.  And made ... quite a change.  And it's a good thing too, because by that time, the enrollment had increased from around 400 to something like 600, and you got everybody in chapel at the same time required space, you know. KP:  You mentioned one of your favorite professors, were there any professors who you did not care for? WS:  Dutchie Davis. ... He taught French, and he, oh, he was a terror.  And he had his little book and if you didn't put the (scintillae?) in the right place, he'd mark you off a tenth of a point or something like that.  And ... I had to retake the course with him, I didn't like him and I guess he didn't like me, so he stuck me. ... The second year I had to take it with the Class of '18, and up to that time, the course for first year French always had been the same, ... but he changed the course on me, and we had ... to read a different book.  So it was ... entirely new, but I didn't get along with him in the second year at all, I didn't know what I was going to do.  And I was working in the library during the summertime, so I went to Dutchie Davis before the exam and-- this is all confidential--and I asked him if he'd be good enough to give me a list of books ... or French reading books that I could continue my interest, ... [of] course in French, you know.  Well that hit him in the right spot and he passed me.  That's the way I got through French. ... KP:  Do you remember President Demarest? WS:  Oh, of course I do.  Yes indeed, yes, very much.  ... He was a real college president.  He had the bearing, everything, you know.  And ... he was wonderful.  A lot of fellows didn't like him because he was austere in his manner, and all of that, but he was the head of things. ... Oh yes, ... he ran things ... with a firm hand, but I always admired him.  I liked him, because he was a real college person.  They've ... never had one like him since. KP:  Really, in all the presidents after him.  One of the things that impresses my students to this day is the social life that the old Rutgers had before World War II.  That in fact, the Junior ball, and the Military Ball, and the Senior Ball, did you go to those events? WS:  ... No, I wasn't qualified for things like that. ... Of course, more in the junior and senior year I got into a few things, but ... those affairs were for the fraternity boys.  But because the undergraduates of the college, in that respect, was all run by the fraternities. KP:  You felt that not being part of the fraternities you were left out.  A lot of people have told us that the key offices on campus were taken by fraternity people. WS:  Oh yes, oh yes. KP:  Had you thought of joining a fraternity? WS:  No, I wasn't in the position where I'd be able to handle it--I couldn't spend much time on social life like that.  I had odd jobs when I was in college. ... Oh!  We used to go up on Saturdays and rake leaves at what was known as the Parker House then. (Strombergs?) are living there now, at that time.  And we'd rake leaves and do things like that, you know. ... There'd be a group, oh, half a dozen of us.  And then I got a job down at the Daily Home News, when the office and plant was still down on Hiram Street, and taking papers off the press as they were printed, you know, the daily newspapers.  And then they gave me the job of being the messenger taking the news, New Brunswick news to the New York newspapers about three times a week.  So I'd take the news up to the Times, and the Tribune, and the World, and the Journal and so forth.  ... Of course, they paid my ... railroad fare and at each office where I delivered the news they paid me fifty cents.  So that was--I would study a little bit on the train as I could, you know. ... The paper was owned and run by the family of the Boyds at that time. ... KP:  Had you thought about going to law school while you were in college? WS:  Well, sort of, I guess. ... As you have said, I was influenced pretty much by Jimmy Morrow and so forth, and I figured I couldn't do any better. KP:  Had you thought of the ministry at all? WS:  Well, yes, but I didn't have enough imagination.  My father was an excellent speaker.  He was really good.  But I didn't inherit much of that. KP:  Although it was listed in the yearbook that you were sophomore orator. WS:  Well, you know, a few of the boys would sign up for it, and I got in on it, too.  But by the time the junior year came around, things were a little different.  By that time, the boys who had any ability ... would really come out on top, don't you know, to be chosen.  They'd always have preliminaries. MC:  Where did you live when you went to school? WS:  Oh, I lived in Winants all four years.  In the south end. KP:  You were at school when Rutgers celebrated its 150th anniversary. WS:  Yeah. KP:  There was--I saw in the yearbook and read in the bicentennial history that there was a massive pageant put on to celebrate.  Do you remember that pageant? WS:  Well, only in this way, from the outside.  I wouldn't go to it, because everybody else in the class, ... it seemed to me, was given a part to play, and I was overlooked completely.  And so I ... wouldn't go, I stayed on campus.  It was all held out at the college farm.  I didn't go to it. KP:  Did other people not get a part? WS:  I don't know.  It seemed to me the whole college was there, I think I was the only one left out. [laughter] KP:  You were going to Rutgers at the time that World War I had broken out in Europe.  Do you remember there being a debate on campus what America's role should be? WS:  Oh, I guess there was a lot of that talk going around.  I don't remember anything in particular, if sides were taken one way or another about it.  I think the whole college was very patriotic, and half of our class or more pulled out the senior year you know and never got back. KP:  Had you thought of enlisting in World War I?  Either interrupting your college or enlisting after graduation? WS:  Well, I had thought about it, and, but then, they had the ROTC and all of that regular course, but the ... men in the classical course were not required to take the ROTC, just those in the scientific courses.  But they did have a few opportunities for men who wanted to see what it was like wearing an armband, or carry a gun or something like that.  And that was run by the fraternities too. ... So it was--I might have gotten into it, but as I say, my father and I were in an automobile accident in October 1917, and I fractured my leg.  So I was out. ... I was on the list, called, you know, but they passed me up. KP:  Because of your leg. WS:  I suppose, I don't know.  I never ... was told. BS:  Maybe also, because of your father's death. WS:  But that was the main reason I ... never got in.  I wouldn't pass the muster. KP:  Do you remember, you were at Rutgers, he was an underclassman, but do you remember Paul Robeson? WS:  Oh sure, of course.  Everybody asks me that, everybody.  Sure I knew him.  I knew him very well--that is, I say very well, he was two years behind me, don't you know.  But in those days, everybody knew everybody on campus, and we always spoke as we passed.  And we always tipped our hats to the professors, and they in turn acknowledged.  And there was quite a lot of college spirit. -------------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE ONE---------------- KP:  Go ahead, please.  In terms of college experience. WS:  Well, the college was so small, that you know, everybody knew everybody and so forth.  You felt a part of something, and that I think makes a big difference.  Today a man goes to college, and I don't know whether there's much college spirit or not--maybe there is.  But I'm not around to find out really for sure.  But it's too big for that today. KP:  When did you sense that it was getting too big, that the Rutgers you knew had slipped away? WS:  Oh, of course that ... would be many years after I was out of college, when the new regime would be pushing, you know, for larger enrollments and all that kind of [things].  ... KP:  It sounds like you thought small was better. WS:  Oh yes.  Oh yes.  But now you take a man like Abraham Selman Waksman.  He was Class of '15, ... you never saw him around at anything.  You'd see him walking across the campus now and then, but he was never a part of anything that I know of.  But, of course, he took scientific courses anyway.  But he didn't seem to enter into any of the atmosphere that you expect from the other men. KP:  Were there any other men who didn't get involved with the life of the college? WS:  A lot of fellows who were commuters.  Oh, ... they were looked down upon, especially the fraternity men wouldn't have anything to do with the commuters, you know.  They were just coming in to grab what they could get and take it away.  [laughter] KP:  One of the things that at least people I've interviewed from the 1930s and 1940s who went to Rutgers is they associate the fraternities with automobiles.  Did any of the fraternity men have automobiles in your time? WS:  No, no. SH:  There was a pecking order between the fraternities, and men such as yourself who lived on campus, and then the commuters.  Were there any other biases, or prejudices that were part of this pecking order? WS:  Well, I could only answer that by referring to one particular situation.  We had a young fellow right off the farm who had matriculated with us as freshmen, and he didn't dress properly.  He was ... he just didn't want to be anywhere near ... he was right off the farm, and he didn't amount to anything so far as college was concerned.  I don't know what became of him.  Carl Ruh.  He might have been just as smart as ... all the rest of us, but he didn't associate himself, he didn't want to be associated with anyone like that, you know.  He ... couldn't be friendly.  Everybody dressed the way you're dressed today, you know, when I was in college.  You wore decent clothes, a tie, you know, and the fraternity boys all, of course, wore vests in those days, and they had to have a chain across from one pocket to the other, don't you know.  All that stuff.  That set the stage. KP:  What about canes, were canes still a part of the outfit for someone from the fraternity? WS:  Canes? KP:  Yes. WS:  No, no, no canes.  They were out by that time.  I have somewhere in the house, I don't know where it is now, but I have a cane and it was used by men back around the 1860s, and it has their names carved on it. KP:  There was no Douglass College or New Jersey College for Women when you arrived at Rutgers. WS:  No, that started the year after we graduated, in 1918. KP:  Where did people find dates, because there was no NJC? WS:  Well, ... there was a girl's school on Bayard Street. ...  I've forgotten the name of it now.  There were some nice young ladies who went there, and once in a while you'd have a dance in the gym and invite the girls over. ... Otherwise, I guess the men had to bring the girls from their hometown, as a lot of them did.  On special occasions. KP:  You were at Rutgers when the war was actually declared.  Do you remember any activity at Camp Kilmer, and how that impacted the area? WS:  Oh Camp Kilmer hadn't been established yet. KP:  So it would be established after you had left. WS:  There was no Camp Kilmer at that time, that there was established after I was out. KP:  Is there anything we have forgotten to ask about your Rutgers- -being a Rutgers student?  Are there any other stories? WS:  Any stories ... KP:  Any stories or anything you think we have forgotten to ask you about? WS:  Well, where in Winants Hall today, there is a little cafeteria, that was only the beginning of it. ... And it wasn't a cafeteria in those days.  The dining hall included that part and all the rest of the building all the way down to the north end.  And it was pretty well filled, all the college men and pretty much except those fraternities that had their own dining rooms and [things] like that, ate there.  One of the professors, DeRegt, a chemistry professor, lived on the third floor in the center of Winants Hall, and he and his wife would come down and sit over in the corner with some of the other boys. ... But it was a real dining hall.  The waiters--all the waiters were colored.  They dressed in full regalia, they had a towel over their arm, and they waited on you.  Four dollars a week.  That was another occasion when a good number of the college men got together, don't you know, at meal time. KP:  So it sounds like you enjoyed living at Winants. WS:  Well, it was convenient, and yes.  You see the men you knew, don't you know, all the time, and if you were a fraternity man, why of course, you'd live at the fraternity house.  If they had room for you. ... But otherwise, the friends of mine, they all lived in Winants. SH:  Did the professors have their meals with you? WS:  Just this one. SH:  Just the one. WS:  Just that one.  Because he and his wife lived on the third floor, right in the center, and none of the other professors ever showed up to eat there. SH:  Was your graduation ceremony from Rutgers different from what they are today? WS:  Well at that time, the graduation exercises were held at the Second Reformed Church at George and Albany Street where that little bit of a park is today.  I don't know what that signifies, but ... there was a big brick church there, the largest one in town.  And they used to parade from the campus down to that church and back. SH:  Do you remember the speakers?  Did you have a speaker at your graduation? WS:  Yes, but it would be pretty much a college affair.  The speaker would be chosen from the senior class, don't you know.  The valedictorian would really be the speaker.  And they'd have a local band come in and sit up in the balcony and play dirges and all stuff like that, you know.  It was pretty somber. KP:  The Rutgers you went to in many ways was a Dutch Reformed School. WS:  ... Oh yes.  And Demmie was a Dutch Reformed preacher, ... and he came down from Catskill. ... He's the only Rutgers man who has ever been president. BS:  Did most of the students come from New Jersey? WS:  Yes, yes.  There were a few who--like Graham Pelton, Class of '18 from Essex, Connecticut, you know.  And there were a few from out of state, but for the most part they were all New Jersey men. MC:  And were a lot of them on scholarship also? WS:  Yeah. SH:  Did you feel terribly inferior to Princeton men? WS:  Well, Princeton men at that time, maybe properly or not, looked down--or were supposed to look down upon us.  We felt as though we weren't quite on the same plane as Princeton men, and not quite in their class. SH:  In looking back, do you think that was really true, or did you feel that your education was on par with the Princeton men? WS:  Oh, so far as the education was concerned, we never doubted that we weren't getting a good education.  We had some good professors.  Scottie, who had been president, he taught economics, and constitutional law in our junior and senior year.  Poppy Kirk taught Latin, right up on the third floor of Queens, as you face the building on the left of the third floor.  And he sat in a swivel chair with a high back up on the platform about this high above the main floor, and there was a big hunk of plaster in the ceiling about to fall down and he'd always sit there with his legs crossed underneath that big piece of plaster.  It's a wonder it never fell. ... It didn't seem to bother him at all.  But the students would take a look at him, and a look at that, don't you know, and wonder when's it gonna happen?  But it never did, not while I was there. ... He was from Goucher, I think, if I'm not mistaken.  He was from Goucher, but ... he was along in years.  But he knew his stuff, and ... he was a fine teacher. ... Very considerate, very patient.  He would go to ... any trouble to correct your papers and so forth, you know.  He really worked at the job, he was very nice and kind. KP:  Do you remember when you were in college, any reunion weekends?  Were you on campus for any of the reunion--alumni reunions. WS:  Yes, well, you see, the reunion was held on commencement day.  There was a combination of commencement and reunion, and you couldn't tell one from the other, you know.  It was all one big time. SH:  How much interaction between the Rutgers College students and the town of New Brunswick was there? WS:  Oh, there wasn't any, there wasn't any interaction except when they had the parade down George Street and the men would get a little too excited, you know, and maybe raise a ruckus and they'd have to call the police out.  But that's about the only time that I know that there was any interaction between the college students and the town. BS:  Well, you worked in the town.  Did other students have jobs out in the town? WS:  Oh yes, sure, there were a lot of fellows, like Marcus Aurelius Canfield, don't you know, he had a job at the Jersey Lunch down on Albany Street.  And there were ... other men who had different jobs, some of them good, some of them not so good.  I tended furnace among other things, one year.  And go chop wood up for a man over in Highland Park in the mornings sometimes.  Things like that, you know. KP:  After graduating you went back to Vineland, and your father unfortunately passed away, and it sounds like you finished his job ... WS:  Yeah. KP:  ... making the map. WS:  Right. KP:  It sounds like you learned a good bit about surveying and ... WS:  Well, ... I had to do the surveying, yes, and I did. KP:  And I read that later you, in the early 1920s you went to Asheville, North Carolina. WS:  Yes, ... I was down in Asheville for nine months, and I worked for all the engineers in town, you know, odd jobs.  And that was very nice.  They were all nice men.  I've never met, or been associated with any men on the outside, you know, nicer than those surveyors and engineers. KP:  What led you to North Carolina, why did you take this job? WS:  Oh, I'd been working there in Vineland, I had a job over at the Kimball Glass Company, I had to raise a little money, don't you know, and I didn't know just what the future was going to be.  And I got--I worked for them for about a year or so.  And it was time to sort of branch out and try to find myself.  I'd been ... to college, you know, and I was at home while making the tax map.  And I wasn't sure that I was really qualified to ... compete with real engineers, 'cause I hadn't had that training.  And I wasn't--I've never been good at math, I can sit here in the evening late at night working on accounts, things like that, and I add a column of figures three or four times, you know up and down, and it always comes out different.  And finally I just have to give it up.  You've got to be a mathematician if you want to be an engineer, and I realized that--the competition--I wouldn't be able to meet the competition, the real engineers, you know.  I have friends who were like, I mentioned his name a while ago, Graham Pelton, Class of '18, he helped me ... on the math, but mostly in preparatory material, we had to go over to Bridgeton, the county clerk's office and take off descriptions from the records in order to know how to plot the various parcels.  Because we showed every parcel of land that joined each other ... on this big tax map.  But ... I went down there to see what it was like.  I'd heard it was a great place, so I ... because I had a little engineering work in connection with the tax map, I naturally looked for ... that type of work down there, and I liked it, enjoyed it.  And I got into--in later years I realized ... I could have been in some mix-ups.  Like, one of the engineers, took me with him and we went out, took a train to a station Marshall near Asheville, and then we--somebody led us ... in an old Ford car, took us way back up in the hills, and we stopped at the houses on the way to tell the people who we were and why we were there, for the benefit of the insurance companies who wanted us to locate a barn that somebody had burned down and shot somebody up and all stuff like that, you know. ... On one occasion, we were going out for a-- ... what are these animals, not raccoons, ... possums. KP:  Possums? WS:  Possums, yeah.  We were staying overnight, way out in the back country, ... and we got there late in the day, we had to locate a barn that somebody had burned down because they were having a fight.  And so they decided--we stayed with a native in his log cabin house, you know, and they decided that we'd all go out and have a possum hunt.  Well, I'd never been a possum hunter, I didn't know what a possum looked like.  But, it turned out, they weren't interested in possums, they were interested in establishing a plume, like putting up a post, or something, only it would be a pile of stones, on where the neighbors were fighting as to who owned a certain piece of land.  One man thought he owned it, and the other man put up a fence, you know, and so forth.  So we, instead of fighting possums, ... climbed a fence at night, and some of the men put up a stone where they thought the line ought to--the corner of the property ought to be.  But before they did that, they gave a random shot or two to notify the man who lived over there, on the other side of the fence, that there was somebody out around with a gun and he'd better stay home, because one of those bullets could accidentally find a stray place to go if somebody was in the way of it.  So, I had a few experiences like that, you know. KP:  It sounds like it was a very different part of the country. WS:  ... I went down there, and I, there was something in the back of my mind fascinating about a sheep farm, and I thought, oh, that sounds sort of interesting, I wonder what they do, you know, and what it would be like.  So I went down, and I went to see ... one of the men, he had an office, I guess he was a lawyer, and told him why I had come to town. ... He discouraged me from investigating it.  I was a northerner, you see, and the people out in the hills were very suspicious of any outsider who didn't live, you know, the way they do, or did up in the hills.  He discouraged me from even considering it for any reason at all, so of course, the next easiest thing was to tie it with some of the surveyors in town, so I would work for them, odd jobs, as occasion called for.  This one incident I speak of, is one of those. KP:  The possum hunting.  Being in hill country, I imagine the music was very different.  Do you remember that at all? WS:  No, I didn't see or hear much about that. KP:  What about the food? WS:  Well, the food was pretty much native food.  ... Of course, Asheville was a city, don't you know.  It was a big town. ... Just about like any other town.  I got along with the town people all right, didn't have any trouble there. KP:  You did some surveying work, did you then go to Harvard after the surveying work, or did you work elsewhere? WS:  No, I left Asheville in September, came back to Vineland and went right on up to law school. KP:  And had you considered other law schools besides Harvard? WS:  Well, I thought this. ... I've never seen a law school, I didn't know what it looks like, and so I--well, I had seen and investigated Columbia in New York, that's the only one.  And I thought, well, on the way up I'll stop in New Haven and see what Yale looks like.  I couldn't imagine anybody would want to go to Yale, although a Rutgers man had just graduated from there and made out very well, but I saw the room he lived in, ugh! KP:  What was wrong with the room at Yale? WS:  Huh? KP:  What was wrong with it? WS:  Oh, ... it was in a ... frame building, and hadn't been kept up, and it was dreary, and dirty, and uninviting. And I couldn't imagine myself having to live in a place like that, you know.  And I didn't like the looks of their ... classroom.  There wasn't anything inviting about it at all.  So I went ... on to ... see Harvard, and I told the secretary in the office Dick (Ames?) ... that I had been to Columbia and I had stopped to see Yale, and he sort of sneered at the idea that I would even stop in New Haven to see the place.  So I was quite satisfied to stay ... in Cambridge.  It was at night when I got there, and I had my suitcase, and Harvard, you know, Harvard Square is very busy.  You ever been there? KP:  Oh yes. WS:  Up in Cambridge? KP:  Yes. WS:  Well then you know what I mean.  It's even busier today, but it was a busy center.  I went into a restaurant and got something to eat, and I was standing outside wondering what I was going to do, where I was going to be for the night.  Some young fellow saw me standing there, and he came over and wanted to do what he could for me, standing out in front of this restaurant, so he said that ... he had a room in a house, but he had decided that he wasn't going to stay ... it didn't appeal to him, he was going somewhere else, and there would be a chance for me to have his room.  So what can you do, eight, nine o'clock at night, you know, not knowing where you're going or what to do.  So I picked up my suitcase and went with him, walking down one of the back streets, I stayed with him all night, and the next morning he left and took his things, and I left a note that I was willing to take over his room, it was in an apartment.  And the people who were living there had an extra room which they rented out. ... So when I went over to [the] law school, of course, busy all day long, I went back at night to the room and found they had taken all my stuff out and put it in the hallway and locked the door.  So, [laughter] I had ... another experience of trying to find a place to stay overnight.  But I found one somewhere. KP:  Where did you eventually live after all these experiences? WS:  I lived in various places ... not far from Harvard Square.  I eventually, my first year, found a room--we had two rooms, a study room and another room that we could use for a bedroom, for two of us.  And I put a notice on the ... bulletin board at the law school that I had a place for anybody who needed a room, and a fellow from Whitman College out in Washington showed up and answered my little note on the bulletin board, so we roomed together at number 12 Sumner Road.  And unless you're really familiar with Cambridge you wouldn't know where that was, but it was right near the yard, a couple of blocks away.  A nice place. KP:  My wife is from the Boston area, so for example our wedding invitations came from the Harvard Coop. WS:  Oh really.  Oh well, then you know all about it. KP:  When I first went up to Harvard Square, I think I was still in college, I was surprised at how busy Harvard Square was.  I even thought to myself, how can anyone get any work done, because it's so busy. WS:  I know, it's too busy.  Of course, there's a lot of local business there, even at that time, but they tore down some of the old buildings and put up big office buildings and stuff like that, you know.  And they were always making over the subway station. KP:  They still are. WS:  It was the end of the line, you know, and they were always making over, making changes there for years.  But they finally got it, now the subway is extended, you know way up to ... KP:  Alewife. WS:  What do they call it? KP:  I think it's Alewife. WS:  Yes, that's it.  Alewife. KP:  How difficult was your first year at Harvard? WS:  It was tough. KP:  Because the first year of law curriculum is a pretty tough one for most. WS:  Yeah, pretty tough.  I didn't like it. ... The first class on torts.  We went in a great big room, in a semi-circle, you know, continuous desks and chairs, and platform for the professor.  And it was in torts.  Of course, I didn't know what a tort was.  And here this professor was up there, ... he just ... shot off his mouth all the time, you didn't know ... what he was talking about or why. ... It was very discouraging.  Well, after a while of course you get used to those things, because you have to.  You'd better or else you don't stay.  As they told us at a reception at the beginning, he says, you men are here, but remember the door swings both ways.  Well that had nothing to do with Rutgers except one of the men was Scottie, Scottie's son who taught procedure.  And as one of the upper ... third year man would say, ... all the men would take any course that Scottie taught.  The first year men he taught procedure.  And ... he was good, we liked him.  Just like his father. KP:  What was your most difficult course of your first year courses?  Because a lot of people have said it's property. WS:  The first year of college? KP:  No, at law school.  A lot of people have said property was their toughest course. WS:  Well, ... in this way, the professor was Bull Warren, and he was a bull, too.  Oh, he had no regards for anybody and he let you know right off.  He said one day, ... there was a man from Iowa or somewhere up that way, Mr. Reeser, he was a little older than some of the men, and he was asking him a question about a case.  And Reeser wasn't quick enough, he wasn't much of a student anyway, and Bull says, "Well, we may as well draw the white sheet over Mr. Reeser and pass on." KP:  Did Mr. Reeser make it through law school, or did they in fact draw the curtain? WS:  He stuck it out.  His wife ran a dining room at Brattle Inn.  It was a big old house, and ... she ran a wonderful home-cooked meals there, but very, very business like, and a very nice person.  In fact she was--my third year there, I made arrangements that I would get a job during the summer and pay her my board bill, and so ... she was very, very nice. KP:  Of the first year curriculum you had, were there any courses you particularly enjoyed?  Or in general any areas of law that you gravitated to, that you enjoyed? WS:  Well, I enjoyed Bull Warren.  As a matter of fact, my first day or two they had assigned me a seat ... way up in the back, you know, the room holds about 300 men or more, and I had a seat at a bench way in the back, and there were some vacant spaces down in front.  So I was reassigned to the very first row bench, right under his nose, down in front.  Right in the center. ... There was room on this bench for eight or ten men at the most, well I was right ... right in the center, and like all the others I kept my nose down in the book, I hardly ever looked up.  One day, however, he was explaining--Bull Warren was explaining something, and I got my nerve up, and I said to him, "Would you repeat that please?"  And he looked at me, and he says, "I never give encores!" (laughter).  And he went right ahead, and he said it word for word right over again.  That's the type of man he was, but you had to hit him just right, you know.  But ... I enjoyed property under him, and I also enjoyed, we had another professor, Joey Beale.  My roommate called him "the little butcher boy!"  He wasn't very tall, and he was sort of rotund, and he didn't try to put anybody down, he was a good lecturer and he was nice.  You felt sort of at ease with him, but he was very profound.  I remember ... one day, in one class, we had a fellow, his name was Weissbord, and he was a sight, and he wanted to make his presence known, and pushy type.  And Joey Beale was talking one day, and finally this fellow put his hand up, and ... asked after Joey Beale ... had finished, ... he said, ... "Isn't that being technical?" to Joey Beale, you know.  You don't talk to Joey Beale like that, you know.  He's too nice a man for one thing.  And so everybody just let it go, ... nobody liked that ... interruption like that, you know.  So about a week later, Joey Beale was lecturing again, and he happened to get this man ... Weissbord, you know, a conversation with him, and he led him along, he led him along.  He knew what he was doing, ... and everybody listened.  ... And finally he asked Weissbord a question, he said, "Isn't that being technical?"  And the whole room just roared, oh immediately!  You know.  Oh, it was wonderful.  So what are you going to do.  It's tough.  Awfully tough.  But ... KP:  At Harvard, what type of law did you think you'd specialize in, what did you hope? WS:  I wasn't sure, but I rather thought possibly corporate law.  There seemed to be a lot of money in that.  And Bull Warren had taught corporate law, corporation, and I took that course.  But I wasn't ... quite sure.  But I finally wound up with mostly ... real estate law down in Newark.  ... I served my clerkship with the attorneys for the Fidelity Union Trust Company which at that time was the biggest bank in New Jersey, and these partners had been employees of the bank, but there was a rule that a corporation couldn't practice law, and they were practicing law as employees of the bank, you know.  So they had formed the firm that I was their first clerk. KP:  How long did you stay with Hood and Lafferty? WS:  I was with them, let's see, the better part of a couple of years.  And they didn't expand, there wasn't the opportunity to feel that you're getting anywhere.  So when I passed the bar I thought maybe I'd get a promotion or something like that but there wasn't anything coming.  So I went over to work in the title company, where ... their original offices had been when I first went to Newark in one of the Prudential buildings.  They all were very nice to me, they were very nice. KP:  I have interviewed an attorney who I also worked for Hood and Lafferty, Alan Lowenstein.  Do you know Alan Lowenstein? WS:  Just in a more or less.  Not too well. ... KP:  One of the things he said about practicing law in New Jersey in the 1920s and 1930s up until the new constitution was that it was a very--law in itself can be very difficult, but that New Jersey sort of managed to make it even more difficult, even for an attorney who was just out of law school it took a while to figure things out. WS:  Well, I guess it would be true anywhere.  When a man got through law school, he wasn't trained at law school to be a lawyer.  ... --------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE TWO--------------------- KP:  This continues an interview with Mr. Walter Seward on December 30th, 1996 at West Orange, New Jersey, with Kurt Piehler MC:  Melanie Cooper, SH:  Sandra Stewart Holyoak. KP:  And you were saying how law school trained you not to be a lawyer, but how to think like a lawyer. WS:  That's what we decided because, you know, you graduate law school, you didn't know how to handle a client.  How to foreclose a mortgage or do anything practical.  But, it gave you a start, so that you had a basis for continuing to learn the mechanics of practice.  Now I think today ... they have courses on, you might say, the mechanics of practice.  I think ... they're more liberal in that respect today.  I've done a little research working and being a member of one of the law clubs which required a little research for them at law school, but ... I didn't like it very much because, well, it was too much of a drudge.  And they didn't teach you how to make use of the library.  Quote you something out of ... (Encyc 1), ... "What?  What is this man talking about?" (Encyc?) was the encyclopedia of law, and all the laws, you know.  Big thick book.  Who knows what that's like?  So when I served my clerkship, I had to teach myself how to use law books, and what law books were available, and what the procedure was.  And even though I didn't like some of it, I had to use it, and eventually I ... overcame the dislike of it. KP:  Did you ever do any trial work in your career? WS:  I wasn't a trial lawyer, no. BS:  ... pro bono, is that what they call it? WS:  Pro bono? BS:  You were assigned cases ... WS:  Oh, I was assigned a couple of criminal cases (laughter), but ... they weren't jury cases. ... I was ... too green about the practice and procedure when I got out of law school.  I expected to continue an education from the men I would be working with, you know.  I didn't know the first thing of what to do. SH:  Where did you go from the title company? WS:  Well, ... during the Depression, I went over to New York.  Because you couldn't get a job anywhere, and I figured that there's no better time than right now to get admitted in New York, and I figured I could get admitted on motion.  I had almost five years in New Jersey as a member of the bar, and in fact I had been admitted as an attorney, and then three years later it was (-------?) exams as counselor, so that I had almost five years of practice in New Jersey when the Depression came along.  I went over to New York ostensibly to be admitted on motion, because they would accept a man from another state if he had five years.  Well, my five years wasn't quite up yet when I went over to the first department, that's Manhattan.  And so they wouldn't let me register for the first department.  But they let me register over in Brooklyn, in the second department, because my admission to the bar with five years would accumulate during that period of time before the day for making the motion would come up. Well ... I had to study New York law, and ... instead of being--I was admitted on motion, but in order to qualify to be admitted on motion, I had to take a private examination by the head of the committee who sat down at one end of the long table, and he had a stenographer from New York's district court right here taking every word down, and somebody else, I guess a policeman, sitting over there on the other side, and I was down at the other end of the table.  He asked me all kinds of crazy questions I never heard of: "Who was Hugo Grotius"  I asked one of the fellows here who went to Yale Law School, he'd never heard of Hugo Grotius.  Hugo Grotius was the man in the Dark Ages who invented the corporation.  But you don't need to know that to practice law today, don't you know?  He, for three hours!  I finally made it.  I don't know how, but I wasn't good for much more when that was all over. ... So I got admitted in New York.  Well, while I was in New York, in Hoover's administration, they started up the HOLC.  Homeowner's Loan Corporation, to help out people who couldn't pay their mortgages, and ... try to make it easier for them, you know.  And so I got in the New Jersey office of the HOLC, a friend of mine really got the job for me.  I was in New York and things were still at a standstill, and there was no chance of making money anyway, at that time, and there was this HOLC which offered a little money.  Over in New York I was just an ordinary office boy.  I got fifteen dollars a week, and I lived over on Staten Island in a room with no heat.  That was one of the most severe winters they ever had. ... I used to take the ferry in, a couple of girls ... on the ferry, which was crowded, I'll always remember.  The bay was frozen over, and one of the girls said to the other, she says, "The ice is full of bay." (laughter) So I come back to New Jersey, and they discovered down in Washington that I had been living in New York.  So I wasn't qualified to be employed at the New Jersey state office.  So what to do? ... I was qualified, however, to work in New York, so they transferred me over to the New York regional office, and made me the advisory attorney for New York, New Jersey, ... and Connecticut.  Of course, I didn't know too much New Jersey law, and I didn't know--and I knew some New York law, I didn't know anything much about Connecticut law.  But I had to handle problems in all three states. KP:  What types of things did you handle? WS:  Well, it would be legal problems were the questions that would arise, and in connection with a man owning property, and unable to make the mortgage payments, and how much time would be given them to try to work things out. ... All kinds of questions.  A lot of questions of estates, sometimes corporations. ... I had all that type of work to do.  To advise the attorney who was in charge as to what the outcome would be. KP:  How did you get your job with the HOLC?  Did you have a friend? WS:  A friend of mine had returned from the war, and had been associated with where I was working, and so he told the state council about me, and they looked me up in New York.  Because they had problems in New Jersey, and they wanted somebody who knew how to handle it.  So, that's the way it worked out. SH:  How long did you stay with the HOLC? WS:  Oh, let's see, how long was it all together?  Until after the war.  It--oh, I don't think I'll be there to see four years.  I forget even at that time ...  I hadn't, while I was in New York, I hadn't taken my vacation time, or sick leave or anything of that sort, and I needed some dental work done, so I took time off for that.  And because it was free time and my paycheck would come in anyway, when I came back they greeted me with the news that that was my last day.  So, the best I could do then was to come back to New Jersey and foreclose mortgages for the HOLC which I did for two or three years.  Things were easing up, you know, and still a lot of people couldn't meet the requirements and obligations.  Foreclosure was the ... only solution.  We tried to get what they called a voluntary deeds, if we could.  To save having litigation, but there was plenty of litigation involved. SH:  Did that cover all of New Jersey?  Foreclosures all over New Jersey? WS:  ... Oh yes.  I've passed on real estate titles all over the state and in every county. KP:  How many foreclosures did you do on an average month?  Roughly? WS:  Oh, maybe a dozen. KP:  And of these how many would be voluntary, and how many would you have to litigate? WS:  Oh, about half and half I would say probably. SH:  Did you have a large staff working for you? WS:  I had to do all the work myself.  I was office boy, I was everything.  I was stenographer, I was secretary, I was handyman.  That's the way it was, because actually that was the beginning of holding up, don't you know.  After the war we didn't need to carry out that system. SH:  Did you at least have an office for files? WS:  I had an office where I was living.  Down in the center of Newark. SH:  What did you think of Newark coming from South Jersey, like Vineland? WS:  Newark proved to be an entirely different place from what I expected. I don't know that I care to elaborate on that at all. SH:  Why not?  Please. WS:  Well, when you're going to college, and when you're going to law school, you can pick your friends.  But when you get out in the business world, you deal with people who may not be your friends.  And it may be so different--their answers are entirely different from yours, you know.  It's a different world. SH:  Did you take part in any of the cultural activities that Newark was known for at that time? WS:  I couldn't see much cultural activities. ... I thought it might be nice to be a member of the New Jersey Historical Society, to meet a nice class type of people, you know.  But they were ... like this ... KP:  You found them very cliquey, cliquish. WS:  Yeah, so that didn't amount to anything. ... So I got mixed up with some of the politicians, or tried to, and attended ... some of the local meetings. KP:  Did you know Arthur Vanderbilt? WS:  Well, I knew who he was, I never personally knew the man.  I hadn't much occasion to, as a matter of fact.  He was quite a man.  He was Dean of the New York Law School, and he was also the county counsel for Essex County.  I don't know how many jobs he had, but he was pulling it, raking in the money from all directions.  And he was a very, very smart, able man, and he had his ... own law practice besides all this.  I don't know how he was ... able to manage it all. ... I came back on the train with him one night from New York quite late, he and his wife with others had been going to the opera or something like that, I guess I had taken in a show.  He lived out on the Day Estate in Short Hills, near the Short Hills station. ... [They have] great big houses back, you know, set out by itself.  I guess it's a real estate development now.  He lived there.  I don't know whether he was related to the New York Vanderbilts or not, but he was a very, very able man. SH:  What politicians were you involved with in Newark? WS:  Oh just, the local men in particular area of the city, you know.  One of them was ... had a job, he was a foreman in the sewer department.  But he was the politician in that particular area.  So I did some work for him.  ... I even ... got my name on the ballot in one election for justice of the peace.  But in a city like ... Newark, the justice of the peace is nobody.  He has no authority to do anything, because there are other legal organizations that handle all that type of work that a justice of the peace out in the country, you know ... finds jurisdictional. SH:  Were you running as a Republican? WS:  Uh hum. SH:  Pretty tight race! WS:  I always say anyone with our name has to be a Republican. KP:  How did World War II change your law practice?  Did you continue with the HOLC or did you ... WS:  I got mixed up with title companies. KP:  That's when you made the switch to titles. WS:  Yeah. SH:  Did your practice stay then in Newark? WS:  Uh hum. SH:  Where did you live, yourself in Newark? WS:  Well, let's see.  I first lived in 487 Summer Avenue, North Newark.  In a boarding house run by a Mrs. Gibb.  And I had a very nice room.  It happened that when I came to Newark, I came on my birthday, 1924, October 13.  And I went to the law office which was on the third floor of the bank building, and it was a holiday because it was a Monday and they were celebrating Columbus' birthday on Monday.  I didn't know that, I wouldn't have come.  So I didn't know what to do, where I was gonna live.  I went to the Y, and they were all filled up.  And they said, "Here's a list of people out in the city who have rooms for rent in case you want to investigate."  So I looked at the list, and I didn't know Newark, one street or anything from another, and I got on a bus.  On the way going up towards North Newark to investigate two or three addresses, here's a fellow who came from the back of the bus up, and approached me, and it was a fella I had known in college, and who had waited tables at the place where I was employed getting people, college men, to come and eat, you know.  And he said, "Well, we've got a room up here in the place where I'm living."  So I stopped off with him, and it was a real nice room and I lived there for a while. Then I moved to another building run by a couple of older ladies, a little farther up.  There I had a room about a quarter of the size of this one.  A tower room, you know, in an old Victorian house.  That was the only opening ... they had.  Windows all around, you know?  Well, it was sort of a lark. ... I moved in there, because they only charged me two dollars a week.  And I still wasn't making very much money.  I still was in that stage where ... you have to serve a clerkship, you know, and go through all that stuff. ... Oh, and the food there was wonderful. ... Aunt Ann was the cook, she and her sister.  Aunt Ann and Ma Kenny.  And they had come down from New York, western New York state, I don't know why or how--years before, but they were making their way running this boarding house.  They had school teachers, you know, they had a mechanic, they had some boys who ran a printing press, up at the (-----? company), that made cups, paper cups. SH:  So after the war, where did you live in Newark? WS:  Well, I, when I left the boarding house, I had to live over in Staten Island to qualify in the second department, as a New York resident, you know.  But that's the only way you can get in.  So, of course, I had to give up my room up there on Carteret Place in North Newark, and having moved over to Staten Island.  And when I came back I got a room right down the center of Newark near to the HOLC offices, so it was just a few minutes walking distance to carry on with the work I had to do on the outside for them.  And I got tired of that eventually, and I found a place over here on Central Avenue near ... the high school, and I was there for eighteen years.  I had a nice little apartment there.  I was there for eighteen years right next to the firehouse, but ... that didn't interfere, in any way, my room looked out on the yard in back and some ladies used to run the flower garden in the summertime.  All the time I lived there I never went down to the backyard.  My windows looked right out on it.  Then after Betty and I were married, we needed quarters a little bit larger than that, because she had been in an apartment, and we dumped everything that she had into what I had in this apartment.  We could ... hardly get around.  It was almost impossible. ... So we found--my sister saw a picture of this house in a real estate office over at Main and Scotland Road over where a bank is now--it's been there for years, it was originally a real estate office.  And she made inquiries about it, and it turned out to be this place in West Orange where we have lived for 35 years! SH:  How did you meet Mrs. Seward? WS:  Well I stumbled over her at church.  Or something like that. BS:  We went to the same church which was near where he lived, and across the street from where I lived. WS:  Oh yes, I remember now.  We had a big snowstorm and the two of us, I guess were the only ones who showed up on a Sunday. ... They couldn't plow out the place for anybody to get in.  That was in February of 1958. BS:  I couldn't justify not going to church when I lived right there.  But we both just happened to take cameras with us and so ... we were out there taking pictures of the church and all this snow. KP:  So you have pictures from that--do you still have the pictures? BS:  Probably. WS:  And I was invited up to her apartment for a cup of coffee. BS:  I didn't know he ... [he] didn't drink coffee. WS:  I wasn't a coffee drinker.  What can you do under weather conditions like that?  Snow on the ground this high, you know. BS:  You would have gotten lost walking ... the three blocks back to your place, you could have frozen to death! SH:  So how long did it take you to propose from this February snowstorm? WS:  I don't think I ever did propose, did I Betty? BS:  Well, you must have.  (laughter)  We went down on Mother's Day weekend to tell your folks.  And then we got married the end of June.  We sort of pushed it. SH:  Did you get married in Newark? BS:  No.  At the church in Orange. WS:  Congregational church, where the big snowstorm. ... They filled the church.  The church was not, well, not too big a congregation, a small congregation and so forth.  But we filled it that day. KP:  Are you still members of that church? WS:  Never was a member of that church.  I'm still a member of the church down in Vineland.  I was admitted as a member of the church out in Toledo when we lived there, and I figured I'd never be a member of any other church.  You know, one was enough because of family, our relatives all went there and so forth.  A nice big church.  When we moved to Vineland, of course, that changed things.  My father brought our letters ... [from Toledo] to the Presbyterian Church in Vineland.  And so I've been a member there ever since 1910 or 11. ... Now I go to the First Presbyterian Church over on Main Street and ... Scotland Road in Orange. BS:  The church we were married in was a Congregational Church and it through the years got smaller and smaller.  Members retired, and members died--their families married and moved to the suburbs, and we did not succeed in drawing from the community.  So ultimately the church dissolved and sold to another church group, which ultimately sold it to still another one which now is going great guns there.  And as Walter said, he goes to the First Presbyterian in Orange, and meanwhile I was brought up Episcopalian although I have very warm feelings for the Congregational.  But we wanted one that had a good Sunday school for the children, so I ended up in a Episcopal church in Maplewood, where our daughter just clicked in immediately. ... It didn't work as well for Jonathan, but I still go there, and Walter goes with us once in a while.  He goes there for some of the functions that take place, but. WS:  If there's anything to eat, I'll be there. BS:  He's not as comfortable with the Episcopal service.  Often, I will take him to First Church and leave him, and I'll go to St. Georges and I'll come back for him.  His service begins half an hour later than mine, so it's just about getting over when I get back, so that works out. SH:  How many children do you have? BS:  Two. WS:  A boy, and a girl. SH:  And their names are? WS:  Jonathan, the older, and Marymae, named after her two grandmas. SH:  Their picture shows that they are handsome and beautiful children. BS:  Thank you.  He's up in Boston and he's working as a liaison for communities up there with the Tunnel Authority.  To try to make sure that the land that's left after they build the tunnel is used in the most appropriate ways and doesn't just become another eyesore.  And he's loving it.  Marymae, meanwhile, came back from Los Angeles where she had been working in geriatrics to become executive director of an adult day care center up in Totowa.  And that has just gotten fabulous reviews.  We're quite excited.  And she lives just around the corner from us, which is marvelous!  She and her husband, of whom we're very fond. ... KP:  Did any of your children attend Rutgers? WS:  My daughter Marymae spent her junior year of college at Rutgers.  She went to Tufts, and seeing as the rule at Tufts is for your junior year you always go somewhere else, and then come back for your senior year, you know, to graduate. BS:  ... [In] the second half of her sophomore year, she went to London, and studied there, and travelled in Europe.  Then Walter went over and joined her for a month, and at the end of that month, with one week overlapping, I went over--I was doing some supplemental teaching at that time, you couldn't leave until the school year ended, so she stayed on over through the summer, and she did England, and Wales, and Ireland, and Scotland.  Then she and I did part of the continent and England and Scotland and Ireland.  Then the following year she went down to Rutgers and got courses she would not have been able to get at Tufts, with some experiences she valued very much, and went on back to Tufts for her senior year. WS:  While she was at Rutgers, she got a job at, what was she?  Something at St. Joseph's home over on ... Woodbridge. ... BS:  I think she was program director or something. ... WS:  Yes, ... she managed things for the people to do, don't you know.  And she enjoyed that very much. BS:  Then she worked for a time in Boston at the hospital associated with Tufts, then went out to Los Angeles and studied at the University of Southern Cal, and after she had her masters, she saw a job notice for a job with the ... YMCA, I believe it was, or the YWCA, setting up a program for older adults.  She applied, she got the job, she worked there until funding didn't develop--you know, when all of a sudden funding was reduced for everybody, and hers was the last position.  So she got a job with a hospital out in Granada Hills where they had a program particularly for older adults, and they did a lot of Alzheimer's research there, and she worked there, through that hurricane ... WS:  She was right in the center ... of the hurricane. BS:  ... Earthquake. WS:  ... A building about a hundred feet away, the whole side of it came down. BS:  She did a lot of exploring (-----------?).  But after that, she and her husband decided, ... well both of them missed the change of seasons in the east, and they were ready to head back east, so they started looking into jobs, and looking into places to live, and ended up back here.  She's there, and he works out of Manhattan when he's not being shipped off to Minnesota.  They say they get a lot of frequent flier miles. [laughter]. KP:  How did it feel to have a daughter at Rutgers?  Because when you were at Rutgers, it was very much an all-male place.  How did you feel about coeducation? WS:  Well, I was sorry that they did that.  I thought it--I liked it as ... all men.  And they had started, of course, the year after I graduated, they started Douglass, and that was just for the women, because they didn't want any women on the Rutgers campus, you know.  But they had to do something to satisfy some politicians, and they were looking for state money, and one thing and another. KP:  I read in the Rutgers Alumni Magazine in 1956, you were very critical of the state takeover of Rutgers in 1956. WS:  Was I? KP:  Yeah, you had written ... I didn't copy the whole thing down, but one of the things you had written was you were opposed to the state takeover, it looks like a real giveaway, and you also argued, "No assurance money will come from politicians," and you argued that, "government in control of education means government controlled thought." WS:  Did I say all that?  (laughter) ...  Hey, I'm glad you came!  ... Let's see, what will I do here? KP:  It sounds like there was a lot of the old Rutgers you were sorry--you didn't want to see go. WS:  ... Yes, there's too much of a change.  Yes.  And I think there were a lot of other people who realized that and that's how they came to establish Douglass. ... I guess they wanted a state college for women, and that was one way to work it out with the boys down in Trenton. KP:  The Alumni Association very much wanted us to interview you partly because you have an incredible record of attendance at reunions. WS:  Well, I had to miss some, of course.  I had to miss ... the first reunion I got back to was 1919.  I couldn't get back in 1918, because I was working on the tax map.  But except for that, I've come back every year except for the time I was up in Cambridge.  Because the exams up there would come just about at reunion time down at college. KP:  So you, in a sense, have been going to reunions since the late 1920s.  Pretty regularly it sounds. WS:  Yeah. KP:  In fact, I think I was told you've been to 49 consecutive reunions. WS:  Oh have I?  Yeah, well, I've been going regularly every year, yeah.  And in our fiftieth reunion I originated the alumni reunion chapel service, and I've been conducting that ever since. SH:  Do you feel like an honorary Rutgers alumnus, Mrs. Seward? BS:  Well, somewhat.  I've seen things change, because when I  first would go down for his alumni meetings, we were not permitted to go--women were not permitted to go to the luncheons.  And we were definitely (-----------?).  But then--and they would have their class dinner and the wives would be there, and then we would have to go out while they conducted business.  And then until they caught on to the fact that the business was probably stuff the wives already knew about, we would discuss it at home, so they quit that foolishness. ... SH:  Where did you go to school? BS:  I went to Piedmont College in Northeast Georgia.  A small church related college.  Coed. [laughter]  To me, anything other than coed seemed asinine!  I'd gone to coed schools all my life, and the state school was a little larger than I was interested in anyway.  But what is now Florida State University was Florida State College for Women, and you could go to Gainesville, which was a men's college if you were taking courses that they didn't offer in Tallahassee.  But when I suggested to my brother, "Well, maybe I'd like to go there and take forestry."  He in fact said, "Over my dead body!  I know what they think about the girls who go to their school!" But Piedmont also cost less and almost all the students worked at least part of the way and it was just considered normal, so it was an ideal place.  And it was very, very small, and I had gone to a high school of 1800 and the college was 250.  So anything I tried out for I got into.  They were grateful!  The only thing I didn't get into was the Debate Club, because I didn't want anybody telling me which side to argue.  Well no, I also didn't get into the ministerial alliance.  But other than that.  And it was, it was a terrific place for me, and I was the fourth child in the family, and up there, they didn't know anyone else in my family.  When my sister came to visit me, she was my sister, instead of my being her sister.  And if you've been a younger sibling you know what this means.  And the relationship with the faculty was terrific, and you didn't have time to get homesick, because every time you saw anybody on campus you said hello, and you saw enough people you didn't have time to think about it.  In all sorts of ways it was great, but then ultimately, when I decided I wanted to do graduate work, I decided I wanted to go outside that section of the country and get a different perspective and also I wanted a school that people had heard of.  So I went to Teacher's College of Columbia and which had been heard of, and had some excellent teachers. ... Some of them weren't so good, but I really had some terrific ones.  Then I taught for four years in Massachusetts, and then I came to West Orange to teach.  And I've been here ever since.  As I said, I was living across the street from the church that Walter went to, and I remember thinking, well, I hope I like this church, because I'll probably end up going there.  And I did.  And I was not comfortable in the Episcopal churches that I tried, in that area and the Congregational Church was right for me.  All that worked out fine. SH:  What subject did you teach here in West Orange? BS:  Biology.  Since then I have been a substitute teaching for anything.  They no longer call me, thank goodness, for auto shop.  I don't think I've ever been called for boy's gym when they had them separated.  And they don't call me for phys. ed. anymore.  But I sub in the middle schools and the high schools.  There are only three schools in West Orange that I go to, it works out.  I started out in the high school, because that's where I taught.  And then I started in one of what were then junior high schools, because, I knew all the kids that went there, because I'd been active with Girl Scouts and with Boy Scouts.  And then I started going all over to these other junior highs.  Now I see kids, I probably had, or soon will have those whose grandparents I had in school.  [laughter] I have had some whose parents I had.  But it's interesting, because I get them in the sixth grade, and then I may get them again along the way, but also when they get to be seniors.  And its fun to see them as they go through. SH:  So what changes have you seen in the Alumni Association at Rutgers? BS:  Well, they're more open now.  And more interesting planning activities for families on reunion day. KP:  So when the men had their meeting and the lunch where ... -------------------------END OF TAPE TWO, SIDE ONE---------------- SH:  You were saying where you went when the men began their meetings, then you had to retire to the ... BS:  Yeah.  We all ate lunch together, or dinner, or whatever it was, but then they would be ready to call the meeting to order so the ladies would get up and walk out ... together.  It really seemed kind of stupid, but a lot of things in life do.  At one point I worked for the army and that prepared me for a lot of things that seemed stupid. KP:  When did you work for the army? BS:  After World War II, I worked in Germany for a year and a half as a civilian. KP:  What did you do for the army?  When were you in Germany? BS:  '46 to '48.  I worked in civilian personnel, and then I worked in transportation. ... It was, for me it was a marvelous opportunity, I would never have gone to ... Europe otherwise.  And they paid my way, and they paid most of my expenses while I was over there and paid me a salary in addition, so, you know.  And it was great, and I could do enough stenography to get by.  I had some interesting experiences of various sorts. KP:  What part of Germany were you in? BS:  Bad Nauheim and Bremerhaven. KP:  And what office did you work in?  What department of the Army? BS:  Continental Base Headquarters.  And then after that closed as such, and we went to Bremerhaven, I guess it was just Bremerhaven Port of Embarkation, that's when I was working for transportation.  Part of the time trying to find new jobs for men who had worked with the merchant marine through the war and were not interested in coming back to the states and working at stateside jobs.  They liked being on the water and doing that sort of thing, and there wasn't a need for them now, as there had been.  But it was ... you'd meet all sorts of people.  Some of them you'd really like, and some of them--you're glad you had met somebody like that, and hope not to again soon!  [laughter]  But it also meant that I got to London, and other parts of England, and I got to Paris, I got to Belgium, I got to Amsterdam, I got to Switzerland.  I got to Denmark. SH:  Were you shocked at what you saw compared to the news and the information that had come back to the states during the war? BS:  I don't know that I was shocked, I was distressed.  Because you'd go through these wastelands-- ... somebody had pointed out to me that they had not yet rebuilt certain areas, because they wanted to get reparations, and they figured they could present a better case if all the war damage was still there.  But I went to Bad Nauheim, one bomb had dropped on it by mistake during the war-- there was nothing to bomb.  It had been a resort town, and it was an ideal place for them to set up a headquarters, because there were lots of little hotels, and lots of little dining rooms, so they could accommodate this influx of people.  And I worked in the Grand Hotel [laughter]! ... No it was, Bad Nauheim didn't show the effects of the war much.  And actually when I first went over, you didn't do much travelling around.  There wasn't any way to do it.  You could take [the] train, and that was a (------?) as long as you stayed in Germany and sometimes when you went beyond, you weren't expected to pay a fare if you were travelling in uniform, and the headquarters I was at, civilians were required to wear uniforms for work.  And it was super to go ahead and wear it if you were travelling, because for the women, we had the slacks and the jacket and the skirts, and the whole works.  It was comfortable and convenient. ... So you went certain designated places, but we weren't supposed, really, to travel in Germany except to those designated places, because the people were having too many hardships.  They didn't have food for themselves, much less for anybody else.  So you stayed out and went to Garmisch, went to Munich, got into Frankfurt a time or two, got to Wiesbaden once.  I didn't do much travelling in Germany, but it did get me an opportunity to travel through Germany to other places, and that was wonderful for me.  My next trip was going to be to Italy, but then my father became critically ill, and my mother sent word so I came back to the states.  Had an ... emergency leave, but it ended as a termination, it just wasn't feasible for me to go back. KP:  It sounds like you had a position that in the war had been a WAC position. BS:  Probably. KP:  Yes, especially having to wear uniforms on duty. BS:  Well, the general was one of those.  He was an armchair general all through the war, and was throwing his power around after he got over there.  He was not too much respected by the men who actually served in the services--who now were coming back, as civilians and working for Judge Advocate General and positions of that sort. ... I didn't mind wearing a uniform, we didn't have to wear it after work.  So it meant I didn't have to put as much money into clothing, and I didn't have to think in the morning.  Even when you had an emergency--what did they call--air raid alert, or something like that, you just automatically put on your uniform, didn't have to think about it. KP:  You were also in Germany, if I'm correct, during the Berlin Airlift? BS:  Yeah.  That was scary. KP:  You felt that ... BS:  Well I went to Berlin twice.  Once by train and once by car.  And I can still remember how it felt.  You get to a checkpoint, you just didn't know what was gonna happen.  The time I went by car, before we got to the checkpoint, one of my friends said, "I'm gonna say you're my wife, and you're gonna be asleep in the backseat.  Because then, they're not going to ask you any questions."  So we did it that way, but we just weren't sure what they might do.  It was the lack of assurance.  And then in Bremen, they had a, well, civilians had junior officer privileges, which meant we could go to the officer's club.  And in Bremen, they had an officer's club for American, British, French, and Russian, I think it was just the four.  And the Americans, and the British, and the French were friendly to each other--they might not ever get to know each other, but they were friendly.  The Russians were so very stand-offish, you just didn't, you didn't know.  And you weren't sure, you never were sure, what might happen.  I wrote my parents back these letters and said, "Well, of course, I'm here at the border, and so if anything happens we'd be the first ones who'd be able to get on the boats."  Knowing fully well, that if anything happened, we'd be the last ones.  But then, they didn't tell me when I was working in Alabama about the German submarines that were coming up along the coast of Florida and letting saboteurs off.  There's no point in worrying people when they can't do anything about it. SH:  Now when you were travelling into Berlin through the checkpoints were you in uniform, or were you dressed as a civilian? BS:  Probably in uniform.  It was an officer's uniform, but it had a civilian insignia, so there was no question.  But at that point, I was wearing my hair in braids on the top of my head, and life was simpler if I was in uniform, because when I first went over it was strictly against regulations for army personnel to fraternize with German civilians.  And if I were in civilian clothes with my hair in braids like that, they took me for a German.  I remember being approached by somebody who spoke to me in German and I spoke back and said, "I'm sorry, I don't understand German."  And he looked furious!  After a while I realized he was trying for a pickup, and I hadn't been smart enough to know.  But at least I assumed that's what it was.  But we were stopped one time, one evening by an MP walking home from the club, and it was icy, and my date had given me his arm, and this MP drove up in a jeep and said something, and I said, "Oh, are you going to give us a ride back to our billets?"  And nobody could mistake that voice for a German.  So he said, "Well, get in." But then he said--and he asked us where we lived, and he said, "But you know, you really shouldn't have been ..."  But I was in civilian clothes, you see.  And the general was very strict about it.  He had no control over what we called American dependents--the wives, and the families of the American soldiers.  He practically required that all his officers at least, send for their wives and have them come over.  But if he couldn't have any control over them, he certainly had some control over the civilians working under him, and he was going to exercise every bit of control he had. SH:  Do you remember this general's name? BS:  Oh yes.  He has since died I understand.  An interesting experience.  He also was transferred from Bad Nauheim to Bremerhaven.  And I went to a dance at Christmas time, and I think, in all honesty, he was almost the only one I knew there, that I had known before except for my date, and I think I was one of the few people he had ever seen before, and he just beamed at me as if he was so glad to see me, whereas previously, in Bad Nauheim there had been the occasion at one of the dances we were doing the polka, and he had tripped me so that I almost fell.  And he glared at me as if to say, what are you doing in my way?  So it was interesting later for him to [look] so pleased to see me.  [laughter]  But in Bromerhaven too, he had less authority as far as uniforms are concerned, but I still wore a uniform, because it made life simpler.  And when he would come by the office and see me in uniform, it always made him feel very happy.  I didn't mind if it made him happy. KP:  Is there anything we forgot to ask you about Rutgers, or your post-Rutgers experiences? WS:  Well, you didn't ask me anything about the rushes. KP:  I did not partly because you did not join a fraternity, but did you take part in rush week? WS:  Is that what they call it now? KP:  Yeah. WS:  Well, the rushes I'm thinking of, you know, as you go, that main gate, I think it's the Class of '83, right down there, that big railroad bank, that used to be a spur of the railroad in there.  And the sophomores would be up at the top--this was, I don't know what they called it, the sophomore rush or the freshman rush, but anyway, the sophomores would be up at the top, and the freshmen would be down at the bottom.  It was the duty of a freshman to climb up this bank and throw the sophomores down. KP:  You are the first to tell us this. WS:  I wouldn't have survived anything like that, because it was really ferocious. ... That was the custom at that time.  The very first night before college opened, they'd have this big rush.  Then another time I can remember in particular, the chapel rush.  See these rushes were always between the sophomores and the freshmen.  And the chapel rush would be immediately after chapel was over, the service was over, you know.  And they would congregate right around in the front of the building, and let's see, oh, they called it the hat rush, that was it.  And a sophomore would wear a sophomore hat, and it was the job of the freshmen to try to get the hat off his head.  And, of course, the sophomores would try to keep the freshmen away.  Well, in this one particular instance as I recall, somebody, it must have been a freshman, went into the chapel and opened one of the windows and did it right there.  Because that's where the sophomore wearing the hat was standing.  And he just picked the hat off this fellow's head you know, and threw it out. BS:  Higher education! ... SH:  What was the purpose of this rush?  To establish territory for freshmen? WS:  Oh yeah, it was just another one of the things that you were supposed to do.  For instance, the freshmen couldn't walk down Seminary Place where the old library was.  You couldn't walk on the sidewalk there, you had to walk on the other side of it to get to the engineering building.  And, you'd better wipe that smile off your face too.  Fast.  And I was walking down this-- ... we had math class, first class after lunch.  The first day I was walking to the engineering building, of course, it was a sidewalk, and these other fellows were over, standing outside New Jersey Hall on the other side.  And some of them said, "Hey, get off of there, you can't walk there." ... And another group of fellows would say, "Stay there.  Go ahead."  And I had a big smile on my face, you know, I was somebody to be able to get to college, you know, and be a part of it. ... Finally one of the juniors saw my predicament, I didn't know which way to move.  He came over and ... told me what the rules were in that respect.  But that's what they call hazing. KP:  That class competition lasted into the 1940s. WS:  Quite a quite a ways, quite a while.  I guess ... it can get pretty rough. KP:  Yeah, there are some classes that still haven't forgotten it.  Some class members.  I think ... WS:  Oh really? KP:  I think ... I'm trying to think what two classes really don't get along too well. MC:  '42 and '43. KP:  Yeah '42 and MC:  '43. KP:  Yes, there's still people who remember. WS:  Oh, they had ... one big fight one time at the Crosskeys Restaurant in Rahway.  Oh, it took years to--to put that one down.  ... It was terrible. KP:  What year was that? WS:  Oh, I don't remember what year it was.  It would be around that time. ... Probably in the forties. KP:  No one's brought that one up. MC:  No, we'll have to ask about that! KP:  We'll have to do some research.  No one's brought up that restaurant. WS:  Oh, they made a wreck of the place, you know.  Oh it got to be something. KP:  It doesn't appear in the Targum either. BS:  Did the hazing take place-- ... was there any relationship to the hazing to the frats, the fraternities?  Or was this just an all class thing? WS:  ... All class.  It wasn't a fraternity affair.  Although the fraternities may have engineered it, you know, probably did. KP:  Do you still practice any law? WS:  I'm all tied up with family estate matters, so that it doesn't give me an opportunity to go out in general practice. KP:  What have you liked about your legal career, and what would you have done differently? WS:  ... Well what I would like to have done, but I wasn't qualified for it, was to get into the firm in New York that was founded by a member of our family, and it turned out it still is today a leading firm in the country.  And I went there one time, and learned that yes, they had, they still had the chair ... William Henry Seward used in the law office.  But I couldn't get them to ask me whether I'd like to sit in it. SH:  What is the name of the company? WS:  (Cravath?).  He was a later partner, around the turn of the century, and they've kept his name as the key name for the firm, it's been changed from year to year, as time does change.  Let's see, what is it now, (Cravath?), it was at one time, (Cravath), DeGeurs, Dorf, Swain, and Wood.  What is it now, I forget what it is today.  Here's a picture of the man out of law school who went to that firm.  He was magna cum laude at Harvard College and also at law school.  And he's head of the firm today, but, of course probably ... even the men of the firm don't know or care about it having been founded by William Henry Seward. SH:  What did you enjoy most about practicing law? WS:  Trying to help people out and doing the best thing to preserve their rights.  I might have been on the wrong side, but that's what a lawyer has to do if he wants to survive, he takes a case.  He doesn't have to believe in it necessarily, in what he's doing, but he's got to serve his client, and its hard for people in general to understand how a person can do that.  But a lawyer can do it, because he sees what the issues are, and there's always two sides to every question. ... So his job is to do the best he can for his client, but he doesn't have to take the case if he doesn't want it.  Of course, if he gets assigned by the court he doesn't then have any choice. ... SH:  [to Mrs. Seward]  Is there a question you think we should ask him? BS:  I haven't thought of any.  Maybe his most memorable moment was a year ago when he fell and broke his leg. KP:  Actually, someone from the alumni office said when you broke your leg during the service you were determined to finish the service.  And everyone was very impressed with that. WS:  Oh really? MC:  Yes. KP:  Yes. MC:  Yes, that's the story we hear. BS:  ... That year, he did not walk in the parade.  About halfway though the service he agreed that he'd be willing to ride in the car this year.  By the end of the service he agreed to be taken to the hospital and have it checked out.  To prove there was nothing really wrong.  But he stayed and he stood through the hymns.  Then this last year, he was there for the entire chapel service and he walked the length of the parade.  He did let Marymae carry his banner. KP:  Well, we might be able to have someone carry your banner.  My interns love the parade. MC:  I volunteer. KP:  It was one of Melanie's highlights, she carried the Class of '42 banner. MC:  Oh yeah, I loved it.  It was a lot of fun.  We went to the Old Guard dinner too. WS:  Oh did you? MC:  Yeah, we got a special preview ... of it, I guess. WS:  Oh, that's always nice. MC:  Yeah, it was very nice.  It was very nice.  It gives you a very different sense of Rutgers from what Sandra and I see day to day. BS:  I'm sure it does. MC:  Very different, you know, from the big ugly dining hall where I used to eat every day, to be transformed into, you know, a place where the president will actually go, and all these esteemed alumni will come back.  It was really nice. BS:  Well, you should have come to the all-alumni punch bowl reception.  Last year, it was grand.  Because that also is quite a different feeling.  The president's dining room ... MC:  Yeah, I'm sure, I think we'll be making appearances at everything we can, we really will. WS:  That's nice, oh, it'll be nice to see you. BS:  It fascinates me, his class has had a class dinner every year.  And he's the only one in his actual class who's there, but there are sons and daughters, and nephews, and cousins, and friends.  So we usually have about fifteen people there. MC:  That's a good turnout. KP:  No, that's better than some of the other groups. BS:  There's not room for many more people in the President's dining room.  And for a number of years now that has been given to Walter. KP: We all attend the Class of '42 meetings, so they don't make Melanie and Sandra sit out in the hallway.  [laughter] MC:  We can stay in.  I also went to a reunion planning committee meeting, so, and I'm going to that one next month in January that they, I guess it's brunch.  I'm going to that, too.  So yeah, I'm trying to get involved in it. KP:  My students have carried on some of the old Rutgers traditions, you can be sure that some of them, Melanie and Sandra and some of the others. WS:  Good, good, good. BS:  Well, it would be good if there were more ways that the current student body could try to touch onto some of what this is like now.  Last Spring, one of the Rutgers graduates that we know well went to reunion, first time I think she's been back, she was astounded at how much fun she had.  And now she plans to come back and have her family stay overnight so they can be there the night before and the next day, you know.  But I guess there's really no way that you know that until you've done it.  Of course, we have a real break, they let us stay in Stonier Hall, so that we just have to walk across to the Commons, and that's good. MC:  For most of the students, though, they've moved out of the dorms already, so it's hard to get current students.  But the incoming freshmen are there for orientation that weekend.  So they really need to do something with that, because there's the freshmen just looking at the parade going, "What is going on?"  You know, they really--no one tells them what's going on.  Because Rutgers just has so much going on at one time, that nobody can know everything.  I mean, in my senior year, I've tried to go to, you know, Kirkpatrick services Sunday mornings, to the Holiday Concert, I try to go to shows at the Cabaret, I've tried to do everything.  And if I did everything I wanted to do, I would never go to class.  I would have no time to be a real student.  So it's just there's so much going on. BS:  That is one of the problems about a really large school. MC:  Yes, yes, it really is. BS:  It can have real advantages, but there are two sides. MC:  Yes, they really need to work on that though, getting students involved with the alumni. KP:  Well, this, we actually do that.  This is probably one ... MC:  Yes, this is the best way I've seen it done.  Because the alumni association does give effort especially in the senior year, they try to have sort of get togethers.  But they don't really work very well from what I've seen.  I don't know who's not ... WS:  Well it's a little bit late. MC:  By senior year. WS:  I would say that last minute to create something like that ... it has to be done earlier. SH:  Well we look forward to seeing you there in May. WS:  Well I hope I will see you. KP:  We'll be there so we expect you to be there [laughter]. WS:  Well that's real nice. KP:  The highlight of my intern's social schedule.  [laughter]. MC:  Absolutely.  You should come to the dedication of our project.  That Friday, right before Old Guard. KP:  Right before Old Guard, the oral history project will be dedicated. WS:  The what? KP:  The oral history project, this project will be dedicated at the library by the Class of '42. WS:  Oh, the Class of '42 is financing this? KP:  This, and some other classes.  Actually Carl Heyer also has helped us out, and the Class of '43 and the Class of '40.  But it was really '42 that started it. WS:  Oh, well, are you continuing this every year? KP:  I think, well, it's really up to the alumni and the Class of '42 and the other classes.  It's definitely going to continue, it looks like it's going to continue for another year after this.  And we've interviewed about two hundred alumni.  Well, no, I shouldn't say.  We're probably at 186 ... MC:  Yeah, I just did the tally, it's about 186. SH:  Don't forget the two I did ... MC:  Oh yes, she just did two in Phoenix, Arizona.  We're very ... we cover the continent. WS:  Oh, you go around the country? KP:  When we can, yes. WS:  Oh, how wonderful, how wonderful. SH:  And we're so dedicated we take advantage of spring break, Christmas break. [laughter].  Yes.  Have tape recorder, will travel. MC:  Because they are spread out, there's alumni everywhere, who, you know, who are participating in our project.  I've done one in Cleveland and in Tucson, Sandra's done Arizona, did you do Wyoming, Montana? BS:  Let me ... if one of you locates Cliff Osborne, down in Tennessee, and does one of him, then we'd know that there were two members of Walter's class still alive.  Because we don't get any answer from him when we send him cards or notices or anything, and we just don't know.  But Cliff Osborne would be the only remaining other member.  He used to live up here and he moved down.  His daughter's down there, is that it Walter? WS:  He has a relative, I think, maybe a cousin or something like that.  But he was getting on in years, and I guess his brother either used to live right up here at Liberty Corners, up near Dover you know, his father had been the minister of the church there.  He himself, got to be the head of the psychology department out at the University of Kansas before he retired.  A very bright fellow.  But I think that over the years his interests have changed more to University of Chicago where he got his Ph.D don't you know, that meant that much more to him.  Because you go back to the campus today, and nobody knows him. BS:  They know you.  They say, he was the head of the parade. KP:  But I have had 80 students who have taken this course so far, and about--Melanie and Sandra are about, actually next semester we will have five people working on the project who have had the course and then I'll have--be teaching a course.  Students actually will be using, are using the interviews in the classroom. WS:  You mean all this stuff we've been saying today you're going to play for them ... KP:  No, first you'll see it on paper before we give it to them. WS:  Oh, it's going to be ... KP:  Transcribed. WS:  Yes?  And then given to ... KP:  First it'll be given to you.  Then it'll be given to a class of students.  So we won't just give them raw material, you will get to see what you said. WS:  You edit? KP:  We do a little bit of editing, you are actually the editor ultimately, in what you want to keep in and what you want to take out. WS:  Oh, I should have made a real story out of this.  [laughter] MC:  That's what she said, go ahead whatever you want. BS:  What is the purpose in giving this material to the students, and what do they do then? KP:  Well, for example, one of the assignments they had to read an account by a sailor who was at Pearl Harbor.  And then they had to compare his experiences with those of three alumni who had been in World War II in the navy.  And compare and contrast their experiences. WS:  Oh, that would really be something interesting. KP:  And next semester, I'm teaching two classes.  In my course  1914-45, students for their final paper they are going to read a book about women factory workers in California and then compare their experiences with five people who went through Rutgers and Douglass during the 1930s and 1940s. BS:  The Rutgers-Douglass people of that same period? KP:  Same period, yes, the World War II period.  So there are various ways, and Melanie is in fact doing another project.  She's- -in another part of Rutgers history, she's studying coeducation, the coming of women to Rutgers. MC:  Yes, that's my senior thesis, is on coeducation.  There's a real small oral history project that was done, there's about 35 oral histories of the women who were in that first class to spend four years at Rutgers.  So, we're also, in '97-98 through the Office of Student Life, we're having a celebration of 25 years of women at Rutgers.  So, I'm doing that, I've been doing that since the summer.  So I'm sort of doing, everything with alumni.  I really enjoy alumni weekend, I know people in that class, I know people in the 40s classes.  It really is, it really is.  And I have such a different impression of Rutgers College than my roommates do.  We all enjoy our school, we do not have any complaints, but ... BS:  You have an entirely different perspective. MC:  Yes, I feel like my experience has just been so much fuller, you know. BS:  Very personal. MC:  And very personal, really personal.  I mean, you know, to interview someone who graduated eighty years before me ... [laughter] KP:  Plus Carl Heyer's given us a tour of ... MC:  Oh, Carl Heyer ... KP:  Has given Melanie and another intern as well as my wife and I, a tour of Mount Holly.  Have you ever taken a Carl Heyer tour of Mount Holly? WS:  No, I've been of course through Mount Holly any number of times, but not, well, I guess for several years I haven't ... KP:  You should visit Carl, have him take you through Mount Holly.  There's a whole day that he makes of it.  He really gives you a real tour of the town, which, we're going to send Sandra and her husband there, because he tells you how Mount Holly won the American Revolution. MC:  He hikes you up the mountain.  He hikes you up the actual Mount Holly. KP:  The tallest point in South Jersey. MC:  Yes, he's great. WS:  Is there a mountain in Mount Holly? MC:  A little hill [laughter]. WS:  Is there really, I haven't really become acquainted with it. KP:  Oh no, you should really call Carl up and go.  You would really enjoy it. MC:  He wants everybody to come down.  He says, "Bring your parents, bring your grandparents."  He's a great tour guide, he really is. WS:  Yes, I remember him quite well. SH:  Well when we return the transcript to you for correction, if you would be lenient in your corrections.  Because so much of what you said we'd really like to have it stay within the transcript, but also add to it if there's memories that come back but we've forgotten to ask the question that jarred that memory, please feel free to add to it.   WS:  I don't see that there's anything particular of value that we've covered today, is there? KP:  Oh yes. MC:  Yes, absolutely.  For people who--I study a lot of Rutgers history, and everything you've said has helped me.  It's a big supplement to reading Demarest's book and McCormick's book, Rutgers history books.  You know, it's a real benefit to get a personal history of Rutgers.  A lot of the men that we interview for the World War II experiences don't realize that I don't have a very personal interest in World War II, so when I interview them, my interests lie in what they did when they were at Rutgers.  You know, as a Rutgers student, I can relate to that much better than their military experiences.  So, your interview is, you know, perfect.  It's such a different side of Rutgers that we've never seen, you know, and we can't get from anybody but you, so, absolute value.  Definite value.  And it's almost a shame, a lot of the guys will edit a lot, too much, almost, just because they think it has no relevance.  But it really does.  Just because it's the Oral History Archives of World War II, it doesn't mean that it has to be all World War II.  You know, people will use it for different things, especially when we do a finding aid, and give little biographies of each gentleman that was interviewed--say one worked in some profession, and some scholar is coming in and wants to know about people who worked in the cork business in the 1950s, as one gentleman that I interviewed.  Well, his interview's perfect, and just because we interviewed him for his war experience, you know, he's helping someone else along without even knowing it. SH:  Well, I think too, the war experience includes the homefront, and what people were going through, or without, or how they contributed. WS:  Oh, yes, yes.  Betty and I went to the Glen Ridge High School where they've got some program going on, and they wanted us to tell what things were like at a certain time, you know, and so forth.  And--I was telling them about going to Glen Ridge High School. BS:  Oh, good, because I was thinking about that.  I was going to tell you that was Jonathan and he's back in Boston. WS:  Oh, that's nice.  He left this morning about eleven o'clock. BS:  But that Glen Ridge High School thing I think was great.  You know, I grew up, and there were all these people around that could have told me so many things, only they didn't.  Because nobody tapped into it.  And I knew there were families in which family history is recounted, sometimes interminably, but there were others in which it isn't.  And there are people outside your immediate family that have so much they can tell you.  I think of a neighbor of ours, in fact I think of neighbors in both directions, but I wouldn't ask them.  You know. KP:  Well, we're going to be interviewing Melanie's grandparents. MC:  My grandparents.  They're having their fiftieth wedding anniversary in June, and you know, as a poor college student I couldn't think of anything to buy for their anniversary, and one day as I was editing or reviewing transcripts, I said to myself, it's really--I enjoy reading transcripts, learning, you know, people's family histories, but it's a shame that I don't know this much about my grandparents.  Because we don't have the kind of family where, you know, my grandfather will just sit down and tell me a story.  You know, and like you said, you don't think to ask them.  Especially me, who thinks she knows so much about the homefront and World War II, I'm not going to ask him.  But it's a shame.  So Kurt is going to interview my grandfather, Sandra will interview my grandmother, and I'll transcribe the tapes and give it to them for their anniversary. BS:  Oh, nice! MC:  Yeah ... BS:  They'll be delighted. MC:  Oh, they're already delighted.  Exactly. WS:  Oh, that's very nice. MC:  And I'll have them ready for their anniversary and instead of the typical photo collage that everyone does, that my mother will do also, you know, it won't go unnoticed, I'll have their life stories there too, so everyone can look through them.  So, yes, I've taken it definitely into my personal life. BS:  I was real pleased with this Glen Ridge thing.  I mentioned it at West Orange High School ... maybe we ought to be doing something like that here! SH:  And that's why, you know, in the essence of time, that when you have more time, that you can think about it, and when you get the transcript back, if you will add to it, we will be thrilled to have it, so please do.  You and Mrs. Seward together. WS:  Wait a minute, do I, you want me to revise. ... KP:  You do not have to revise, you can just leave the transcript.  It is up to you, what you do with the transcript in terms of revision. WS:  Oh. BS:  But if, when you get it, you recall things that you didn't think to mention this afternoon, what they're saying is, you are to feel free to add them to the transcript. KP:  In addition would be more than welcome to return--you can always invite us to come back up. MC:  We'll reinterview you. KP:  We can always ask you more questions that we didn't cover in the first interview. WS:  Oh, oh, I see. SH:  That's true, if you find there's a lot more that you would like to share, you and Mrs. Seward call us up and we ... KP:  We will come back up. WS:  I don't know whether I'll be able to add anything or not.  I have what, I don't know what you'd call it, a picture mind.  I have in my mind, pictures of all of these years of events.  I think some of them don't amount to anything, you know. ... SH:  I don't believe that. [laughter] WS:  But I can see that rush on the railroad bank there, you know.  I can see Selman Waksman walking across the campus.  I can see somebody else going to the funeral service for Upson, who was the Registrar.  And in later years, one reunion, Demmie was there on the campus, he was an old man then, and he took my arm.  Somebody took a picture of that, but I never got it.  I think it was a man, Class of '24.  I wish I had a picture of that.  But he was so different at that time from what he was, boy.  When I was a freshman I went to see him. ... I remember things by pictures. KP:  Maybe we should interview you during reunion weekend again because you will be on campus and things might come to mind. SH:  Sounds like he's too busy. BS:  He'll be busy, believe me.  He spends most of Saturday, after the luncheon, getting setting up for the reception and then the dinner. WS:  We go down Friday afternoon, stay overnight and go to the Old Guard dinner.  You know that the Old Guard dinner started, I think it started as an outdoor reception. ... The dinner was held outdoors in back of the president's house.  His rose garden back there.  And there'd be about oh, 50 people or so there, you know.  But in no time at all, they got to be so many. ... -----------------------END OF TAPE TWO, SIDE TWO------------------ WS:  ... They debated and beat Princeton. KP:  Do you remember what were the topics for debate that occurred in Kirkpatrick Chapel? WS:  I don't, at the moment, no. BS:  Were they participating-- ... the people who were taking either public speaking or oratory, or something or were they part of a debate club or something.  Or were they just people who felt strongly on their positions and wanted to present them? WS:  Well, ... I think they were selected from applicants who ... [were] simply qualified to handle a problem. BS:  Were they teaching courses on debating? WS:  Well, no, there were ... no courses on debate.  They had what they called ... BS:  Elocution? WS:  Well, that's what it was, public speaking.  But, they had a real nice professor for that, that was his one big job, public speaking. ... We were all pretty green at it, you know.  I mean, he didn't make any public speakers out of us.  There were a few fellas who had the ability, there was one fella, went to college in my class from South Jersey, he ... graduated from the high school, and he was taking the Ag course, he was one of the best orators they had.  He really did a wonderful job. (Howard Eisenburg, '17). BS:  ... good speakers in your favor. KP:  Did you ever have any outside speakers at chapel or any other occasions--any governors, judges, or other prominent leaders.  Because one of the things that chapel had in the 1930s and 1940s was a lot of prominent speakers coming in. WS:  Well, I think I'd have to say yes to that, but I can't remember really who they were, or what they were talking about.  I know one time before the chapel was remodeled, the interior, in that upper room that had been the old library, they had somebody there who was a labor advocate give a talk.  Well, we didn't know what he was going to talk about, it wasn't--but he would be, what would you call him today, a promoter, or something like that.  Trying to influence people's minds along a certain line of thought regarding labor problems. SH:  One of our people that we have interviewed said that what he got the most out of chapel was the appreciation for the beautiful music.  Did you? WS:  Well, I remember particularly when the organ, after the chapel was refurbished inside, they had a concert for a dedication of the new organ, and I never forgot one of the numbers which I'd never heard before, but it just struck me, as being so beautiful.  It was (Kamenoi-Ostrow?) I don't think anyone knows the music by that name and you don't hear it very often.  But they had the organ, and I think the violin, and they may have had some other instruments there at that time.  The music was always an attraction, even just the end.  And then, they tell the story, I don't know how true this was, because you sat in chapel according to what course you were taking, and the men taking the classical course were up front.  And I guess the Ag men would always be the last ones ... in the crowd.  Well, the fellas who would sit in the back, I heard this from one of the fellas who was in the scientific field there, one of the students told me afterwards when we were studying for the bar, that ... every morning they would, what do you call it, have a kitty where everybody would put in a penny ... to decide what the number of the hymn was going to be, and the one who selected the number nearest to the actual number would get the kitty.  I've never seen it, ... in the classical, we were up in the first half dozen rows of benches, don't you know, we didn't pull anything like that, it would be too evident what was going on. BS:  Were your chapel services always real real chapel services? WS:  Oh yes. BS:  Because what they called chapel at Piedmont, more often than not, was not.  And this is one of the reasons ... WS:  It was a regular religious service on a college level, you know.  Anything going on, important announcements like that would be made at the service.  Oh yes, it was a regular religious service. SH:  Was it led by the professors or by ministers? WS:  Usually by Demmie, the president.  But if he were away ... one of the professors would take over. BS:  It was never led by a student? WS:  No.  They allowed the students to address the assembly there on important college issues or anything like that, but the students didn't conduct the service. SH:  Do you have any World War II memories that you would like to share? WS:  Well I wasn't in it, you know, in the first place, so that I can't approach it from that angle. I can say this, when they ... declared war, I ... immediately went to ... I went to, I guess I went to the post office first thing to buy a war bond.  A war bond, they didn't have any war bonds, they'd never heard of it.  So ... I went to ... a bank, I wanted to buy a war bond. ... They'd never heard of it.  It took some time for all of that to get worked out, don't you know.  But, that's about the only thing that comes to mind at the moment, when you say in connection with the '42. BS:  You weren't much affected by rations? WS:  Oh yes, sure.  Oh yes.  Yes, we had those little slips.  Yes I remember, I wanted to get in on it some way, right off, but I knew I would never be accepted in active service.  Never did get a war bond. SH:  Well, thank you for your time. WS:  ... I'm honored that you should want to sit and listen to all this trivia. MC:  Of course, definitely. KP:  We're glad to come, and we appreciate your time. WS:  Well, that's quite all right.  I'm glad to give it.  If it does you any good, or helps out in any way, I figure today if there's anything I can do for the college I'm only too glad to do it, because when I was there I didn't have the chance and ability. KP:  This concludes an interview with Walter Seward on December 30, 1996 at his home in West Orange, New Jersey with Kurt Piehler, MC:  Melanie Cooper SH:  Sandra Stewart Holyoak BS:  ... Oh and Betty Seward!   -------------------------END OF INTERVIEW--------------------------   Reviewed:  5/13/97  by  G. Kurt Piehler Edited:    5/14/97  by Tara Kraenzlin Reviewed:  8/16/97  by Walter Seward Entered:   8/27/97  by Melanie Cooper Reviewed:  8/27/97  by G. Kurt Piehler

Sive, David (Part 3)

Shaun Illingworth:  This begins our third interview with Mr. David Sive on December 18, 2007, in West Orange, New Jersey, with Shaun Illingworth and ... Christopher Shields:  ... Christopher Shields. SI:  Okay, Mr. Sive, thank you very much for having us here again today.  DS:  Thank you. SI:  Before we started the tape, we were talking a little bit about the role of publicity in trials.  Do you want to start off with that? DS:  Yes.  Well, if I sound like [I am] teaching a law school course, why, you tell me if that's good or bad. [laughter] ... SI:  That is fine, yes. DS:  Yes.  Most important environmental cases are, in essence, a judicial review of administrative action, and the judicial review of administrative action can be a review of, in environmental law, a federal agency's action or state agency's action.  ... The development of environmental law, beginning, really, with the Storm King Mountain Case, involved the review of actions of federal agencies, and sometimes together with state agencies.  [Editor's Note: InScenic Hudson Preservation Conference v. Federal Power Commission (1965), a landmark case in the history of environmental law, and subsequent legal actions, Mr. Sive represented a number of organizations in opposing the construction of a pump storage power plant on Storm King Mountain near Cornwall, New York.]  The agency action can be what is called informal agency action or formal agency action.  Formal agency action is where the agency proceeds by a hearing which is really very much like a trial, except the evidentiary rules are a bit looser before agencies than before courts.  The Storm King Mountain Case was a review of action of the Federal Power Commission, which was a formal agency action.  ... Well, as an example, the case which is important in my own participation in the development of environmental law, what I call The Citizens' Committee Case or the Hudson River Expressway Case [Citizens Committee for the Hudson Valley v. Volpe], was a review of informal agency action, where there isn't a formal trial and where the evidence is a collection of documents and perhaps the minutes of informal hearings [regarding] the way in which the Army Corps of Engineers acts.  ... The Army Corps of Engineers was the defendant in a large number of suits brought to enjoin dams or bridges or other works which gave rise to environmentalists' objections.  In the review of agency action, the principal rule is a rule which developed as administrative law developed, and that rule is, defined in each case, the scope of the review, how deeply the review can go.  ... In most cases of review of administrative action, the findings of fact by the administrative agency are reviewable only if ... the findings are arbitrary or without any evidentiary base.  The review by the court is similar to the review by a judge, in a civil or criminal suit, of the holding of the verdict of a jury, so that, when the agency action is reviewed, a very important question in virtually all of the cases is whether the review involves findings of fact or conclusions of law.  ... That distinction is built into the general act which governs administrative agencies, the Administrative Procedure Act, so that, in the review, it's very important for the party seeking the review, the environmental interest, to deem findings of law rather than of factual matters, the same issue which arises when the judge has to determine whether to grant the motion to overrule a jury verdict or what he must follow in his instructions to a jury.  ... A lot of the ... early environmental cases, indeed, I suppose, most of them, involving judicial review of administrative action are cases in which the environmentalists find it very important to expand the scope of review and the defendants, the agencies, to narrow the scope of review.  ... The scope of review is expanded by deeming conclusions those of law instead of fact, whereas the defendants say, "This is factual and your review of it is limited to a finding of fact which is arbitrary, without evidentiary base."  ... In the course of my own work, the presentation of the environmentalists' points involved an effort to expand judicial review of administrative action and expand the scope of conclusions of law.  That has a very interesting history, which is illustrated by events today.  Going back to the New Deal, administrative law really began or went through a great explosion of its scope with the establishment, by the New Deal, of new agencies or the expansion of the scope of agency's powers.  The SEC [Securities and Exchange Commission] was established by a New Deal law. The Federal Communications Commission, I think, was established then, and the powers of the administrative agencies were deemed to be or said to be expanded.  The expansion of the power of the agencies and the narrowing of the scope of review was the argument of liberals, and the expansion of the powers of the courts was deemed broadened by conservatives, largely Republicans, to hold back the actions of the agencies.  Now, that's illustrated by a very interesting sequence of events, which I haven't seen anybody else point out, but I just happened to remember that one of the most important cases in that New Deal period was a case [Berman v. Parker (1954)] that involved the power of a slum clearance agency to use the power of imminent domain to condemn properties to follow through with a redevelopment plan.  ... The Supreme Court upheld the power, the eminent domain power of the agency, a slum clearance agency, in Connecticut.  The decision was by William Douglas, [a liberal Supreme Court justice].  Now, you come down to two years ago, the controversy over the power and use of the eminent domain power in New London, Connecticut, and you have the agency, a redevelopment agency, seeking to condemn the house of a middle-class, a lower middle-class, woman who was fighting the "Goliath" of the development agency.  [Editor's Note: Kelo v. City of New London (2005).]  ... The liberals supported the woman against the power of the evil agency.  The exercise of power was upheld by the Supreme Court.  I think it refers to this case of William Douglas; I don't recall.  Now, that shifting of the views of different interests with respect to classical controversies, the powers of an agency, the scope of review, the eminent domain power, is, I think.  It's one of the things which sustain the basis of our government.  In other words, if there's a shifting of views with regard to important governmental powers between conservatives and liberals, and, in one era, the conservatives are taking one position and, in another era, the other position, that sustains, I think, the duration, the stability, of the government.  ... Just one other illustration of that, these days, conservatives and Republicans, we see it in every TV program about the present campaign [the 2008 Presidential Campaign], are talking about keeping back the wicked government, the government agencies.  You just listen to [Arkansas Governor and Republican Presidential Candidate Michael] Huckabee and it's classical, but what is their view about the use of the power of the government to forbid abortions, which is an act of privacy?  ... The privacy action was invented about twenty years ago, again, a decision involving the State of Connecticut, so that this shifting, I think, and this hypocrisy, you can say, is inconsistency, and that goes for liberals as well as conservatives.  The liberals, now, I don't see anyone remembering the expansion or the protection of the upholding of the power of eminent domain by, of all people, the great liberal demigod William Douglas.  The importance of expanding the scope of administrative review ... in judicial cases was the principal issue in a large number of the cases, and the principal issue which I faced, to really wrestle with the upholding of the powers of administrative agencies in the days of the New Deal.  ... Thus, I began to study administrative law and to become knowledgeable about it, to the point where, in later years, along with a course in environmental law, I would occasionally teach a course in classical administrative law. One very interesting aspect of that was my being appointed a member of the Administrative Conference of the United States, which is a body ... whose function was to review and improve and reform administrative law, the law dictating the powers of the agencies, which are set forth in the organic act creating the agency, the Army Engineers, the Transportation Department, the FCC [Federal Election Commission], and, also, in the Administrative Procedure Act, and the working of the two together is a fine point, which I don't want to go into here.  ... It was really a funny incident.  Sometime in the late '70s, a gentleman came into my office and asked to see me.  He was then the head of the Administrative Conference of the US, an office which was occupied by Justice [Antonin] Scalia before he was appointed to the Supreme Court.  That illustrates the importance of it, and that Conference was approximately 120 people, a third practicing lawyers, a third ... administrative law scholars, mainly from the law schools, and a third officials, the highest official, or the next highest, of the government agencies.  The gentleman was the Head of the Administrative Conference.  I don't recall his name; you'll forgive it, but the basic illness of mine, Parkinson's, affects the memory.  ... I can check all these dates or other names which I forget. SI:  We can always adjust that in the transcript. DS:  Right.  We exchanged some pleasantries, and then, he said, "Well, I'm here to ask you if you'd be willing to join the Administrative Conference."  I didn't know what it was, literally.  So, I asked him to excuse me, "I'm just going to the lavatory," went out through the office into the library, not the lavatory, pulled down the US Government Manual, understood the Administrative Conference and its importance.  ... I went back to him and said, "I think I can make myself available." [laughter]  Within thirty days, I was at a conference of the Administrative Conference, sitting alongside what I'd call the "demigods of administrative law."  One was a Professor [Louis J.] Jaffe from Harvard, who wrote the basic text on judicial review of administrative action.  Another was Walter Gellhorn, whom you may have heard of, Professor at Columbia Law School and the brother of the more famous Martha Gellhorn, the World War II reporter, and others, oh, Kenneth Culp Davis, the author of the classical six-volume treatise on administrative law.  I was seated with them.  ... Oddly enough, I had never taken a course in administrative law in law school, because, to me, administrative law was the practice before federal agencies, or liquor license cases in New York, where the grant of the permit is reviewable by administrative action.  I stayed with the Conference for about six or eight years.  I think those appointment's were for a two-year period and it was renewed two or three times.  In between that and the study of administrative law, in connection with litigations which I brought and as a general student of environmental law, I became quite expert in the refinements of the problem, the scope of ... judicial review.  In that connection, I wrote a Columbia Law Review article, which I think I entitled "Thoughts of an Environmental Lawyer in the Wilderness of Administrative Law," [published in 1970], just as a title for somebody who was learning administrative law in connection with the development of environmental law. Environmental law did not secure its name, I think, until 1969 or '70?  ... In 1970, the law exploded.  This, I think, is discussed, it must be, a fair amount in the Sierra Club interview.  [Editor's Note: In 1982, Ann Lage interviewed Mr. Sive as part of a series of oral histories with Sierra Club leaders for the Regional Oral History Office at the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.]  ... Just to review it here and place it in its context, 1970 was the great year of the expansion, the growth, of the environmental movement and the beginnings of the explosion of environmental law.  ... It caught on, the environment movement caught on, in good part because of Earth Day.  The first Earth Day was April 1st, I think, [April 22nd], in April of 1970.  1970, January 1st was the effective date of the National Environmental Policy Act.  1970 was the date of an action involving the New York State Forest Preserve, Article XIV, and 1970 was the year, near the end of '70, when the Clean Air Act was amended.  I think that was adopted, became law, in November or December. The Clean Air Act had in it what is called a citizen's suit provision, the citizen's suit provision was the adoption in federal law of a citizen's suit statute first enacted in Michigan.  ... That was in large part the work of, I think, the most famous and important professor of ... environmental law, Joseph Sax of Michigan Law School.  He wrote and carried on in the Michigan Legislature, the State of Michigan, to enact a citizen's suit which granted standing to environmental interests in the courts of Michigan.  That citizen's suit provision was copied, in large part, in the Clean Air Act. The issue of standing has continued all through the whole period to the present date, and in a number of Supreme Court cases.  Justice Scalia, and [Justice Clarence] Thomas following him, have stated that granting the standing to environmental interests without the traditional harm to person or property is unconstitutional, but the standing has been upheld.  The citizen's suit provision, in a number of the environmental statutes, following the basic Clean Air Act.  Now, that sets in its context the development of environmental law, and the environmental law really is important with respect to, well, its basis, in large part, the activism of environmental organizations. The mixture of the two processes, the legislative process, defining the policies in the law, and the judicial process is important and, to me, has always been fascinating.  In fact, in my own work, the place of myself in the work as a member and leader of a number of environmental organizations, the political work and the judicial work, the legal work, the litigation, the mix here is utterly fascinating.  ... To illustrate that, I think I may have mentioned in the Sierra Club interview what I refer to as the earliest environmental case of mine, a case which  arose before environmental law was used.  Looking backward, it involved the review, at the behest of a group of organizations engaged in the protection of the New York city parks.  The case involved the proposed grant of a grant by a [George] Huntington Hartford, [II], to build a café in the southeast corner of Central Park. In that case, the environmental interest lost, all the way up to the Court of Appeals.  In the case I interposed a brief, an amicus brief, for the Sierra Club.  Very shortly after the decision [John] Lindsay became Mayor and Tom Hoving, Park Commissioner, and he nixed the project.  Another classical illustration is the dispute over the Alaskan Pipeline, you probably remember that, in which a suit was brought by, I think the National Wildlife Federation, in which I didn't participate directly, but I did participate in the political controversy involving it. The environmental interests won in the federal courts, on the ground, the very narrow technical ground, that the statute authorizing the pipeline limited the width of the pipeline, I think, to fifty feet and the work of digging and constructing the pipeline went beyond the fifty feet.  The environmentalists won, but, as I recall, it was at the beginning, or just before, the first great controversy over the supply of oil and the price of gasoline.  Congress amended the Pipeline Act to authorize the pipeline and the anti-environmental interests, [if] you can call them that, won.  [Editor's Note: In November 1973, President Richard Nixon signed the Trans-Alaska Pipeline Authorization Act into law.]  ... Did you have a [question]? SI:  This is something we started to talk about in the last interview, but I want to re-ask it.  You mentioned how publicity and the political interests played into these cases.  Were you active in cultivating that publicity and those political contacts? DS:  Yes, right.  The work of mine with the environmental organizations, [such as] the Sierra Club, the Natural Resources Defense Council, the Environmental Law Institute, the Environmental Planning Lobby and others was political.  The question of the extent to which one may participate in the political side of a controversy, at the same time as, or shortly before, or even after, the court action really involves aspects of professional ethics.  To what extent may a lawyer who's the litigating lawyer participate in the political side?  ... The best illustration of that is in the Hudson River Expressway Case.  I called as a witness, among others, a Stewart Ogilvy, who was an officer, one of the leaders, of the Atlantic Chapter of the Sierra Club.  ... The propriety of his testifying while he was an officer of the Sierra Club and carrying on the political controversy was in dispute.  Well, fortunately for the environmentalists, it was upheld.  There must be cases, I'm certain, in which the environmentalists has argued for ... the question of the ability of a person involved in the political controversy to be a witness in the legal side of it.  ... You'll find, I'm certain, if you examine it, the same contradictions, which, to me, is a ground for the stability of the system, that the different interests take different views about classical legal questions depending [on] whether it's good for the good guys.  That is, I think, the best illustration of the fact that an environmental lawyer pursuing environmental cases has had to become adept in the rules of professional ethics.  Could I head the Sierra Club Chapter and carry on opposition to the Expressway at the same time that I was litigating the case?  Well, fortunately for me and the environmentalists, ... I think it was not seriously argued by the attorneys for the [New York] State Transportation Department and the Army Corps of Engineers, who were defendants in the Expressway Suit.  Another illustration is the controversy involving the proposed construction of a dye plant on the shore of South Carolina, opposite Hilton Head Island.  [Editor's Note: Beginning in 1969, Hilton Head residents, organized as the Hilton Head Island Community Association, began their opposition to a proposed BASF chemical plant on Victoria Bluff.]  The interests protecting [the environment], well, opposing the dye plant, which allegedly would pollute the waters, of a very narrow strait between the island and the coast, the interests involved a number of really very different parties: a union of blacks who were seamen and had an interesting history and spoke English with a particular accent; retired admirals and officers of the Marines, because of their interest in the matter.  Hilton Head Island is close to the Marine base at Parris Island, and the developers of the communities, resort communities. Their principal lawyer, was a firm with a Joab Dowling.  He was a person who was one of the ten or twelve people, it seemed to me, who govern South Carolina.  ... I think it's always been close to a feudal state and I think still has that character now.  Well, he was [with] a law firm, one of the largest in South Carolina, small by New York standards, who engaged me ... to help them in the environmental suit, which I brought.  ... I brought, which I think was the first environmental suit under the National Environmental Policy Act, NEPA, which established the requirement of an environmental impact study and environmental impact statement, an EIS, which has become the most frequent base in all environmental litigation, of literally thousands of cases, since its enactment, its effective date being January 1st, 1970.  ... The author of it, its main proponent, was [Washington State US Senator] Henry Jackson.  He was not a very leftist liberal, but there's a very important environmental history in the State of Washington, and a couple other states, including Wisconsin. The EIS became a part of the review of administrative action in dozens of cases and, including a number of cases in which I participated and used it as the basis of the suit.  Well, I brought an action to enjoin the issuance by the state authorities, a state pier authority, a water authority, of the license for the pier which would receive products to go into the manufacture and which would send off the boats with the finished product.  ... That suit was brought around the third week of January, 1970 and was, I think, the first suit under NEPA.  The suit went on for about six or seven months, with some, I thought, helpful testimony by officials of the Port Authority of South Carolina in depositions, and some important disclosures and documents discovered as part of the discovery process.  The case was settled before a trial could be held.  The Secretary of the Interior came out in opposition to the dye plant at the behest of the development's opponents and Senator Strom Thurmond who dominated South Carolina politics, and one of whose principal claims to fame was marrying a Miss America, forty years younger. Yes, right, and part of the work in which I engaged was, to me, a fascinating visit to the Interior Secretary in his office, by Joab Dowling and myself, and the presentation of the views and opinions of the admirals and the developers of the island and, of course, also, the members, the black members, of the fishermen's union.  The Secretary of the Interior, shortly after the meeting, stated that he opposed the grant of the permit.  That finished the controversy.  I really do not know, and never will know, to what extent the decision was based upon some of the disclosures which I secured in the discovery proceedings in the case, but.  Needless to say, I didn't fight Joab Dowling and his partners over many years in stating what a great lawyer I was, [laughter] because I won the case, but I'll never know how much was [due to the legal aspects].  I think, [it was due to] less [the] importance of the disclosures than the views of a part of the important leaders of South Carolina.  This conflict of views is very important as the basis of the development of environmental law and the environmental movement.  The movement joins people of wealth and, really, the highest and most aristocratic of social classes and the middle-class people, and even protectors of people in poverty areas and non-white interests, the joining of the two where the environmental controversy was, as many of the controversies involved the protection of a specific area of land.  ... That land is often the wildest and the most beautiful of lands.  The best illustration of that is the Adirondack area of New York State, in which I've been involved in the protection of Article XIV, the Forest Preserve, with which you're familiar.  Beginning with the early '60s, a good deal of my involvement has been in the protection of the New York State Forest Preserve, both in the Adirondacks and the Catskills.  That is in part somewhat selfish because, in '57, I and my wife bought a house in the western part of the Catskills, in a very beautiful, mountainous area.  It has 160 acres surrounded on three sides by Forest Preserve land, and, on the fourth side, by a fisherman's club, whose members include prominent people.  The club owned five thousand acres in this, I think, most beautiful of all areas of the Catskills. Through the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s,  I became a member and leader of all of the Adirondack protective organizations and brought or was involved in lawsuits and controversies with them to the date of my retirement in 2005. One of the most important groups was the so-called Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, which originally consisted of aristocrats, the owners of vast areas of land in what has always been called the "Great Camps," and these "camps," quote, were wooden buildings, sometimes several buildings, in the center of five, ten, twenty thousand acres, owned by the Vanderbilts and the Rockefellers and J.P. Morgan.  ... The classical union of these owners was established in 1906, before the word environment meant anything other than that part of your upbringing [that] was not ... hereditary.  It's a classical dispute among psychologists and physicians, "Which is more important, heredity or an environment?"  ... You'll find again, the interest groups take opposite sides in that classical study by doctors and psychologists.  The Association was the principal protector of the Forest Preserve provision of the constitution. SI:  If you are putting it in as an overview, that is good. DS:  Yes, right.  In 1924, I think it was, [1922], the Adirondack Mountain Club was organized, and I later represented the Club and the Association, [the] so-called APA, in several different suits and in the political aspects of the protection of the Forest Preserve.  One of the signers of the corporate charter of the Adirondack Mountain Club was Franklin Delano Roosevelt, living in Hyde Park, and with the interests of people like [Secretary of the Treasury Henry] Morgenthau, [Jr.], who was a neighbor [of the Roosevelts in] Duchess County, New York State. Well, I continued, joined in, I think, the mid-'60s, the Association, the APA, for the Protection of the Adirondacks and became, I think, the first or second member of their governing board without the aristocratic background.  ... The background included the Rockefellers and other owners of the Great Camps, including the members and leaders of the so-called "Adirondack League Club," which is the owner of, I think, close to fifty thousand acres in the western part of the Adirondacks and on which I think there are located twenty-two private lakes.  If you look at maps of New York State, you see a great emptiness along the east side of the road going from Utica to Old Forge.  That's the area of the Adirondack League Club. The conflict of different interests is illustrated by a controversy involving the use by members of the Sierra Club, who organized, deliberately, to really litigate the legal side of it, a trip by five or six members along the Moose River, which rises in the center of this great wilderness area, in the center of which is West Canada Lake.  That's the best known feature, which lies twelve or fifteen miles from the nearest road, by foot trail.  The Moose River flows west into the Black River, which is really considered the end of the Adirondack Plateau, which flows north into the St. Lawrence River. The Sierra Club members canoed along the Moose River and were halted by the League Club.  There was a litigation which determined that the use of navigable waters is protected against the exclusion by the owners of the land in both sides of the river.  ... The court determination was that the canoeing in the Moose River could not be barred from canoes ... to the extent that the river was "navigable."  What waters are "navigable" is a classic controversy involving the authority of the Army Corps of Engineers.  The question became, "Is the Moose River navigable, and in what portions is it navigable or not navigable?"  I don't think that was [resolved]; that was never determined in a resumption of the case.  The matter was settled between the Sierra Club and the League Club by permitting canoes to go through along the Moose River, but forbidding them to land on the sides of it and camp on the land.  That was the private land.  This is, to me, has been a fascinating aspect becoming involved in a number of controversies where the question is, "Are waters navigable?"  If they're navigable, the Army Corps of Engineers has the power to govern them and erect works in them.  That determines the environmental controversy.  In the Moose River Controversy, the case was remanded to determine the extent to which the Moose River was navigable, the parent body of the Sierra Club, which really supported the action by the Atlantic Chapter, which I had headed back in the '60s, asked me to represent them in arguing against the navigability of the [Moose] River, I decided not to do so, because I thought that taking the side which I probably had more sympathy with than the League Club ... would hamper me and reduce my influence which I had with the classical aristocratic protectors of the Adirondacks, who became involved, [in] later years, in the protection of the Forest Preserve in the Catskills, lessen my influence with them.  I told them I wouldn't represent them. The series of controversies through the years involving the Forest Preserve is another illustration of participation in the political side of the work and the judicial side, and the judicial side.  The powers of the vis-à-vis executive agencies, including the President, involved a question of "executive privilege." It was also interesting and fascinating being involved in questions of executive privilege, and the case where that was developed most was what I call the "Amchitka Case," which I think is discussed, to some extent, in the Sierra Club interview.  [Editor's Note: Mr. Sive represented litigants in Committee for Nuclear Responsibility v. Seaborg, an environmental suit to protect Amchitka Island from nuclear weapons tests.]  Well, that case became, in the Court of Appeals, the Circuit for the District of Columbia, one of the three or four determinations of the extent of executive privilege where the controversy is between the courts and the executive.  ... In upholding the power of the courts to review the action of the agency, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, in authorizing and carrying on the underground nuclear tests, in the District of Columbia, in circuit court upheld the judicial power, the power of the judiciary.  The Amchitka Case was in some part based upon the Nixon v. Sirica case, upholding the power of the court to govern the extent, to compel disclosure of tapes in the Watergate Papers case.  [Editor's Note: In Nixon v. Sirica (1973), the court ruled against President Richard M. Nixon and upheld that Nixon's executive privilege was not absolute.] SI:  Watergate? CS:  The Watergate tapes. DS:  Watergate, right, yes.  Again, I stayed, during the case, in the Watergate Hotel, in Washington, by coincidence.  The present controversy is between the power of Congress, the legislative body, not the executive body, and the power of the executives to withhold or to take the extreme position, [in] which Ms. Miers, I think, the one who Bush tried to [in 2005] appoint to the Supreme Court and became his counsel, they refused to appear before the Committee headed by the Vermont Senator, I'll remember the name, and also the chief advisor of Bush who has been subpoenaed.  I'll remember his name, too.  [Editor's Note: Mr. Sive is referring to Harriet Miers and Karl Rove's failure to appear before the Senate Judiciary Committee, chaired by Vermont Senator Patrick Leahy, to testify in its hearing on the dismissal of US Attorneys.] That is another illustration of the mixing of judicial powers and the powers of other departments, and the executive privilege question arises in controversies involving, generally, two of the three basic branches of government.  The environmental litigations continued all through the course of my own legal practice, and, of course, in the leadership of environmental organizations. One of the important and very interesting events, to me, was, in 1965 through 1967, there was, first, the vote, in '65, on Election Day, the vote, "Yes," the affirmative vote, for the holding of a constitutional convention, a state constitutional convention, which the New York State Constitution requires, I believe, every twenty years.  This dates back to a time, ... well, in the nineteenth century, when part of the growth of constitutions was involved in expanding the power of people to review and legislators to hold constitutional conventions, which goes back to Revolutionary War times.  ... Immediately after the "Yes" vote, I and members of the leaders of the Adirondack Mountain Club and the Appalachian Mountain Club and the Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks organized a Constitutional Council for the Forest Preserve, "CCFP," to carry on the political work involving the composition of the convention, the determination of who would be the delegates to the convention.  That was determined to be elected delegates elected by state senate district. The work of the people protecting the Forest Preserve involved very heavy political work in the election of delegates who would support Article XIV from any amendments of it damaging the scope and extent of it.  That led to the election of a majority of a majority of the delegates being Democrats.  The Democrats, as you can imagine, were largely the delegates from the state senate districts in the big cities, New York, Buffalo, Albany, etc., and the Republican delegates from the rural districts.  The Democrats outnumbered the Republicans and controlled the convention.  Their leader, the President of the Convention, was a classical Tammany Hall figure, an Anthony Travia.  Well, at that time, ... I think I had become, in part because of my activities in Democratic clubs and Democratic committees, which included the candidacy for Congress in '58. I was a leading Democratic environmental advocate and appointed the staff head of the Committee on Natural Resources and Agriculture, heading a staff of six or seven who did the work, the background work, for the convention delegates involved in those issues.  ... It was very interesting to, in my view, really educate the Democratic delegates, largely from the big cities, none of whom had the background of myself, of hiking and camping in the Adirondacks and Catskills and getting to love it passionately. I did succeed in convincing the Democratic members to uphold the Forest Preserve, pointing out, among other things, that the chief person supporting the continuance of the Forest Preserve provision of the constitution, at a convention in '38, was Al Smith.  [Editor's Note: Former New York Governor Alfred E. Smith served as a delegate to the 1938 New York Constitutional Convention, which established Article XIV, formerly Article VII. He had been the 1928 Democratic Presidential nominee.]  ... [You can see] the history of the protection of the Forest Preserve by the aristocratic groups and the middle-class groups of, largely, the hiking clubs, which were politicized in the '60s and '70s, and became, ... in many respects, the core of the environmental movement. Organizations such as the Theodore Gordon Flyfishers, which was, in my experience, a very aristocratic group. Fly-fishing is not a sport of poor or too many middle-class people.  Among the controversies which involved what you might call environmental law.  If you define environmental law as that law which is used to protect and advance environmental interests, then, it includes a part of real estate law.  As an instance, an important law governing the taxation of real property by municipalities where the property is owned by a nature trust or a nature conservancy is an aspect of environmental law.  ... That led to, to me, in some respects, the most satisfying case in terms of establishing some legal doctrine in a field in which I was far from an expert.  Environmental law became a part of [other fields] of law and other bodies of law became parts of what you might deem environmental law.  The other fields included the law of zoning, the law of real estate taxation, the procedural law involved in the civil procedure in the state courts, the state court rules governing the scope of administrative action, and the judicial review of administrative action by state agencies. The involvement in other fields of law by me came to one head in connection with lands owned by a so-called Mohonk Trust, which owns, I think, about six thousand acres, in the Shawangunk Mountains of New York State, in western Orange County and part of Sullivan County.  The lands were given to the Trust by the Mohonk Mountain House Corporation.  [Editor's Note: The case was Mohonk Trust v. Board of Assessors of Town of Gardiner (1979).]  The area in Shawangunk Mountains were originally acquired by a Quaker family, the Smileys, and the lands included, in the mid or late '70s, I don't recall the time, the so-called Minnewaska Tract, in the center of which was the Minnewaska Hotel, and the Mohonk Mountain House.  It is still a great and well-known resort. The Smiley Family, owning the Mountain House, conveyed lands to the Trust surrounding the Mountain House lands of four or five thousand acres, which it had given free to the trust, for which the family charged ten dollars an acre. The question arose, a question of real estate law of what qualifies ... for exemption from real property taxes.  The question involves a determination of whether the land is used for charitable or educational purposes or the promotion of the moral welfare of men, women or children, language which came from the original certificate of incorporation of the YMCA.  That question involved whether those lands, which are kept really as a wilderness, were lands used purely for education or charitable purposes or the promotion of moral welfare, I forget the exact word, of men, women or children.  ... That case was determined against me in the State Supreme Court, the trial court, and the Appellate Division, the intermediate appellate court.  I appealed to the Court of Appeals.  The lower courts reversed and held that the use of lands as wilderness or a park purpose was educational.  The question, the most interesting one, was that of whether educational function required a classroom, some kind of formal class. A fascinating part of this, to me, was the use in the briefs and in oral argument of a quotation of a poem of William Wordsworth.  Wordsworth is a poetic god to me.  I have a [collection of poetry] here on the table.  The principal quotation was, "One impulse from a vernal wood [may] teach you more of man, of moral evil and of good, than all the sages can."  The case has been fairly widely cited and used by the Nature Conservancy, and other organizations holding wilderness lands, in part because the basic statute governing the taxation in many states is very similar to the New York statute and, thus, involves the same questions. The case illustrates the necessity of lawyers involved in environmental litigations becoming knowledgeable or expert in other branches of law, and the fact that the several branches overlap.  This is illustrated also in a number of cases where the governance of land is by fairly traditional zoning ordinances.  Zoning ordinances and the institution in law of zoning date back, I think, to the late nineteenth century.  They, of course, govern the use of lands, and the zoning authority is lodged, generally, with municipalities.  ... That is the reason for the establishment, in, I think, the early 1920s, of municipalities, in very small areas and [with] populations of less than a thousand people, near the North Shore of Long Island, near Huntington, Long Island, and Syosset, to vest the governance of land-use in municipalities which they could control.  The development of environmental law involved the law of zoning, and, actually, in my firm now, one of the partners is a lawyer who has carried on, for many years, almost wholly a zoning practice.  ... The zoning bar is a fairly separate group of lawyers interested in zoning law and representing interests in the adoption and enactment of zoning ordinances and the interpretation of them.  I was involved in a large number of such cases.  The most interesting one was in the early '80s, of myself, was one in which the words of a statute were involved.  A chief problem is that of whether the words should be given a broad interpretation or a narrow interpretation. There, too, in that controversy, you find that several interest groups contradict themselves.  Some people, for instance want a broad interpretation of government power against the law of privacy, which they say doesn't exist, is a mistake, in the abortion controversy.  The most personal power imaginable, to govern a woman's body, is protected by Huckabee and all the others with him, and, yet, they oppose as wicked government in economic regulation. The most interesting case involving zoning, and, as in many cases, the interpretation of words, is one in which I represented, for the first time, a developmental interest, [Town of Henrietta v. Department of Environmental Conservation].  ... That was in the early '80s, when Leonard Dobbs, a real estate developer in New York; ... worked together with and operated on behalf of a large real estate developer in Detroit, whose name I forget.  The Detroit developer became fairly famous and went to jail.  He was involved in the collection of art works.  I don't recall the name. Dobbs spoke to me and told me that, in his view, the interest of a private person in [the] protection of the environment included that of determining the uses of the land and in other aspects of the development, in his case, a proposed shopping center in the Town of Henrietta, a suburb of Rochester.  He owned a tract of land which he wanted to develop for the shopping center, and that involved, of course, the interpretation of a section of the zoning law of the Town of Henrietta.  That zoning law section was a section which bears, again, a name which I forget, the description of shopping centers, and shopping centers which involved multiple uses of land.  The centers often have, well, ... the land parcel on which the pure shopping facility is built is [often] next to or close to a residential portion of the land parcel.  The zoning laws governing large tracts which include shopping centers often permit the multiple uses within a parcel, a large parcel.  The law governing development of shopping centers became very important with the fantastic expansion of shopping centers, beginning, I think, after World War II.  The law governing shopping centers prescribes the governmental actions in a chain of governmental actions ending with the final approval of the shopping center.  ... The process includes the reference of the proposal of the application to an administrative body, a planning department, and then, the approval by the planning department and the holding of a public hearing before the legislative body, the town council, and the approval after that hearing.  It involves, of course, the review of the actions of administrative agencies, a department of planning or a chief planner, and the legislative action of the town governing body and often a review of those by the court.  ... The proposed grant of the final approval of the shopping center planned by my client came down to, to me, the most fascinating exercise in law, of the interpretation of statutes. I think ever since, oh, even before I became a lawyer, I've always been fascinated with the use of words and the different definitions of words.  ... That's really the heart of most law and that's part of my interest in law.  Well, the Henrietta case involved the definition of the word "If."  The ordinance governing shopping centers provided, in substance, that "if" the planning department grants the approval of the application, the application shall proceed to, in this case, to the town council for legislative action.  An application was made if the developer of another shopping center area in the same town and illustrating the use of environmental law by different interests, developmental interests, as distinguished from environmental interests, each developer instigated, in part, the creation of a citizen's committee opposed to the other guy's development.  The contest was between the two developers with two sets of lawyers.  I opposed the application of the other developer.  The Henrietta zoning ordinance provided that "if" an application for approval of a shopping center was approved by the town's planning department the applicant might proceed to request a public hearing in the application by the Town of Henrietta council, and that the Council would make the final approval of the project.  The rival developer did not secure the approval of the Planning Department, but nonetheless applied to the Town Council which held a public hearing and approved the application.  I brought an injunction action alleging that the plain meaning of zoning ordnance was that the statute forbade the Town Council hearing if the applicant did not secure the Planning Department's approval. The attorneys for the rival developer argued that the ordinances, by providing that the ordinance plainly meant that if an applicant did not secure the planning commission's approval, the Town Council might not hold a hearing and approve the project.  The trial court held that the rival developer might secure the Town Council's approval despite the failure of the developer to secure the approval of the Planning Department.  It approved the argument of the rival developer's attorneys that the ordinance did not forbid such approval because to do so required the ordinance to provide that such Town Council action was not forbidden, that to do so required to state that such action was forbidden because the ordinance failed to provide that such Town Council action "if, and only if," the Planning Department approved the application. I appealed the trial court judgment to the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court.  It upheld the trial court judgment.  I appealed to the Court of Appeals, the State's highest court.  It reversed the prior decisions.  It ruled that stating "if, and only if," was not necessary. This is fascinating because one of the arguments against lawyers, and always is, is, "They're putting [in] unnecessary provisions and they're just expanding a simple word to be a whole chain of words and clauses," in a will or a contract or a statute, but the Court of Appeals held that the statute didn't have to provide "If-comma-and only if-comma," but, for different reasons, ... I don't think the shopping center was ever built.  There arose, I think, financial problems of the main financier of it, who became involved in some criminal action, the details of which I forget.  That case, ... what I call the Henrietta Case, was I think the first case involving action under the state analog of the [National] Environmental Policy Act.  Through the years, a number of states copied the federal act and enacted, in the state, a law fashioned after it, requiring an environmental impact statement for any agency action, governmental action, involving environmental consequences.  The law is differently phrased, but that's what it means in substance.  So, the development of environmental impact statements and the interpretation of what is called the "state NEPA" or the "Little NEPA," is now a big fraction of the practice of and work of the traditional zoning bar, as well as the other aspects of zoning.  A zoning lawyer is one of the partners in my firm.  Also involved in the development of environmental law is the law of taxation, what charitable organizations shall be taxed, both in federal and state context, in addition to the municipal context in the Mohonk Case.  This first developmental interest which I represented really affected profoundly the growth of my firm, from originally, when it was established in '71 or '72, with three partners, who were one part of a larger firm which divided, because of some very intense disputes among the partners during the time that I was both an associate and, later, a partner.  The firm was originally three partners and one associate, just finishing at Harvard Law School.  He was the son of one of the larger clients of the firm when it divided and left with four or three partners and one associate.  The representation of developmental interests is something which posed questions and problems, and no doubt, to some extent, may be criticized by people who criticize lawyers, saying, ... "You represent opposing interests," or, "You represent opposing interests in opposing cases for different interests," and, here, again, you take different sides of it.  I personally don't like [former Mayor of New York City and Republican candidate for President Rudy] Giuliani's representation of some of his clients and some of his clients, one of his, is some Middle East development company, but the practice of environmental law in representing developmental interests is very important in the development of environmental law.  ... Beginning in the '80s, I think about the mid-'80s, the classical, large law firms, the Wall Street firms in New York and the comparable ones in Chicago and other places, began to place in their staff, both in partners' and associates' [positions], environmental lawyers, and the environmental law sections in the practice by the large, prestigious law firms has been of tremendous importance in the growth of environmental law.  ... These law firms which established environmental sections will occasionally represent ... an environmental interest which may be a wealthy owner of lands who opposes the enactment of an amendment to a zoning ordinance which rezones property adjoining or near his property for commercial uses.  ... At this time, now and for several years, the environmental sections of the large [firms], two hundred, four hundred, fifteen hundred lawyers, are quite large, as in the Chicago firm where my son-in-law works, a very large, classical one.  I think that the environmental section of it has between fifteen and twenty lawyers in one of the classical New York firms.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  Go ahead. DS:  Which has a large New York office. SI:  This is the Philadelphia law firm.  DS:  Yes, has an environmental section of forty lawyers and the practice is mainly for developmental interests.  ... The practice of environmental law, to the extent that it's the representation of governmental agencies, which is important, can be both furthering the environmental purpose [of] the good guys and the bad guys, and that is another illustration that [is in] support of the stability of government.  ... In one sense, you think it's hypocritical, but, in a larger sense, it stabilizes governmental institutions.  Well, ... my firm has grown, and I just went in to its annual Christmas party, to twenty lawyers and I think the firm is the largest virtually wholly environmental firm in the country, and it now involves one partner who deals solely with insurance, the insurance involved in properties ... the use of which leads to controversy.  That is the reason for there being one lawyer devoted to environmental law and involved in insurance, insurance law.  Well, the practice of environmental law, like, I suppose, other bodies of the law, and this is most interesting, I imagine, to you [Christopher], with a background as a lawyer, is, of course, an interesting illustration of how law develops, how a body of law develops.  A body of law develops by legislation and it develops by court determinations of law, to develop judicially.  ... The body of environmental law, [as] I've said ... in various contexts, law review articles and lectures and teaching courses, is the largest body of law developed, at least in its early stages, mainly by courts, and this leads to the importance of environmental litigation and led to the teaching of environmental litigation as a separate course, the first at Columbia Law School in the mid and late '70s, going into the '80s, and led to the development of environmental law and the laws defining environmental law as the subject of agencies of Continuing Legal Education in the law, CLE.  ... The continuing education of professional bodies is, I think, a post-World War II growth.  This is maybe best studied by sociologists and political scientists, in the law and other professions, accounting and medicine and others, and, in there, that has been a large part of my own work and practice, and that arose out of the establishment of a course, one, and then, several, in environmental law and environmental litigation by the most important CLE agency in the law field, what's called ALI-ABA, A-L-I-A-B-A, the American Law Institute-American Bar Association Joint Committee on Continuing Legal Education.  It's the longest name of any group I know anywhere.  [laughter] That was called the Committee on Legal Education of [the] two agencies, but known in short as "ALI-ABA."  It began the first CLE course in environmental law, which was sponsored by the California Bar Association, which had a three-day conference, CLE conference, in San Francisco, which I joined out in California.  ... Then, the head of this joint committee, a gentleman who became very well-known and famous in law circles, a Paul Wolkin, actually phoned me in the Fall of '70.  He had read about the Hilton Head Island Case, among others, in the Times andLife Magazine and others, and an article in Fortune Magazine, and asked me to begin to organize an environmental law course for ALI-ABA, which I did.  The first course was held in Washington, in, I remember, it was very picturesque, I think they call it the Hall of Whales.  It's a huge room which has whales suspended [from the ceiling in the Smithsonian Museum of Natural History].  That was in September '71 and I carried on as the head of the principal environmental law course of ALI-ABA, really, for thirty-three years.  2004, I think, was the last one and, after three or four years of alternating Washington and San Francisco as the site of it, it was established each year in Boulder, Colorado, and that came about, the designation of Boulder as the one location for it, I think with the invention, at least as far as I know, the use by me first, of the term "environmental litigation."  ... That's another funny story, that among the persons whom I met at the conference in San Francisco, the first one was a member of the law faculty of the University of Colorado Law School and he was also present at a second CLE conference, which was in '71 at Boulder, too, and which I attended.  ... Then, he asked me to teach environmental law in the summer session of the new Colorado Law School in '76.  Well, I taught that and got to love Boulder, as so many people do.  [laughter] It's one of the most fantastically beautiful places to work.  The National Atmospheric Administration is there, also some other agencies, and always funny to me [was] seeing waiters at the restaurants who were beautiful young women and not the classes of people who have the jobs [typically], ... some of which only immigrants will supply now.  So, at the end of this course, I told him I'd like to come back.  Well, at the CLE conference, which he attended, he asked me if I would bring the CLE course I wrote up to Boulder.  So, I invented the term "environmental litigation" and the course was billed as a course in environmental litigation.  To some extent, a body of law is built by people teaching it, and the first courses in environmental law in law school were around 1970, and in '76, I think it was, was the first course in environmental law at a law school faculty.  ... I carried on a seminar at Columbia, beginning in '72, in environmental law.  To teach that, I resigned from teaching a course, a graduate course, in civil practice, in discovery, which was a separate field, at NYU, and then, at the end of the course in environmental litigation; ... no, at the end of the course in environmental law, the whole of it, in Boulder in '75 or '76, ... in the summer session, I went to the University of Wisconsin Law School at Madison and taught an environmental law course there, and then, in the four or five years following, taught, I said as half joke and half seriously, "I'll teach it in a scenic place."  So,I was invited to teach it at Utah in the late '70s, and then, at Seattle in Washington, the State of Washington, and the teaching involved a large part of my time, together with the writing of law review articles.  The one in [the] Columbia [Law Review] has been re-published in a fairly large number of collections of essays and books which are turned out on any subject.  They reprint them.  Then, in the mid-'80s, I went for a whole semester to the University of Indiana and its law school, and there taught two courses, which most faculty members taught.  The second one was administrative law.  I'd become an expert in about the one-third of administrative law which is the judicial review of administrative action.  I then taught, later on and in recent years, beginning around 1999, I think, environmental law at Pace University in White Plains, which has been a very important center of environmental law teaching, in large part through the leadership of a member of the faculty, Nicholas Robinson, ... who worked for me in the Summer of '68, I believe.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] DS:  Nick was a student at Columbia in, oh, I forget the exact year, but ... in the late '60s, and he had an interest in environmental law, and like so many others who practiced it, the interest was developed first through his being a nature lover and a camper and hiker, [in] his case in California.  ... He worked in my office, without any compensation, in drafting one of the briefs in the Hudson River Expressway Case.  ... The Hudson River Expressway Case is an interesting illustration of the development of a part of constitutional law, which is environmental law, one, and perhaps the most important, illustration is the law of standing, which is a constitutional question.  ... Then, he began practice teaching, and then, was a counsel in my firm for many years, and then, started the environmental section at Pace.  It has been, for many years, the third-ranking ... of all law schools in the teaching of environmental law, in the ranking by US News and World Report, which ... ranks professional schools.  So, the last few years of my practice, I taught, in addition to practicing, courses in, well, one course in environmental law and that, plus, some other duties was my work as the faculty, and I think that it is correct that the growth of environmental law is more the result of litigation than virtually any other field of law.  ... I think that's correct because the enactment of environmental statutes followed a fair number of important cases which established part of environmental law, and I've said that environmental law is more owed to litigation than virtually any other important body of law, and it's in large part, I think, because the development of the law, ... the development of litigation, environmental litigation, is not wholly the accident of becoming involved in a dispute.  A negligence case arises because somebody's in an automobile accident.  Contract law arises because [of] a dispute over [the] breach or interpretation of a contract.  The making of environmental law has, to a large extent, and it would be interesting to study this and figure, estimate, the percentage has been, the deliberate program of environmental organizations, environmental law firms, the most important of which is, I think, NRDC, the Natural Resources Defense Council.  It's interesting, that and the story on page one of the Times yesterday, in the article about the Bali Conference, [the 2007 United Nations Climate Change Conference].  There's a whole paragraph which quotes a David Doniger, the principal representative at the conference of NRDC.  NRDC, I think, has become, and maybe this is just my view, but I think it's correct, the greatest of all organizational law firms, in large part because its lawyers have been the top students from the elite schools, which have always been sought after by the elite law firms.  ... One interesting aspect of it now is that a top student from an elite school can command a beginning salary of one hundred fifty thousand dollars, which is, in some respects, shocking, particularly when I compare it to my fifty dollars a week.  I was not a top student, but a good student, above average one, at Columbia.  The organized development of law is now carried on by anti-environmental agencies, I think the most important one of which is the Washington Law Foundation.  It sponsors an article on the op-ed page in the Timesby the head of a corporate interest law firm and they carry on the bringing and prosecution of lawsuits to advance the commercial interests of corporations.  ... They very soundly criticize, I think, hypocritically, without naming them, NRDC and environmental clinics at law schools.  The whole development of organized lawmaking, you might call it, which some people may criticize and some people think is un-American and unconstitutional, because you're not basing the standing on traditional interest to property or person.  So, the development of environmental law is, in part, the work of these action agencies, Environmental Defense Fund, now called Environmental Defense, and NRDC and classes at law schools.  Pace has now a faculty member who carries on an environmental clinic. Columbia has one, organized, for some reason, late in the process.  Ten or twelve years ago, they asked me, and a couple of others, to form a committee and help them organize an interesting study to determine to what extent environmental law is this purposeful making of law, making of it not simply in the legislative bodies, and, also, environmental law has involved, well, I mentioned involves borrowing of law from other bodies of law and the definitions of words.  The illustration of the definition of words is most dramatically shown by the word "if," but, in the early period, and continuing to this day, environmental organizations and environmental faculty at law schools heading clinics which ... use the work of students as part of law training is one big branch of, one big portion of, environmental law. SI:  1982, I believe. DS:  ... '82?  Yes, since '82, my own work has been about half teaching, half academic work and writing, and half law practice.  The law practice has continued to be primarily litigation and, that you mentioned, the aspects, the earthly aspects, of the trial of environmental cases.  Well, I think that, to a large extent, the litigation of environmental suits involves a lesser fraction of cases tried, in the strict sense, than cases decided by other means, by settlement, by summary judgment motion, by motions to dismiss, in large part because it's been the review of administrative action.  ... The review of administrative action is limited to action which ... violates a statute, makes the wrong decision on a question of law, or, where there are questions of fact, determines whether the administrative action is arbitrary or without foundation.  So, there are very few cases I can [recall], I think only one, really, I think, [that were] determined after a trial, and that was in the Hudson River Expressway Case, where there was a thirty-day trial because the claims which I made involved action of the Army Corps of Engineers in granting a permit to build a "dike," [in] quotes.  ... The question was whether the planned six-lane expressway along the riverfront involved a construction of "dikes" or whether what I claimed were dikes were "levees," as used in the Rivers and Harbors Act of 1899.  The case was a very important part of early environmental law and litigation. The court finally held that it did involve "dykes."  The Army Corps of Engineers, among other things, in its several drawings in connection with [the] construction, themselves referred to several parts of it as involving "dikes."  Well, the court finally held what I argued, that a dike was distinguished from a "levee."  A levee holds back floodwaters, whereas a dike impedes or governs the main channel of a river.  Part of my proof was that the expressway would extend far enough out from the shore, I think a couple hundred yards in several places, as to deflect the main current of the Hudson River, both ways, because it's a tidal body all the way up to Albany and Troy.  So, I can't point to any special aspect of the trial of a case which has involved an environmental litigation, and that involves, of course, use of expert witnesses a good deal, but that's not unique to environmental cases.  ... Well, yes, there was a trial, forgive me, and an important and interesting case, what I call the Trident Case, [Concerned About Trident, Inc. v. Schlesinger].  I don't think I mentioned that in the Sierra Club interview.  SI:  No, you did not.  We only touched on it very briefly last time. DS:  Yes.  Well, the Trident Case was tried before a judge who had a military background before appointment by Eisenhower, I'll remember his name.  It involved opposition to the enlargement of a submarine base along the Hood Canal, which connects Puget Sound on the north with a body of water further south.  ... The base would be constructed, and has been, on the eastern shore of the Canal, which is about twenty miles west from Seattle proper.  The objection to the Trident Base, the most important claim was the NEPA claim, that the environmental impact statement was insufficient.  The environmental impact statement, the matters which are to be covered in it, are set forth in the statute, and among the matters is alternatives to the administrative action.  The base was ... planned to be enlarged to accommodate a given number of submarines, I think twenty, and the given number of submarines which [it] was determined to have the base accommodate depended on the predictions of Soviet action, the Russians, "What will they do?"  Well, the litigation of alternatives, in the, I think, infrequent trials and the more frequent papers in support of and in opposition to a summary judgment motion, by either the plaintiffs or the defendants, the presence of alternatives is one of the most important and really one of the easiest things to hang a claim on under the act.  So, I claimed that the alternatives which were required to be studied and weren't studied were the alternatives of reducing the possibilities and probabilities of war with the Russians, very logically.  If you're not worried too much about the Russians, you don't need twenty submarines.  You should have studied the alternative of a base to accommodate ten submarines, which would reduce the environmental impact of the base and its surrounding area.  ... That surrounding area included residences, the principal and second homes, of a number of persons along the Hood Canal and back from the Hood Canal, which had been organized by a citizens' committee, by a local lawyer, a young fellow by the name of [Philip] Best.  He phoned me and I think knew of me through reading law review articles.  He asked me to represent the opponents to the Trident Base expansion.  They included one fairly famous person, a Walter Heller, who was the head of the Council of Economic Advisors for Carter, and lived in Minnesota and came from there, but had a second home, where I think he grew up, near Seattle and along the Hood Canal, I think adjoining the southern side of the base and the construction.  [Editor's Note: Walter W. Heller served as chair of the Council of Economic Advisors from 1961 to 1964 under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson.]  There was a citizens' committee and, because this involved nuclear submarines, a peace organization in British Columbia, and what I call an ad hoc citizens' committee.  It is a feature of the environmental movement and environmental law, the formation of particular committees, ad hoc groups, for the purpose of opposing, generally, an environmentally important action, both politically and legally.  The prohibition of needless litigation involves ethical questions, if lawyers bring cases which are not needed, and also for the financial reasons; the ad hoc groups are generally underfunded.  Large portions of my, particularly early, environmental practice and litigation have been unpaid or paid one small fraction of the regular charge. The Trident action involved the citizens' committee and Walter Heller and [other] individuals. The head of the citizens' committee was a very well-known head of the School of Public Administration [Evans School of Public Affairs] at the U. of Washington, a kind of ancestral family of the Seattle area.  A principal street in Seattle, that is an exit from the interstate, [bears] his family name.  ... I brought the action in the district court in Washington, DC, and alleged that ... the environmental impact statement was insufficient in several respects, including the failure to treat all the reasonable alternatives, one of which was peace.  Well, the principal witness for the defendants, ... the Department of Defense, which [James Rodney] Schlesinger became the head of during the case, had as one of its chief witnesses a rear admiral who worked at the Omaha Airbase in Omaha, Nebraska.  ... In cross-examining him, both in a deposition and at the trial, I asked him, did he consider the alternative of peace? and the court sustained the objection to that question, holding, correctly or incorrectly, that they're not going to go into predicting the chances of war or peace in predicting the strength and program of the Russians.  Maybe it wasn't intended that the probabilities of war or peace be litigated.  The environmental impact statement was held sufficient by the trial court.  I appealed, and two of five claims about the insufficiency in [the] environmental impact statement, not the war or peace, not the alternative section, were held by the Court of Appeals of the Washington, DC, Circuit that the statement was insufficient.  It reversed, in part, and remanded the action to the District Court but did not enjoin the project, and I advised the clients that, "I don't see the wisdom of carrying on with the very difficult raising of money to pay even a fraction of the fair charges to me as worthwhile."  So, I didn't litigate a retrial of the issues involved in these two aspects of the EIS and the appeal of that when the Court of Appeals didn't enjoin the project.  ... The case, in the determination of the trial judge, as well as the Court of Appeals, a determination which was questioned on appeal, a course appeal by the government, by Schlesinger, who had become the head of the Department of Defense, and his name was substituted in the name of the case, the case was not carried on.  I didn't carry on the case beyond the determination by the Court of Appeals, but, in an earlier ruling by the trial court, sustained by the appeals court, the application of NEPA to defense agencies, to military agencies, was upheld.  ... The case is important for that doctrine, in some respects, similar to the Amchitka Case.  [The Amchitka Case] was an important case in the law of executive privilege, and that's another feature of environmental cases, I think, environmental litigation, that, more frequently, there are important determinations which make the law, [more so] than in other bodies of law, very often for the same reason that has held me back from carrying on litigation, the purely financial reason, that there's so much which a client can raise and so much which the lawyer will work for. The importance of volunteer work, pro bono work, by lawyers is a feature of environmental law.  In that respect, of course, it's similar to the law governing civil liberties and other bodies of law. One of the most important early controversies in the '60s involved an oil spill at Santa Barbara.  [Editor's Note: In 1969, an offshore oil platform accident caused a massive oil spill in the channel off of Santa Barbara.]  Santa Barbara is a place of pretty fancy people.  Another very important controversy, which didn't come to litigation, where I was involved leading the Sierra Club, was the controversy involving the so-called "Great Swamp," the wetlands and large swamp area east of Morristown and south of this area, about twenty-five miles south.  So, that growth of environmental law, by the deliberate litigation of individuals and organizations created to litigate, among other things, is a feature of environmental law, and the making of parts of the law by determinations apart from the grant of the principal actions sought by the plaintiff is a feature of environmental law. I think the Hudson River Expressway Case may, to this day, be one instance of a permanent injunction of a large environmental project by a case which went through the whole course and trial and the Court of Appeals and the Court of Appeals upholding it and denial of certiorari by the Supreme Court.  The defendants, the Department of Transportation of New York State and the Army Corps of Engineers, sought unsuccessfully certiorari by the Supreme Court.  So, those are features of environmental litigation and ... perhaps the expert testimony may be a larger portion of the environmental litigation, both in the pretrial stages, the affidavits of experts, and at the comparatively rare number of cases which are tried.  Another dramatic illustration of the ... definition of words was in the case involving the construction of an interstate through the principal park of the City of Memphis.  [Editor's Note: Mr. Sive is referring to the landmark US Supreme Court case of Citizens to Preserve Overton Park v. Volpe (1971), in which a citizen's group fought the extension of I-40 through Overton Park in Memphis, Tennessee.]  I didn't participate in that case, though I participated a good deal in the controversy, in the political aspects of it.  The statute forbad the crossing or the use of parkland which would inhibit the main use of the parkland, and the road was planned to cross what is really the, quote, "Central Park of the City of Memphis."  So, that is illustrative of the several features.  That, too, was litigated at the insistence of an ad hoc group. I think in environmental cases, well, to the extent that environmental cases involved the use of parkland, National Parks or state parks or municipal parks, and a good number of them do, including the Nashville Case, which went to the Supreme Court, ... as many other cases now; I should have mentioned it, environmental cases are about a third of the material in a textbook or treatise on administrative law and, conversely, administrative law involves, well, like, environmental law, involves administrative law.  Well, in the Trident Case, one feature [that] was not a feature of law is the participation by the attorneys, and the ad hoc or permanent groups, in raising money.  ... In the Trident Case, one of the interesting parts was the raising of money by the ad hoc committee by ... running boat trips in the Hood Canal and looking at the shoreline.  The shoreline, the eastern shore of the Hood Canal, is one of, I think, among the most beautiful places in the world, because you look out over the canal, it's not technically a canal it's a natural body of water two or three miles, virtually against the shoreline is the Olympic Mountains, snowcapped.  There aren't too many places in the world where, from the ocean or sea, you see snowcapped mountains, at least in the temperate zones of the world.  The raising of monies and the involvement of the attorneys and the parties in the raising of monies for the lawyers can, in some cases, be questions of the professional ethics of lawyers.  ... I think that the participation of lawyers as advocates, other than in litigation or the traditional work of lawyers, participation as advocates, is almost unique in administrative law.  I'm not familiar with the large number of lawyers mentioned in the civil liberties field who are known for their participation in the politics, the political movement.  I can name a couple, but I don't think that it is as much as in environmental law.  One interesting aspect of the Trident Case was the examination, oral examination, of officers of the citizen's group in an effort to determine how many people went on a boat trip and how much they contributed to that boat trip.  Well, correctly, the court sustained, at the trial, my objection to that motion, ... the effort to get the evidence by the defendants, the Department of Defense and its lawyers, that was where the judge with the military background sustained me in my claims at the trial.  The Trident Case was very interesting and involved, personally, a number of trips to Seattle, where, for different reasons, my sister lived, though she came from Brooklyn, and led, I think, to the teaching at the U. of Washington in Seattle. Other cases in the later period, yes, included cases involving the construction of "Forever Wild."  That's the battle cry of the environmentalists in the Adirondacks and the Catskills.  ... One interesting feature there, which was unique in environmental law, to the extent that that body of law is made by litigation in the Adirondacks and, also, a good number of cases in the Catskills, I don't think I was in any important case in the Catskills, just as a matter of coincidence, the constitutional provision of [the] New York State Constitution providing that the lands constituting the Forest Preserve shall be kept forever wild was originally enacted as part of the Constitution in 1894.  ... For reasons which I don't think anybody knows exactly, the proponents of that, and I imagine that included persons who helped in writing it, because they were the Great Camps people, beginning around 1870, included Section IV, which says, in substance, "Any citizen may bring an action to enforce this article."  That was a unique citizen's provision, seventy years before the citizen's provision of the Clean Air Act and sixty-five years before the standing of the citizens' group Scenic Hudson [was] sustained in the Scenic Hudson Case.  The principal historic case ... involving the "Forever Wild" provision, [MacDonald v. Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks(1930)] was a case brought by the Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, a group of wealthy people, to enjoin the building of a [bobsled run] at the 1932 Olympics.  ... It held that that building of a track on Forest Reserve land violated the provisions of what was then Article VII.  It was renumbered later on [in the 1938 New York State Constitutional Convention]. My own work in the "Forever Wild" cases, yes, there was one or two others, back in the early '70s, I'm not certain whether this is in the Sierra Club [interview], involved the enactment of the Adirondack Park Agency Act, which created an Adirondack Park Agency to which was granted the land use control, the zoning power, of the whole Adirondack Park area.  It is half Forest Preserve land, state land, half private land, which is about eight thousand square miles.  It's a huge fraction of the, oh, approximately forty-nine thousand square miles of New York State, equal to the area of Connecticut, I think.  ... When that act was enacted by the state, a lumber interest and others brought suits to declare it unconstitutional and the constitutionality of it was upheld.  In one case which I brought, there were two cases, I brought [it] with the plaintiffs, including the Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, the rich guys, and the Sierra Club and the Adirondack Mountain Club.  The Adirondack Park Agency Act, interestingly enough, was the work of [Nelson] Rockefeller when he was Governor.  He created [it] around '67, when, for different reasons, because of the growth of the environmental movement in general, which I date in '65, from the Storm King Mountain [Case] and Rachel Carson's Silent Spring book, he became interested, I think, both [because of that and] because a Rockefeller Family member owned one of the Great Camps near a so-called Ampersand Lake in the Adirondacks, near Saranac Lake, and other wealthy people, J. P. Morgan and investment bankers.  He [Rockefeller] created the Adirondack Park Agency to study the regulation of the private lands of the Adirondacks, in addition to the governance of the state lands by the constitutional provision, and he rammed through the Legislature the Adirondack Park Agency Act in 1970. One interesting part of that was, the environmental organizations in which I participated carried on very strong efforts to secure the enactment of the land use authority governing the Adirondacks by a state agency, as distinguished from the Town of Tupper Lake and the Town of Lake Placid and the town where Keene Valley lies, by the municipality with the zoning power.  The Adirondack Park Agency Act created the agency and gave it the power to zone the Adirondack area and they zoned the Adirondack Park area by classifying large areas as completely wild land, comparable to the lands of the Forest Preserve.  ... Those lands, the wild lands, included the wild lands of the Adirondack League Club and others and the lands treasured by the hikers, where I'd been going since the age of seventeen.  ... One aspect of it was, when the Adirondack Park Agency Act was enacted by the Legislature and went to the Governor for signature, it went to him on a Thursday.  ... I remember, on the Friday, my working the Saturday and part of Sunday to get a memo to be written by a friend in the Adirondacks, ... who's a lawyer, to write a memo to send to the Governor on behalf of the (APA?) and the Sierra Club and others including the Adirondack Mountain Club, sustaining the constitutionality of the Adirondack Park Agency Act, which was attacked by the developing interests, lumber companies and others, but I told him, "Please, get the memo done by Tuesday."  Well, Monday morning, Rockefeller signed the act.  We didn't have to do the memo, and that was an illustration of the wealth of environmentalists.  Another funny one was, in '70 or '71, I remember it was the time that I and two others, I perhaps mentioned this with [the] Sierra Club [interview], Whitney North Seymour, Jr., who was the US Attorney in the Southern District, and a Steven Duggan, a partner of the law firm who was the head of Scenic Hudson, ... when we were organizing NRDC [Natural Resource Defense Council], Laurance Rockefeller, a son of the Laurance Rockefeller, who had, among other things, ... somehow, he or his parents went through the bother of spelling his name differently, [often identified as Larry Rockefeller, Jr.], you always had to be careful when dealing with him, and he was plucked out by Steven Duggan to be among the first members of the board of NRDC.  He's been a member ever since, both when he was a student at Columbia Law School [and as] he worked for me for about five or six weeks in my office, on the legal aspects of the opposition to the expansion of the Newburgh Airport.  The Newburgh Airport was proposed by Rockefeller to be a fourth jetport and the Newburgh Airport lands were eight thousand acres, which, for some reason, was owned by the US and was one of the small airports given to the states after World War II.  There was a program of donation to aviation by the Federal Government of territorial lands and I brought a suit to enjoin the condemnation of the lands of the airport, including the unspoiled eight thousand acres.  My motion for an injunction was denied, but, and this maybe ... happens in environmental cases where the government leaders are environmental interests, ... Whiting North Seymour, Jr., was a top environmental interest proponent when he was a state senator, in the '60s, before he became the US Attorney for the Southern District of New York.  ... In yesterday's Times, the op-ed section has an article criticizing Giuliani for assuming too much credit as a lawyer for fighting the racketeers, pointing out that the Southern District of New York is the premier training ground, with standing and reputation, for lawyers, for young lawyers, and it's always been that and that's related to the occupancy of the US Attorney's Office, ... partially related to the District Attorney's Office in Manhattan County, New York County, being occupied for thirty-five years by [Robert Morris] Morgenthau.  That's what the article is about, pointing out the distinction of the Southern District as the great builder of the standing of young lawyers and of the US Attorney.  Well, coincidentally, you know, a good part of the growth of my firm is owed to the joining of the firm as associates of the two partners of Sive, Paget and Reisel, the firm, [David] Paget and [Daniel] Riesel both came out of the US Attorney's Office to my firm, although, perhaps to this day, they earned less than, substantially less than, the senior partners in the environmental sections of elite firms.  So, that involvement of lawyers as advocates and the attraction of a growing body of law which, like civil liberties, is part of the growth of environmental law.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  Thank you for lunch.  We were talking again about the course in discovery. DS:  Yes, right.  I got the idea for that from my own work and suggested it, at a party at the residence of Robert [B.] McKay, and he then seemed favorable, I think enthusiastic.  It was important and one of the growths of law, very important, was the growth in importance of the discovery process, after World War II.  ... I became quite knowledgeable in discovery by demands for documents and aspects of the scope of discovery as distinguished from the scope of admissibility at a trial.  ... Discovery, now, is, oh, a good fraction of a whole book of, or course on, civil practice, because far more cases are resolved [as] a result of or in discovery proceedings as those tried, particularly in commercial and corporate fields and environmental field, among others.  ... One of the highlights of that was beating Cyrus Vance in a discovery issue, [laughter] which they appealed to the Appellate Division.  That was the beginning of a friendship with Vance, because I've always made careful effort, as any good lawyer [does], to keep relationships with the adverse attorneys on a courteous and friendly level.  One aspect of that, which I don't know whether I mentioned in the Sierra Club interview [or not], a very interesting two or three years, I worked on litigation, as a lawyer, in the firm as a lawyer, for the State of Vermont.  Vermont brought a lawsuit in '70, which was part of the revolution, the environmental revolution of '70, through the efforts of a Robert [Jim] Jeffords, I think it's Robert, who's now the Senator from Vermont.  [Editor's Note: Mr. Sive is referring to Jim Jeffords; Senator Jeffords was the Vermont Attorney General in 1969.]  He was then the Attorney General for the state and was an environmentalist.  He decided to fight the International Paper Company, which had its principal paper processing plant on the western shore of Lake Champlain at Ticonderoga.  Pulp processing for paper is one of the dirtiest industries imaginable and the residue of the processing process is some gooey scum, which the International Paper Company, for fifty years, and its predecessor, would dump out in to Ticonderoga Bay, as well as air pollution, the smoke of the plant.  There was an important effort of a Lake Champlain committee, a citizen's committee, [to challenge the plant].  The chair of the committee was Peter Paine, those father was head of a bank and part of the governing community of a rural area.  ... I think it was they who suggested to Jeffords, in '69, that they engage me as their attorney.  Jeffords and the State of Vermont a suit by a state versus a state is the one original aspect of suits in the Supreme Court.  Their entire jurisdiction is appellate, except for a state versus a state. Since 1789, I think there have been only seventy-two original suits.  A number of them have involved interstate resources, like a large fraction of the principal rivers of the US.  One suit I know involved the Colorado River, ... which serves several states.  Another involved the states of Pennsylvania and Jersey and New York involving the Delaware River and the governance of the Delaware River, part of which is opening or closing the flow of waters out of the New York City reservoirs into the Delaware, the east branch, which is the source of the water supply of ... the City of Philadelphia.  They take the water from the Delaware a short distance I think south of Port Jarvis, and the three states were involved in an original suit.  I don't recall who was the plaintiff.  The resolution of that suit is a compact administered by a three-state commission, which governs the Delaware and determines when the gates shall be open from the Delaware River reservoir system which feeds New York's water. I became the attorney for the State of Vermont, I and the firm.  That was utterly fascinating, an original suit. Among other things, the rules governing the original suits essentially give the Supreme Court the power to enact its own civil practice code, its code of trial and discovery and every other part of a civil practice law.  ... One of the aspects of it which was interesting was the appointment as an examiner, the referee, of Ammi Cutter, conducting the suit, who was to conduct the suit and the proceedings and issue a report, which then goes to the full Supreme Court for adoption or rejection.  This was in early '70, the same time when everything else was happening, and the Supreme Court appointed as the examiner a [Richard] Ammi Cutter, C-U-T-T-E-R, who had just retired, or reached the retirement age, as one of the members of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, which was the Massachusetts Court of Appeals or Supreme Court.  As soon as he was appointed, he called the attorneys for a meeting in his office in the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, and, there, I met the attorney for the International Paper Company and the State of New York.  The paper company's attorneys were an elite Wall Street firm, the name of which I'll remember, [Davis, Polk & Wardwell], but the individual attorney who attended the conference was a Taggart Whipple, III.  Whipple is a very aristocratic name in New York and Taggart, a member of this firm, [which] was known for its quality and aristocracy.  The attorney for the State of New York was a good friend, whose name I'll remember, too, who teaches at St. John's [University in New York City] and he was a partner, and still is, for many years, of a leading Westchester County firm and a good friend.  Well, he was there, and Whipple and I; we held a conference about how the suit should proceed.  ... At the end of the conference, Cutter insisted that the attorneys go for a walk with him through the aisles of the courthouse, in which he pointed out photographs and portraits of members of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts and other aspects, and I first got to understand this Cutter, who was a lawyer of some real standing and the head of the trusts and estates section of an elite Boston firm and the owner of a second home and land in the southern part of the White Mountains [of New Hampshire], which is a resort where Boston's proper people, ... a lot of them, have their summer homes.  The problem for me was, Cutter had never been in litigation and he didn't understand the function of discovery proceedings.  So, he held a large number of hearings, a number of hearings, personally, and wouldn't permit, didn't want, document production or oral depositions, didn't understand discovery practice.  Well, that was a problem and the suit went on and, ultimately, was settled, but part of it was a funny experience.  He carried on the suit at the time that I was on the Executive Committee of the Bar Association and the Executive Committee always used to host one of two annual meetings of the American Law Institute.  This is the scholars and the elite people.  I became a member of the Institute a few years before that, I think, and the hosting of the gathering was always at the City Bar Association, in their large and very lovely building, and is a highlight, a social highlight, of Executive Committee people and [their] families and others.  There were cocktails at the beginning of it and a large number of people assembled in one of the large rooms.  ... I then knew that Cutter's wife was there, and I wondered, "How do I greet her?  Do I talk to her?" because a trial lawyer, talking to a judge during a trial is forbidden.  So, I wondered about it, but, then, by chance, ... we were standing next to each other and we began to talk by her patting my shoulder and saying, "Oh, you're the young man in the suit.  I'm glad Ammi is busy."  [laughter] That rendered academic the calculation of how I should deal with her. The suit went on, with a number of sessions, meetings, by me, in Montpelier, the Vermont state capital.  ... One of the two or three men from the Vermont ... Attorney General's Office, appointed by Cutter, was a fellow by the name of John Calhoun, who was very pleasant.  We spent pleasant evenings dining in the restaurants and bars in Montpelier.  At the second or third of them, I was puzzled and I asked him, "By [the] way, if you don't mind my being personal, are you related to the John Calhoun?"  His answer was, "Nobody's ever proven I'm not." [laughter] That was pleasant, but challenging, and part of the reason for the engagement of me by the State of Vermont may have been the fact that I was charging a [good] deal less than the hourly charge which Taggart Whipple and his firm, I'm sure, was charging.  It was five thousand dollars a month, I think, which was really very small, but helping me in that suit, and this was another feature of environmental litigation, is the interest in it, as well as in other public law fields, developing law, of older people.  ... One day, a year or two before the suit, [I came to know] a gentleman by the name of Arthur Palmer, who had been a partner at one of the elite firms, then became bored with it, became an investment banker, then, decided he would try to practice some law.  He lived in some very lovely part of Long Island, near Huntington, in the aristocratic area.  His neighbor was Henry Stimson, and he was interested in doing environmental work.  [Editor's Note: Henry L. Stimson served as Secretary of War during World War II.]  So, he came to my firm and worked for a year or two, without compensation, and I put him to work on the Vermont Case and he helped us.  The Vermont Case was ultimately settled, after testimony by expert witnesses who were examined by a member of the Attorney General's staff of Vermont, not myself, for different tactical reasons.  Palmer was a very gracious and wonderful person, and his wife.  They had a summer home up in Northeast Harbor, [Maine], near Seal Harbor and Acadia National Park and ... [my] wife and I and one child visited them a few times.  ... He was a great storyteller and one story about him was his friendship with Stimson, who he said, many mornings, would commute from the Huntington Station to New York by riding a horse a mile from his residence to the station, with a servant who would take the horse back, and then, in the evening, come to the station with the horse.  So, he had stories about Henry Stimson.  I had gotten to admire Stimson, though he was a Republican, for his work and service during World War II, ... and [as] one of the saintly figures of the Bar Association. The suit, the original suit, was fascinating and among the proceedings was the argument of a motion by me, on behalf of the state, to amend the complaint, to join to it the operation of a new plant up the lake, which the paper company built which began a good deal before the suit was begun.  ... Involved in the suit, and I think a large part of Jeffords' feeling, was the fact that strong west winds would shake up the water in Ticonderoga Bay and take the scum and drive large quantities of it across the lake to land on the shores of Vermont.  So, the proceedings involved a lot of expert testimony about whether the scum was destructive or harmful, even though, admittedly, it was unsightly, and the proceedings involved the search for expert testimony or information about the levels of the lake, because, if the lake were low, the scum, or more of it, would rise to the surface and be driven to Vermont.  If it were high, [the] lake were high, less of the scum would be driven.  So, we each searched for information about the history of the lake.  Taggart Whipple and his firm turned up a journal of Thomas Jefferson, who I learned took a trip in Upstate New York, I think with James Madison.  Madison invested [in], bought, a large area of land in the area of Utica, New York, in the Mohawk Valley, and I think this trip was with Madison.  ... Jefferson wrote in his journals, a reference to the lake and said, "The water is damp and scummy," or something like that.  Taggart Whipple brought it in [as] evidence and I objected.  ... Cutter listened to Taggart Whipple, then, listened to me, and I argued against it for about ten minutes, hearsay and other things, but the hearsay rule was based on, used on, the probabilities of it not being true, and, in this case, the integrity of the writer of the memoir was Thomas Jefferson. [laughter] So, after about ten minutes, I supposed that Cutter would not let me question the integrity of Thomas Jefferson.  I gave up.  The memo of Jefferson was admitted and I didn't have any evidence which was equal in standing to the words of Thomas Jefferson. At a point during the hearings of the expert witnesses, I told Jeffords, "I think you should consider settlement, because the fair costs of the litigation may be close to or as much or more than the cost of treating the scum," I told him, "If a settlement achieves almost or equal to or more than a pure victory, in the ordinary commercial case, I'd advise you to settle."  I think he took that advice, and there were negotiations and the suit was settled at a time when I wasn't working much on the suit, but two attorneys in Jeffords' office were.  ... They conducted most of the examination and cross-examination of the expert witnesses who were testifying about the effects of the smoke, the air effects, on Lake Champlain and the surrounding area, vast areas of which had colored air and sky for generations, accepted by people before, among other things, vast numbers of professional people became residents of Vermont, that [were] attracted to it because of its natural beauty, including, in the last ten years, Dan Riesel in my office.  He's bought a place, a home, in Vermont. The case was settled, and then, Palmer died, after about three or four years, but he worked in my office without compensation, didn't require any, and wrote a couple of the documents in the suit against the State of New York. The most fascinating aspect of his work was the tales about Stimson, including his horse.  He himself [Palmer] commuted from Huntington, they had an estate out there, but didn't go to the station by horse.  [laughter] That must have been in the '30s and '20s.  He was much older than I and a very lovely and pleasant gentleman.  ... He wrote a book later, the name of which I forget, which dealt with his experiences as an investment banker and in part as a lawyer ... before he became an investment banker, which reminds me of another interesting story.  You tell me if this is too much or gets boring.  ... SI:  Is it about you or is it about Palmer? DS:  It involves me, yes. SI:  Please, go ahead, yes. DS:  In [my] work in the Adirondacks, I became familiar with its history, which involved the most aristocratic families in the US buying the thousands upon thousands of acres for their log structures, in some cases, whole villages, like the Rockefellers' Great Camp in the center of the Adirondacks, just south of Brackett Lake, one of the Rockefellers.  ... One of the important aspects of the growth of the conservation movement, the environment movement before the current environmental movement, was the growth of the concept and the policy of the protection of wilderness.  Much of the environmental aspect was [centered on] wilderness and in the history of the wilderness movement, in large part carried on by the Wilderness Society, whose office is in Washington, [DC].  It was the principal instrument in securing the enactment of the Wilderness Act [of 1964], which was an important part of the environmental movement, in '64, well before the wilderness proponents were a main part of [the] environmental movement.  The Wilderness Act in '64 was in large part the work of the Wilderness Society. The Wilderness Society was founded in '24 [1935] and the main worker in that, the main organizer of it, was a gentleman by the name of Robert Marshall.  Robert Marshall was a saintly member in the wilderness movement.  A large area of Montana, oh, several hundred thousand acres, in the Bitter Root Mountains, is ... the Robert Marshall Wilderness.  [Editor's Note: The Bitter Root Mountains are a range of the Rocky Mountains in the westernmost part of Montana.]  He died at the age of thirty-eight and he was famous among environmentalists and hikers for founding the so-called Forty-Sixers.  Forty Sixers are the group of people that climb all forty-six peaks over four thousand feet of the Adirondacks.  It was followed by a similar organization in the White Mountains [in New Hampshire], I forget the name, and one in the Catskills [in New York], fairly recently, who climb every peak in the Catskills over thirty-five hundred feet, about twenty-two of them.  My wife is one of them.  You must climb four peaks in mid-winter, which is a feat, even though the Catskills aren't as rugged or as cold as the Adirondacks. Robert Marshall was one of three brothers in the family, really, the public notice of which started with a Louis Marshall, [the father of Robert, George and James Marshall].  Louis Marshall was a very successful lawyer at the beginning of the twentieth century.  Among other gifts by him, when he became wealthy, was the money to establish the Jewish Theological Seminary up near Columbia University, very important in the training of liberal, I think, non-Orthodox, Jews, Jews are Orthodox, Reform and Conservative.  There's an old joke somebody recited, that ... he was assimilated [and], when asked, he said, "Well, I put together the Reform, the Orthodox and the Conservative." Reform Jews are, I suppose, the most successful of the three branches.  They consist, in part, of the German Jewish community which emigrated from Germany here after the Revolution of 1848.  Those German families became quite wealthy, successful.  Among other things, a fair number of them became the investment bankers on Wall Street, the Kuhns and Loebs and others. [Louis] Marshall had three sons.  The ownership of a Great Camp in the Adirondacks became a sign of the top aristocracy of the US.  They had their winter homes on Jekyll Island in Georgia, off the coast of Georgia, near Sea Island.  I've said that the wilderness movement and the Wilderness Act are owed to, in part, the anti-Semitism of the Adirondacks.  Now, it is correct that the Adirondacks, a large portion of it, was anti-Semitic.  They wouldn't [have] Jews and probably [not] if your name ended in an "O," and certainly [not] if you were non-white.  I grew up, as a child, with the conviction, the learning, that you don't go to the Adirondacks if you're Jewish.  ... I remember running into questions and problems when I took the first camping trip in the Adirondacks with my brother and my father and others, wondering, "Well, what is the index of the rise into high society?  Nothing more than the ownership of a Great Camp in the Adirondacks."  Louis Marshall, in the early twentieth century, bought about two thousand acres near Saranac Lake and I've thought that, and I think it's correct, that you buy land and a summer home, you do in many other things, to be in the right group of people.  One of the Adirondacks Great Camps, ten thousand acres, is [owned by] the Lehman Family.  That was bought around 1920, I think, and it's a great honor to be invited by the Lehmans to their ... Great Camp.  Each of them has a name.  I forget the name of the Lehman [Great Camp].  Well, Marshall had three sons and they grew up as children in the Adirondacks. Robert Marshall became a hiker and developed a love for the Adirondacks, which is a place of great passion.  I have always thought that, even more than people who love other areas for different reasons, Robert Marshall hiked and climbed all the peaks of the Adirondacks and developed a passion for the Forest Preserve and wilderness and founded the Wilderness Society.  The story of it is [his] writing the organization papers as a member of the Cosmos Club, in Washington, which is a club like the Century Club and the Metropolitan Club in Washington, but which has a special claim to exclusivity, in part bona fide, that it was a club for scholars and people of distinction.  ... If you go into their building, which was a lovely, large, old mansion on Connecticut Avenue, near Dupont Circle, the corridors are filled with books.  ... It really is a scholarly group and it has, among others, great members, [Henry] Kissinger, for instance, and others whose pictures are in there.  I started going there when I went to Washington in so many environmental suits, because, among other things, it rented, provided lodging, small rooms, very pleasant, for twenty dollars a night, was a non-profit, and a member of the club would sponsor me as a guest.  You had to be sponsored and you paid twenty dollars.  Later on, I became a member of it, but Marshall, Robert Marshall, was said, and I think it's correct, to have written and organized the Wilderness Society doing the work in the Cosmos Club, which is a story.  ... The Marshall Family, the three sons are Robert, James and one other; I forget the name.  James Marshall was a partner in the firm of Marshall, Bratter, and others, [Marshall, Bratter, Greene, Allison and Tucker], on Park Avenue.  They were just across the street from our office.  James Marshall, in my childhood, was the head of the City Board of Education, and I remember textbooks of the schools would have the name, "James Marshall, Board of Education."  Marshall, among other things, James, became a member of the Sierra Club and he disliked aspects of David Brower's [the first executive director of the Sierra Club] conduct.  So, he, when Brower became the head, at a certain point, ... decided he wanted to resign from the Sierra Club.  About that time, he and I befriended each other, because of his interest in the Adirondacks, and his office was across the street, across 56th Street, from mine and, in fact, we'd see each other's window.  So, he befriended me and we became friends and he became one of the original and important members of the first board of NRDC.  ... I dissuaded him from resigning from the Sierra Club.  We used to have lunches; we'd talk about a number of things and, for me, it was quite fascinating.  So, I have said, in a lot of places, that a good deal of the impetus for the formation of the Wilderness Society and the Wilderness Act was the anti-Semitism in the Adirondacks, because Louis Marshall wanted to rise above that, as [did] the Lehman who bought the Lehman Estate. Some of the Great Camps were owned by investment bankers, this original German Jewish community, including the Kuhn and Loeb firms, whose family owned a Great Camp of about seven thousand acres on a large private lake in the northeast corner of the Adirondacks, where the principal town features Tupper Lake, a large lake, like Saranac Lake.  Among the members of that family was a wonderful woman who was a member of the Sierra Club, whom I befriended.  I spent one long weekend up at that estate, the Great Camp, and I also spent a few days, in the summer of '67, particularly, when I worked in Albany.  I was writing briefs in the second of the Scenic Hudson proceedings, representing the Adirondack Mountain Club and the Sierra Club and others.  Her name was Susan Reed, who was a wonderful lady.  She had tremendous energy.  She came from the Reed Family, which had a Great Camp in the southern Adirondacks with a private lake, I forget the name of the lake, near Piseco.  Lake Pleasant, at the southern border of the largest of the wilderness areas of the Adirondacks, the center of which is West Canada Lake.  West Canada Lake is an important name and subject in the Adirondack Mountain Club, in part because it's the center of the largest wilderness area, utterly beautiful, where the mountains are about thirty-five hundred feet. Mount Marcy, fifty-three hundred feet and forty-four hundred feet, and West Canada Lake is the midway point of the so-called Northville-Placid Trail.  That's a foot trail of 120 miles, which begins at the southern ... edge of the Adirondacks, near Sacandaga Reservoir in a town called Northville, which is about fifteen or twenty miles north of the Mohawk Valley. The trail goes 120 miles through this largest wilderness area of West Canada Lake and ends close to Lake Placid. ... Hiking the Northville-Placid Trail is, in many respects, like the Appalachian Trail, though it isn't quite as rugged and mountains.  ... A funny experience, my wife and I were hiking for four days and three nights about thirty miles along the Northville-Placid Trail from a point about thirty miles from the beginning of the southern end at the Town of Piseco Lake, the trail above that the trail goes, further northeast to Blue Mountain Lake and Blue Mountain Lake Village.  Blue Mountain Lake Village is one of the most beautiful lakes.  ... Blue Mountain is there and ninety or ninety-five percent of the shore of it, Blue Mountain Lake, is subject to an easement, which is an important instrument used by lawyers, including myself, in preserving land by getting the development rights with an easement and conveying the easement to, among other things, a charitable organization.  I, at one point, for a number of years, owned a four-hundred-acre tract in the Catskills, near the northwest, which consisted, really, of one mountain, the northwestern-most high mountain of the Catskills.  ... When I sold it, ... I gave an easement on the summit of the mountain, forty acres, to the Catskills Center for Conservation and Development.  It is a very important organization in the Catskills, and I worded the easement to prevent the logging of the summit, the forty acres.  ... For that, I remember, I reduced the price of that forty-acre piece, selling the land to the buyer, to half the price of the other acreage.  At the midpoint center of the 130 miles is Blue Mountain Lake, which is very famous for the Adirondack Museum. It is, I think, considered by professionals [to be] the finest of regional museums.  The frontage of the lake is subject to the easement which preserves the lake wild.  It has a lovely conference center, which is especially used by environmentalists and other good-works people.  It is owned by the family by the name of Hochschild.  Hochschild owned virtually all of frontage of Blue Mountain Lake.  One son of his is a very well-known writer of fiction; I forget the first name of the son, Hochschild, [Adam Hochschild]. Ironically, the Hochschild wealth, it's a very wealthy family, comes from the operation of a large mining area in the Rocky Mountains about thirty or forty miles west of Denver, on the road from Denver west.  If you travel along that road, you see a vast area utterly ruined by the mining.  So, I've always thought it ironic that the Hochschild Family, whose wealth comes from that mining created the easement of Blue Mountain Lake and funded ... the Adirondack Museum. When Rockefeller organized the Adirondack Park Agency, he appointed Harold Hochschild as the chair of it, and I would have liked to be a member, but Rockefeller wouldn't appoint Democrats.  He appointed Republicans.  ... Hochschild led the Adirondack Park Agency for the two or three years which it took to render its final report, which recommended the creation of a state agency to govern the Adirondacks.  ... That accomplishment was part of the history of the aristocracy of the Adirondacks.  When my wife and I, about fifteen years ago, hiked about thirty-five miles, the hike was from Piseco Lake to the southern end of Blue Mountain Lake.  A few years preceding that, I got to know Hochschild and would help him and the Agency in its studies of legal aspects of what it could do.  ... Among other things, he invited me, "David, if you're ever at Blue Mountain Lake, ring me and see me."  Well, the last night of the hiking, we got to a camp which was used by auto travelers at Blue Mountain Lake and washed and cleaned ourselves.  The next morning, I phoned Hochschild.  He said, "Dave, come and have dinner with us;" a luncheon.  We went to his luncheon and the day after the last day of the hiking.  There were two servants and fingerbowls.  [laughter] So, from the wilderness to fingerbowls, an interesting thing. The legal aspects of the work, the time spent with the agency, I befriended a lawyer, Henry Diamond.  You may have heard of that name, who was one of two senior partners, of a Washington firm with about a hundred lawyers. Henry Diamond became interested in the environment, as so many others [have], because of a passion for the Adirondacks.  He organized the firm which became one of the first firms practicing environmental law, among other subjects, in Washington.  In the course of the work of the Adirondack Park Agency, I think before that, Diamond became an employee or a lawyer working for the Rockefeller Family.  The Rockefellers have a large office, I think it's the whole of the fifty-sixth floor of one of the buildings of Rockefeller Center, the building which has a nightclub. I forget the name of it, [the Rainbow Room in the GE Building].  ... In the course of events in the '60s, Henry Diamond became what I call the "[Henry] Kissinger of the ... Environmental Movement."  The Rockefellers have a custom of engaging one top person in each field of public policy, education, foreign affairs, environment, and [Henry] Diamond became the star boy of the Rockefeller Family for environment.  So, I befriended him.  He was the opponent of me in ... one important controversy which ... involved the City of Rye, Rye and the Town of Stamford.  Among Rockefeller's great proposed projects was a bridge, the Rye-Oyster Bay Bridge.  It was beaten politically, but, near the end of the three-month controversy, for some reason, the opponents to the bridge, ([it] may have been due to Henry Diamond,) whom I had befriended, engaged me to help bring a lawsuit against the Rye-Oyster Bay Bridge, the principal attorneys for which were the Paul, Wiess firm and a Edward (Costikyan?), a member, he was ... one of the top Democratic leaders in the County of New York, in New York County.  I did a little work near the end, but, Rockefeller lost the political fight, because a number of Republican legislators in the Assembly and the Senate opposed the bridge. Rockefeller had four great projects; he was "the great builder."  One was the Rye-Oyster Bay Bridge, another was a proposal to put a fourth jetport serving New York at Newburgh; one was the Adirondack Park Agency; the fourth was the Hudson River Expressway.  He won only in the matter of the Adirondack Park Agency.  He lost in large part because of the revolt of Westchester legislators against the Rye-Oyster Bay Bridge.  Henry and I developed a close friendship.  Among other things, he, just as a matter of accident, would give the speech before meetings of organizations on the occasion of they're giving annual awards to me.  We became very friendly. Diamond became the first commissioner of the Department of Environmental Conservation, which was created in the early '70s, again in 1970, when a number of states restructured traditional fish and game agencies, [which] was the main activity before the environmental movement, created environmental departments and revised and wholly rewrote the organic law.  New York did so and Henry Diamond became the head of it. At about the same time, I organized the Environmental Planning Lobby, which consisted of a large group of organizations whose work was the lobbying in Albany.  The Environmental Planning Lobby ("EPL") had been created in '68 and there was some legal work I did for it.  It had an original budget of two thousand dollars a year. They were able to engage, as a lobbyist, a gentleman, not a lawyer, who ran a small advertising agency.  He was engaged at the suggestion of Whitney North Seymour, Jr.  Also organizing the EPL was Stewart Ogilvy, a saintly figure.  Among other things, I and my wife named him as the guardian of our children in case we died. In '70, Henry [Diamond] asked me to enlarge and strengthen the activities of the Environmental Planning Lobby and he got Laurance Rockefeller, Jr.,  to contribute eight thousand dollars, although he was a Republican and I am a Democrat.  ... That enabled us to expand the EPL, which joined some of the legal actions and I headed for, oh, the six or eight years beginning in 1970, and Laurance Rockefeller, Jr.,  ... secured the eight or ten thousand dollars, which Henry asked him to contribute to the reorganization of the EPL.  Among the officers of the expanded EPL was a lawyer who didn't practice law, but was the brother of the Governor of New Jersey, who became the head of the 9/11 Commission. SI:  Governor Thomas Kean, [New Jersey Governor from 1982 to 1990]? DS:  Yes, right.  It was Hamilton Kean.  He was a very, oh, wonderful, very great person, and he became, at my behest, a vice-president of EPL.  He was one of the first board members of NRDC.  He lived in Manhattan and I don't think he ever worked for a living, but he, all the time, I think, to this day, has worked full-time for the charities of the Kean Family, ... one of the aristocratic families of Jersey. Hamilton became a member of NRDC and he and I did a lot of work expanding EPL, which is now called Environmental Advocates, which has become the leading lobbying organization for the environment and, now, interestingly, has about four or five of its leaders, ... who's full working time [was] with EPL, lobbying and writing and attending meetings, appointed to fairly high posts by the Governor, who was a good environmentalist.  There's an interesting question as to how the views and work of a person who was a leader of an environmental group should carry on as a government official, when he or she has a broader constituency.  ... When environmentalists see corporate people, high corporate officers, appointed to government posts, we object.  We say, "You shouldn't do that," but there's no objection to these, at least I haven't heard any, yet, environmental figures of EPL, now called Environmental Advocates [being appointed as] fairly high officers in the Environmental Conservation Department.  So, that too is related to environmental law and how it expands by the regulatory activities of the governing department.  The Adirondack Park Agency has largely been staffed by non-environmental organization people and their record was very favorable for environmentalists when [Mario] Cuomo was Governor, [from 1983 until 1994].  ... Then, when [George] Pataki became Governor, it began to be somewhat more liberal in granting permits for developments and permits involved in the governance of the Adirondack lands.  Pataki, though, was a great hiker and he hiked the Adirondacks a lot.  ... He's been responsible for [protecting] large areas of land, several hundred thousand acres, most recently, acreage of the Fitch Pine Lumber Company.  It has been covered by the media. The growth of the division of the rights of ownership of land, of the fee ownership, what lawyers call the full ownership, the fee ownership, certain aspects of the ownership to different entities and more than one person and the growth of the grant of rights to large areas of land, several hundred thousand acres, the grant of the lumbering rights to the Fitch Pine Company, among others, with a proviso that there shall be no clear cutting.  [That] is a very important instrument in the growth of public land and the environmental protection of large areas of land, in large part in the Adirondacks, which would otherwise be threatened by clear cutting and destructive practices, is an important development.  Pataki is mainly credited with that, correctly.  He, by coincidence, has a home near Cold Spring, along the eastern shore of the Hudson, adjoining land and an old large house owned by a charitable organization which is mainly an organization of a Perry Family in Texas, a Robert Perry who has a large ranch of a couple thousand acres in Texas, about eighty miles from the Alamo and close to the hilly lands which are near Austin, and very lovely.  I've been there as a guest.  Perry, by coincidence, was a lawyer who became the head of the litigation section of EPA, when the first Bush was [President].  ... I had the habit and ... practice of inviting, as part of the faculty at the Boulder ALI-ABA meetings, officials, the highest officials I could get, of environmental departments.  I got Perry to come out and we formed a very close friendship and I visited the family "holding," quote, Mandeville [House in Garrison, New York], which is a large, old house close to the Hudson.  He has shown me the slave quarters of it.  He, for many years, hasn't worked, except as administrator or the manager of Mandeville and of the Texas lands, which includes a ranch.  Perry was a lecturer for many years, when the Republicans were in the Presidency, at the Boulder Conference.  One of the lecturers there, too, yes, was the fellow whose name I should recall, who used to be the attorney for [Vice President Dick] Cheney and now is fairly high [up].  I forget his name, but he's now a leading partner in a large Washington firm.  So, he was one of the people whom I would use to staff the faculty at the ALI-ABA programs in the thirty-three years that I conducted them, and, now, [the] chair in organizing it is Dan Riesel of my firm.  ... Quite a few of the people in the firm are lecturers and teachers, ... some in colleges and a couple in law schools.  Dan Riesel took over the course in environmental litigation at Columbia when I retired from it.  I turned it over to him about eight or nine years ago; yes? SI:  Could you tell us more about your role in founding the NRDC and more about what you did with them? DS:  ... NRDC came into existence because the Scenic Hudson Board of Governors or Directors; we had twelve or fifteen people, which several times met in my office in the building at the northwest corner of 42nd Street and Third Avenue, [the] so-called Chrysler Tower East.  ... At one point, Steven Duggan, I think, who had the original idea of the creation of NRDC and got Whitney North Seymour, Jr., a younger partner in the same firm, and myself, one of the board members of Scenic Hudson, to propose [the creation of the NRDC].  We were influenced by the work of the Environmental Defense Fund, which was created about two years before NRDC.  It grew mainly out of the Rachel Carson Silent Spring controversy.  It was created by a lawyer, Victor Yannacone, with an office in Patchogue.  He brought some early suits to enjoin the spraying of DDT in Long Island, Suffolk County.  ... I don't think he was successful in enjoining it, but he secured a grant of ten thousand dollars from the National Audubon Society, the principal working executive of which was a Charles Callison, whom I befriended for many years and was an expert witness for me in the Second Storm King Mountain proceeding, along with David Brower and a couple of others.  At Duggan's behest, it was proposed for Scenic Hudson, at one of its meetings, to go national or beyond simply the Storm King Mountain Controversy.  ... It came up on a motion which was defeated by the conservative members of Scenic Hudson's board, who included some residents on the mountain, in addition to the Duggan Family.  Duggan's wife, who was always called "Smoky," was the daughter of a lawyer who was the donor of a small pond, about ten or fifteen acres, close to the summit of Storm King Mountain, up a thousand feet from the Hudson River.  He donated that pond to the Town of Cornwall-on-Hudson, just south of Newburgh, which includes Storm King Mountain, and the Duggan Family, in part for that reason, because they were residents of the mountain, organized Scenic Hudson, along with members of the New York-New Jersey Trails Association.  I'm not certain of the exact name [the New York-New Jersey Trail Conference], though I worked with them for many years. The Storm King Mountain Controversy started with the work of a lawyer, a Leo Rothschild, who had a small office in the Wall Street area, who was a great hiker, every weekend.  ... I may have mentioned this in the Sierra Club [interview]; when he learned of the proposal to build the pump-storage plant at Storm King Mountain and, as he said, (when he saw an article in the Popular Science Magazine, with a sketch of the mountain, half of which was torn away and a great bridge cable across the river, which the magazine called, "The World's Greatest Wet Cell Battery,") he became angry, wrote a letter to the editor of the Times, and then, together with Duggan and residents, formed Scenic Hudson [in] '63, almost the same time that Silent Spring was published.  The motion for Scenic Hudson to go national was defeated.  I and others tried to get it enacted and Duggan then decided, "I'll form my own organization," and he got Seymour to help him and others, and then, began the work of creating NRDC, an important aspect of which was the financing of it.  Well, Duggan had the connections, among other people, with the Ford Foundation and his work, including meetings with the head or the second-ranking official of the foundation's environmental section, a Ned Ames.  The Ames Family is very important family, also with an aristocratic background, and Ned was the second-ranking land or conservation official for Ford.  Mainly through Duggan, Ford appropriated three hundred thousand dollars to form NRDC.  Part of the formation was a very important meeting of about eighty or a hundred people in Princeton, that place for aristocrats and other people well-to-meet. In '69, I attended that meeting and that secured many of the original members and donors of NRDC and it then [began]; I don't remember exactly at what point the certificate of incorporation was filed, which would be, legally, the beginning of it.  I was the lawyer of the three, the one who had actually been engaged in environmental cases. Whitney North Seymour, Jr., didn't have an environmental practice; he was then the US Attorney in the Southern District.  We created NRDC. Duggan originally got the idea of going to, or maybe he was contacted by, one or more of the Yale students in their last year, permanently got staff who were interested.  I began meeting with them and convincing them that it was a good social objective to be part of the environmental movement and work with NRDC.  I was the head of the Law Committee of NDRC.  Shortly after NRDC was founded, I think at the behest of [President Richard] Nixon, the IRS threatened to oppose the granting of exemption, as a charitable educational organization, of NRDC, on the ground that it isn't a proper charitable activity to litigate.  Litigation was immoral, and there was a tremendous fight and struggle against IRS, which was led by a partner in a very well-known and very highly regarded Washington, DC, tax firm, whose name I don't remember at the moment.  Well, he was important in this opposition to IRS and, about six months after it began, IRS decided [to drop the issue], I think as part of a decision of Nixon, who was responsible for a fair number of good things, the establishing of EPA, the signature of the Clean Air Act, the signature of the National Environmental Policy Act.  He was, in many respects, one of the most important creators of the environmental movement as a matter of politics.  So, NRDC prevailed in the fight with IRS, although it involved some restrictions and conditions of the grant of exemption and deductibility of contributions to a litigating organization.  Among those restrictions was the approval of every litigation, every entry into a litigation, of a committee of lawyers.  ... That committee, I originally headed and remained the head of for quite a few years, I think ten or twelve years.  ... The committee would approve of legal actions which are carried on by the members of the law staff of NRDC, including [Gus] Speth and a David Hawkins, and just utterly brilliant people.  The first litigation of NRDC, I think which I suggested, because they looked to me to lead, at the beginning, the legal work of all of these Yale students, was a lawsuit against the TVA [Tennessee Valley Authority] arising out of the pollution by power plants under the jurisdiction of the TVA, the opposition to which was led by a famous author who wrote a book, the name of which I forget, about the exfoliation of the Tennessee lands by TVA. That was the first legal action of NRDC, and then, they joined, and, in later stages, led, the Storm King Mountain fight, which took the form of several lawsuits after the original licensing suit and after the remanded proceedings in the Second Scenic Hudson Case, [which] the environmentalists lost, in which I represented [them] and was at hearings for several weeks in Washington and wrote briefs in the Summer of '67, in the evenings that I worked in Albany for the constitutional convention.  ... A very important suit was a suit against a power plant in the federal courts by NRDC based upon the killing of huge masses of fish, several thousand fish, who were drawn up into ... the opening at the foot of Storm King Mountain, called the "tailrace."  The operation of a pump storage plant is using electric power to draw water from a large body of water through a pipe to the top of the hill or mountain, and then, send the water down the mountain to the shore of the water body, using that to create electricity, like a power plant.  ... [It] is very desirable from some standpoints, even though a third more power is used in sending the water up, but the power of the pump-storage plant creates "peak power," which means power virtually the instant you want it, like the early evenings of a hot summer day. One of the important aspects of the Second Scenic Hudson litigation, involving many days of hearings before the FPC, was the expert testimony.  ... The Consolidated Edison Company, I'm trying to remember who the lawyers were, it was another large firm with a very fine trial lawyer, the company changed its highest official to a younger person who came out of the projects in the northwest, in the State of Washington.  I remember, [at] the time, he became the president of Consolidated Edison and had a much more liberal view and, in later years, aided the environmentalists.  I'll remember his name.  The suit was a suit brought in as a plenary suit in the district court, NRDC was successful in enjoining the plant because of its suction of fish.  An interesting part of this second proceeding, to me, was the examination, the presentation of the expert witnesses opposing the plant.  Garrison was the leading lawyer and he had the full time of a young person who'd just come out of Harvard before that, an Albert Butzel, who's very well-known, who's a wonderful person.  I befriended him.  I remember when he was engaged, out of Harvard, by Garrison, he came to a meeting of [the] Scenic Hudson Board in my office and he was introduced by Garrison.  He was a young person with wild hair, seemingly, and looking like a beatnik, and I just felt demoralized, because I thought of these conservative people, including a well-known author [Carl Carmer] who had a house in Dobbs Ferry, along the Hudson, a house, a hexagonal house, which has been preserved, the name I forget.  Among his books was a very well-known one and highly regarded one called Listen for a Lonesome Drum.  He was a student and a master of the folk history of New York State, particularly the Mohawk Valley area.  That book was about the Mohawk Valley.  He was one of the conservatives on the board.  I was really discouraged when I saw Butzel, but he just threw himself into it and his whole time was with Scenic Hudson and became a passionate environmentalist.  We became close friends.  He was a young lawyer with Paul, Weiss. NRDC secured the three-hundred-thousand-dollar grant from Ford, and then, at an early point, Duggan, (at Duggan's insistence?), was to retain the head of a top mail order house in the city, which carried on mail order campaigns for NRDC and helped in the early financing. NRDC gradually expanded its scientific staff and administrative officials and its writers and its lawyers, it has now over a million members, although, interestingly enough, the members don't have the power of the membership of many organizations where the members elect the governing board.  [The] governing board of NRDC is self-perpetuating.  It nominates and appoints members of the board as vacancies occur.  Its membership, the board membership, at a certain point, ... early after the formation, I think at Duggan's instigation, it retained, added to the members of the board, a Native American, an Indian group out in New Mexico, and I think, later on, the first non-white people.  ... It's been very effective and very careful, even though it isn't as democratic, in a sense, as the National Audubon Society, where the membership really elects the governing board.  Among other aspects of NRDC, it was interesting, and I may have mentioned this with the Sierra Club, was a decision by Garrison, and myself and Al Butzel, to give me the responsibility, on the second go-around with FPC, the trial, to concentrate on the beauty issue.  The beauty issue is the issue as to, "How beautiful is Storm King Mountain and how do you define beauty?"  I engaged [David] Brower and Charles Callison and a couple others as my witnesses.  ... The procedure at the FPC, with its trial, is what would be the direct examination orally in court is written testimony, and the lawyers, with the witness, write the testimony and the witness is asked one question, "Do you adopt the testimony in the written statement," exhibit four, five or six? and they answered, "Yes."  "Your witness."  The cross-examination begins.  That's the procedure of FPC, and a number of other agencies.  Well, in the [trial], I cross-examined one of the leading witnesses for Con Ed, who was the topmost, or one of the topmost, people in highway construction, very well-known, and he would handle the landscaping of interstate roads, among other things.  He was engaged by the power company to testify about the effects of the power plant and, among other things, he testified that the walls surrounding the 250-acre lake to be created by the plant, by expanding the fifteen-acre lake originally given to the ... Town of Cornwall, and use that lake as a pumped-storage plant ... to open the gate and send the water down, ... among part of the examination of him by me, cross-examination, was to get him to admit, "Well, isn't that really flushing it down?" and he said, "Yes," and I said, "Like a toilet."  ... I think it was evasive, but it was just a show, although there wasn't a jury, but it's one of the amusing parts of the cross-examination.  ... That experience became part of lectures in classes at the law schools and at the CLE programs in Boulder, where I always, every time, headed three or four lawyers who presented aspects of litigation, including law concerning the scope of the examination of administrative agencies in judicial proceedings, the scope of which grew as a matter of general administrative law out of the environmental cases.  Of course, in some cases, environmentalists argue for narrowing the scope, such as in the suits which may be brought, a number have been brought, by this corporate organization, the executive director of which writes occasional ... articles in the op-ed page of the Times.  One was two or three years ago, really castigating universities and families of great wealth.  He said, "It's immoral when they don't supervise the work of charitable organizations which get their wealth, and then, carry on," what to me is good works, "environmental and civil liberties suits," I suppose the primary one is the Ford Foundation, that has a liberal history.  It granted three hundred thousand dollars for the formation of NRDC and I think two hundred thousand to help create the Environmental Law Institute, which became the first publisher of environmental works and scholarly works, the board of which I chaired for the first ten or twelve years.  ... The scope of the review of administrative action is something where you have different views depending on whether the good guys or bad guys want it to be narrow or broad, but that's lawyers.  You become the advocate of your client, even though another advocate may contradict that, and that always gets interesting comments by non-lawyers, and with some justification and understanding, and that's involved in some criticism of Giuliani now.  It's a continuing problem for lawyers. SI:  Let us take a break for a minute. DS:  Yes, right, okay. [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  This concludes our series of interviews with Mr. David Sive.  I want to thank you for all your time.  DS:  Oh, I thank you. SI:  It has been very gracious of you to give us so much, not just today, but also during the first two sessions. Thank you very much. DS:  Well, thank you, good. -----------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW----------------------------------------- Reviewed by Steven Ng 4/21/10 Reviewed by Mary Joyce Poblete 4/21/10 Reviewed by Jon Pagtakhan 4/21/10 Reviewed by Joseph Dalessio 4/21/10 Reviewed by Dion Fisco 4/21/10 Reviewed by Steven Wacker 4/21/10 Reviewed by Oscarina Melo 4/21/10 Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 7/2/10 Reviewed by David Sive 4/13/11

Adams, Thomas

Kurt Piehler: This begins an interview with Mr. Thomas T. Adams, on May 18, 1997, at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey with Kurt Piehler ... Jennifer Lenkiewicz: And Jennifer Lenkiewicz. I'd like to start out with a little history of your parents. Where was your father born? Thomas Adams: My father was born in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. His parents moved out there on a homesteading basis, and he was born at 1876. I believe that his father's brothers and he decided that's what they wanted to do. But when they were out there, it came just at the time of a three-year drought. So they gave up and went back to Brooklyn, New York. But there's still a tie between my grandfather and his brothers out in Iowa, because we picked up a letter that he'd written to his wife from Chicago. Apparently, he took the two boys with him to go back to the farm and my grandmother kept the daughter there. He wrote this letter saying, in brief, "I'm sorry, I can't leave you. I'll bring the boys back. I'm coming home, I'll come back to Brooklyn." And the only other thing that I really know about him comes from a picture that shows him in front of a Singer sewing machine store. He and the man that he was working with were standing out in front of the store. JL: Now, he went to high school ... TA: No. No, he didn't. His father died when he was relatively young. So, what I understand was, the very first job he had as a teenager, a young teenager, was to take up an apprenticeship with a pharmacist. He worked with him for several years, so he learned all about pharmacology. He was a very intelligent man. He soaked his head up, with all these things, about the drugs, the combinations, what's good for what and so on. And also, he became quite an expert as a soda-jerker. My parents were married approximately '93 or '94, I believe, something like that. I remember hearing that he developed typhoid fever, and, of course, at that time, it was a very deadly thing. But he recovered but was very weakened by it. So, I remember hearing as a child, that Pa had gone to work for Abraham and Strauss Company to develop himself delivering furniture. He wasn't a very big man, but he never lost the knack for handling heavy things. He knew exactly how to do it. Subsequently, sometime, I'm not sure when, he went to work for a title insurance company in Brooklyn. His job was to verify the locations of properties, to verify the title, and they trusted him fully on that. He got very intimate with the streets in Brooklyn and he knew where everything was. So, he'd identify it, then he'd come back to his office and he'd prepare a sketch on a desk. I remember him taking me there as a child and sketching it out to make a record of it. So, then, apparently what happened, was his brother married a family that had lived in Towaco, New Jersey, and they'd gone out there for the summers. It was about twenty-five miles from New York. At that time, the town was really more of a summer place to go live, where people would have houses out there for the summer and then go back to the city to live for the winter. So anyway, Pa went out there with his brother and they decided to stay in Towaco. So they each built houses in Towaco and that's when I and all my other three older siblings were born in Towaco. My older brother was born in Brooklyn, you see, before they came out. So that's what I remember about Pa. He was always a very jovial, comfortable person to be with. He'd let me watch him shave, for example. I can remember standing in the bathroom with him, dropping his razor and so on. He was always very kind to me, he never got impatient with me. I can't ever remember his threatening me with his razor belt or anything like that. I have very fond [memories] of my father. He lived to be eighty-one and he always came to see me, even after we were married with the children, to visit us. He helped me paint once, our first house. My older brother didn't get along well with Pa at all. They just didn't harmonize. So I think the contrast was probably between my brother and me. KP: Why didn't they harmonize? Your father seems absolutely delightful. Was it your brother or just ... TA: No, no. It was just a matter of the kinds of people they were? I remember my older brother, for example, protesting the fact that Pa had squirted grape juice on him, when he was getting the grapefruit out of the, out to eat, you know? I can remember that, for example. And he was so impatient with Pa. But I never had that kind of reaction. And I remember my brother objecting, next older brother, objecting about Pa using so much vinegar on his food. And I always felt, well, if Pa wants vinegar, then why can't he have vinegar? Vinegar didn't bother me. And I like vinegar myself. I still put it on some things, like greens for example, although my wife doesn't quite understand that. She came from a different family. JL: Your mother, what was she ... TA: She was born in Brooklyn and her parents emigrated from Ireland during the potato famine. They were a Catholic family. I've heard about them, from my mother, that he, her father was a cabinetmaker, a very skilled cabinetmaker, and her mother was a very skilled dressmaker. She had a shop and she employed women to work for her in Brooklyn. And that's about all I know about the situation, because Ma's father, parents, were Catholic, and the Catholics had the attitude at that time that, "You're out of the family if you marry outside the Church," 'cause Pa refused to join the church. But that didn't bother Ma. She, they joined the Episcopal Church, and that's the kind of church they always went to. JL: So your mother converted after she met your father? TA: Yes, that's right. That's right. She joined the Episcopal Church. JL: Do you know how your parents met? TA: Beg your pardon? JL: Do you know how your parents met each other? TA: How did they get along together, you mean? Well, is that what you mean? JL: Well, how they met. TA: Oh, how they met. I don't really know, frankly. Ma talked to me about other men that she had met, you see. But Pa was a very handsome man, and he always dressed well, and he was probably charmed by Ma when they met. And I think that she married when she was about twenty or twenty-one or twenty-two perhaps. She had gone a little further in schooling in Catholic parochial school, and she never told me anything about employment that she had. Nothing like that, so I don't really know. And we never heard anymore from her family, except her sister used to write her, I remember, pleading with her to come back to the Church and that always upset Ma. I heard her say, "I don't see why she does this. I can't understand why she can't leave me alone." So I don't know anything about her family, except that's the way it was, and she didn't seem to be bothered by it. She had her own family and she loved the children and Pa and so on and got along fine. JL: Do you know if your mother lived in any of the ethnic areas, or any predominantly Catholic ... TA: They stayed in Brooklyn. They were all Brooklyn families, and that was a fine place to live at that time. KP: I grew up in Morris County also, and ... TA: Did you? KP: My parents move from Queens when I was about seven, and actually, I'm not too far from Towaco and Lake Hopatcong. I'd like to hear some of your memories of what it was like to grow up in Towaco. TA: What was Towaco like? KP: Yes. TA: I loved Towaco. We had, Pa's house, where he built the house, was on a rise overlooking the valley of Towaco, and there was the Delaware-Lackawanna Railroad train went right through it. And at the time he built his house, there was a canal, the Morris-Essex canal, I think it was. The canal was not in use, from my memory, and I think, as I understood, they took coal, primarily from Scranton and took it into Jersey City. But I remember they left a tow path there, along the canal. It was always a feature that I loved. You could get out there and run like a deer. You know, straight on that, a good path and everything, along the Morris Canal, and I think it was one of the things that attracted Pa to that place. You know, water always attracts people. It attracts me, too. Of course, about Towaco, it was very rural, primarily, at that time. There were some families that had houses, isolated places like we did and, so, it was a mixed community of farmers and people that worked in New York, like my father did. And it was just perfectly natural for me to think that, well, "Pa goes to New York, I'll go to New York." That's the center of everything. So, I always thought, if I'd get a job, I'd go to New York and get a job. You see, that was always the locus for it. And my cousin, for example, who's just a month or so older than I am, often said that when we visit her, "Weren't we fortunate to grow up in Towaco?" And you could go out, as a child, I can remember going out and picking wild strawberries, for example. Picking black caps, and I always admired the freight trains when they went through. You could count the cars, you can see where they come from. And we'd always go to the station to meet Pa and walk home with him, or when my sister got her car, we'd go pick him up and bring him home. The station brought in freight to the community, too. We'd go down to play in the freight cars there that brought in the grain and things like that into the community. So the railroad would come by in the night and blow for the crossings, as they used to do, and I found when I went away, when I came to Rutgers, I'd come home and I'd feel comfortable to hear that sound again in the night. It was a real symbol of home. But it's changed so much now. There's nothing there at all, really. KP: Towaco is, compared to a lot of Morris County, is still somewhat more rural, let's say, like the Lake Hopatcong area, or where I grew up around Morristown. TA: Yes. You understand that. KP: So you were used to your father being a commuter? TA: Yup, that's what he did. He always played, I remember, he played pinochle with his friends on the way out, and on the paper, the ritual was to pick up the paper at the station and read it on the train. And that had great appeal for me, you know? You could get the paper read all in the morning. I remember, about the train myself, I worked for year before I, after high school, before I came to Rutgers, and I got a job at the Irving Trust Company in New York at 1 Wall Street. And that was a thing to do, you know? Go get a job. And I read an ad in the paper, in the New York Herald Tribune, which was the paper of home, went into this employment agency and that's how I got a job. So that's about Towaco and all the connections. KP: You listed in your pre-interview survey that your mother was a housewife but she was also a volunteer librarian. Can you talk a little about her? TA: I'll talk about that. My mother was wonderful person. And I remember being fascinated by the fact that she never had to look up a telephone number. She knew all the numbers that she wanted to call. I don't know how she became attracted to the library but she felt, both my parents felt, that books were important and, for example, we had The Book of Knowledge, the encyclopedia series in the house, and as a child, I read that, every one. I just felt that was something that attracted me. It was a wonderful thing. But I remember about the library, I have a vague memory of the library being on our front porch. There was a fire in the building where it was, downtown, but the firemen saved the books. I don't know, Ma said, probably, "I'll take them." And I remember people coming, we had a separate door to get into the porch, where it was, and I remember people coming in the door to get into the house. They didn't come in the kitchen door, they didn't come in the front door, they came in the porch door. So that's what I remember about that library and I have a vague memory of the books on the shelves. But then over time, the Building and Loan Society built a building downtown, and part of the building was for the Building and Loan Society and the other part was for the library. And so, I can remember, every time my Ma was down there, for two afternoons a week, I'd go after school into the library. And I knew that there was lady who drove a van around the county and she was the county librarian. And I'd always know when she was coming and she'd always let me know the new books, what's coming. So I'd always get those new books, I'd always have first crack at them. Well, then, over time, a young lady that lived in the town was employed, so Ma just moved down on occasion there as a volunteer. Now, I don't know exactly how Ma got into being the newspaper correspondent, but she did. She was a correspondent for the Newark Evening News, The Saturday Morning Call, I think it was, and the Boonton Times Bulletin. And she collected the news and wrote it up, all by hand, at that time. So, I know it was always important to get the letter in the mail, you know, on-time, and I remember being so upset with myself for not getting home one afternoon in time to take the letter to the post office. Ma didn't berate me for it, but I knew she was disappointed, that I didn't get there to get that down to the station. The only time that happened, only once. And then when I was a child in high school, I think I must have been about thirteen or fourteen, Ma developed this very debilitating disease. The A.L.S. that you're probably familiar with. And so I heard about it and understood that it is terminal, but we didn't know how long Ma would be with us. But it was evident that somebody had to do something about this corresponding business, so I decided to take a typing class in high school and my brother brought a typewriter and I would type it up, and over time, initially, Ma would make the telephone calls to collect things, but later on when she couldn't get to the phones and so on, I would make a few calls. And, of course, we all knew what was going on and do that. I don't know exactly how long she kept up. I think she kept up the corresponding relationship with the Boonton Times Bulletin the longest. Because I don't remember being involved with the other papers when I was doing that. And I didn't mind that all. It was fun, you see. Most of the people knew me very well, because, when I was a child, I'd go to their houses to visit and sit down and talk and so on. KP: What kind of things would go in the articles? What would be a typical story? TA: The stories? The best story of all was to get a wedding story. A lot of detail in that. That's right. The bride wore this, who came to the wedding and so on, like that. And the other stories were [of] people who were visiting, brother and sister would come from Scranton, Pennsylvania or someplace like that, and they were visiting. So we got the full names, we'd have to get [them] very carefully spelled, make sure we had [them] all right, and get that, and those were the kinds of stories. Of course the local events, like the meetings of the Ladies Aid Society or the St. Mary's Guild of the Episcopal Church or what else was going on, who'd been appointed in the school type of thing, I can remember very well. And Ma was also keenly interested in politics. She felt that was a proper thing to do. And she became the county committeewoman for the Republican Party, which was really a pretty significant thing. I remember, she had to be consulted before they could hire the postmaster in the town. And, if some day, if the postmaster was not doing something right, then her friends would say, "Bess, he's not doing this right. And he's got some filthy magazines in there or something," you know? So it was up to her to get it straightened out. And she did. I remember her also, the way our family operated, we all sat around the dining room table for the meals. We all got together for regular meals. Breakfast was kind of a chaotic thing, but every dinner we'd get together. Ma would expect us to be there. We would get home on the six-eighteen train and Ma would have dinner ready, and then we'd sit down to dinner around six-thirty, or six forty-five. And about Ma, one of the family stories that we always remembered, we all had tea, so, with the five of us there, there were seven cups, and we had this great, big table and Ma would put out the cups by the teapot and have the sugar bowl there and, of course, she loved to talk, so she'd be talking anxiously about how she was upset with this person or something like that, political, and he didn't do what he said he was going to do, that type of thing, and that upset her very much. She was talking away, one time, and she poured the tea into the sugar bowl. My brother, we always remember that whenever we got together. "Remember the time Ma poured the tea in the sugar bowl?" That's a little family thing that I remember. And I can remember, we didn't have a high chair, but I sat on the Books of Knowledge and the telephone book, stacked up. And over time, the numbers required were reduced. Well, my older brother was nineteen years older than I, and I remember he married and he lived in the town and he went into New York to work. And my older sister became a teacher, and she lived at home until she married, but she didn't live in the town. They lived nearby. I think it was in Livingston, New Jersey. My next older sister, she was killed. One time, I remember this so well, I was twelve at the time, and she and my older sister had gone out for ride. Grace had a convertible, and it was a nice thing to do, you could put down the top and just go out for a ride. And someone rammed them from the side, through, running a traffic light. And the story was, I wasn't told right away, that night, I was, all I knew was, that I was at the house of a boy that lived next-door. We often did that, I often went over there, and I knew that, I was told, that, "Your mother has called and asked if you could stay over here all night." And then, of course, I didn't really hear about what happened until the next day. I went home. And of course, that was a very traumatic thing for the family. She was a senior in high school, lovely girl and very popular. And all we knew was, I can remember, they brought a sealed casket home for the funeral and then we got peach blossoms. I remember those things about the service. Some people put a connection between that tragedy and my mothers ailment, but the doctors would say "No, that wasn't what happened." But some people really believed Ma was so upset about that, and that's what it did, you see? I remember hearing that from people, even recently, from one of my cousins. So that's a little bit more about the family. KP: In some ways, having grown up in Morris County, it's not surprising that your parents were Republican, just because Morris County was Republican and it's still very faithful. TA: It is. KP: What did your parents think of Roosevelt? There were these degrees of Republican feelings towards him. TA: Well, of course, they were very upset with Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt. I remember Pa, greatly objecting to Social Security, for taking money out of his paycheck. "For whom? For what?" You know? And I can remember, I thought the year of this was, it must have been in 1932, I was a pretty precocious child, and I remember I could make a contribution to the cause, of the anti-Democratic. So what I did was, I bought a can of black paint, and I got one of Pa's brushes, and I climbed up on a big sign they had on the way to Boonton, along 202 there, of Roosevelt and Garner, at that time. And so I got on that sign and I painted in broad black letters, "To Hell with them." That was the best thing I could think of. It wasn't a very nice thing to do. Nobody did anything about it. I didn't tell anybody that I did it, but a lot of people knew. Well, that's the way it was. I was biased to the Republican Party, in part, because of that. But thinking back, I think Roosevelt was the man of the time, for that period. I wouldn't do that now, I mean I wouldn't do it that way. I realize that's not socially acceptable behavior. KP: That's a really great story to gauge your parents partisanship, because some parents were Republican but they really loved Roosevelt. But it sounds like you were a partisan Republican. TA: Of course, I read that. Pa would bring home the paper, and we read the New York Herald Tribune. I'd read the columnist and so on. They had, Mark Sullivan was one, and they were objectively critical. They weren't biased like some of the people were, but they didn't like some of the things that he did and they'd give you good reasons why, you know, "This is not proper under our form of government," or something like that. In other words, it made sense to me, and I think, indeed, thinking now that was not illogical that that should be the case. KP: The Herald Tribune was great paper. I've read some of the back issues. It really was a fabulous paper. JL: Did your family benefit for many of the programs Roosevelt implemented? TA: No. We got no benefits of any kind. KP: How did your father feel about Roosevelt, once he started collecting Social Security? TA: I don't remember. I remember Pa did collect Social Security, and the companies didn't have pension programs, and he wasn't a wealthy man, but he was sustained by his Social Security. And, I remember, my older brother lived in the town and he was looking after Pa, that was his filial duty, and he always kept us posted on was happening. And when Pa couldn't live alone anymore, he went to live with a lady, Mrs. (Mckee), who I remember. Mrs. (McKee) was a widow and she came to our house to do some ironing for Ma and that type of thing. A very fine lady. I remember her children, and we knew them well, and I remember the last time I saw Pa. He was seated on Mrs. McKee's porch on a rocking chair and obviously in good shape and well-cared for. But he was a smoker and he smoked cigarettes, he smoked pipes and so on. I never took the cigarettes, but a pipe was something I felt was for me. I should do it when I got to be out of college. Of course, I never smoked when I was in college. That turned out to be the cause of my father's death, was lung cancer. And his mother, I remember, lived a long time, my grandmother. She lived in the town and, I remember, she died in her nineties, and his brother didn't live very long, but he was a different physique, and his sister died in the typhoid epidemic time, but they said it was because [of] some traumatic infection after her youngest child was born. They couldn't cope with it. That's pretty much what I remember about that family. Except I do remember, that, apparently Ma was highly regarded by a cousin, who had owned a furniture store in Brooklyn. And I remember Ma getting a bequest. So things happened. We got a new car. We fixed up the house and so on, and that type of thing, that I remember. And that was just about, must have been in the early '30s when that happened, and then afterwards, of course, the Depression time. I remember Pa coming home from work and reporting that his salary had been cut by ten percent. So that was traumatic for the whole family. "What can we do? How can we pay the mortgage? How do we feed the children?" and so on, all these things. And he subsequently came home and had to say that he got a fifteen percent cut. And I remember we heard all about this type of thing. We weren't sheltered children. It was all open, excepting all the intimate things between my mother and her husband. We didn't hear anything about that. Anything to do with the family was common knowledge and it seemed the proper thing to do. Now, my wife, Virginia, says her family wasn't like that all. KP: Some children never knew their parents. TA: That's right. She never knew her father lost his job during the Depression. She never knew why, she never heard anything about that. And apparently, he was an accountant, so he could get some occasional work. But she does remember that there wasn't any money and she couldn't get new shoes and things like that. She remembers about that, but it didn't change much for her, in the way the family lived or what they did. And I remember that contrast, you know, and that connection. KP: How did the Great Depression affect Towaco? How did your neighbors fare? TA: Well, I remember the town, a little bit more about Towaco. I remember we always had parades. And when I was old enough to get in the parade as a Boy Scout, I went to the parade. Pa bought me a fife so I could be in the parade. I could never play it properly, but Pa wanted to see me properly equipped. And I remember a fellow up the street that lived near by us was a Italian fellow, his last name was Garcia, and he came, I remember his coming and asking Pa, "Would you contribute to the celebration this year?" And Pa would give him ten dollars, and that was the routine every year. And then the parade would go up to a nearby field, up along 202, and we would go up there and watch the fireworks. And then afterwards, my brother, older brother and I, really, he was with me a lot, I remember as a child, I was his friend, although he was seven years older than I, and he taught me a lot. He taught me about, he was interested in trees and forestry and so on. It's never left me. I can remember I wanted to be a forester. That's why I came to Rutgers and so on, that type of thing. And I remember building a, there was a heavy snow storm, for example. My brother and I went out into the woods and we built a sort of lean-to, with the boughs down there. And we cut the snow and we'd put snow blocks on it. And I can remember that so clearly. And there was a family that bought the lot next-door. The Glovers. Claude and Grace Glover. And they didn't have any children and, of course, they were very, they liked to have me around, you see? That's the way it was. I remember Mr. Glover would bring me things home, sometime. I remember him bringing home red bananas from Washington Market, New York, though I never knew anything about red bananas. I remember the Glovers would always take a Sunday drive and they'd go out to northern New Jersey where there are lot of rocks and they were bringing home rocks from different places. So when I heard the car come in over there, I would go over and find out, "Where did he get the rocks from?" Well, they got it up at High Point, they got it up at Sparta, someplace like [that], and they made a drive out of all these, along the drive, along the walk behind the house. And I remember their house being built. Their house was a Sears house. KP: Custom made... TA: Yeah. They'd come in on a freight train and they'd get the carpenters to come out and put it together, although Claude himself did a lot of the work. And I could go over and watch him work, too. But then I remember, that there was a man that Pa bought the property from next to us. He had a big house, our house wasn't very big. It was on the different, it was down the hill from the Russell house, by example. I remember Pa renting a garage from him, before we had a garage for our car. The first car we had, incidentally, which I also remember clearly, was a Model T. It was a 1924 Model T. A black sedan, and Pa was so fond of it, that was Pa's car. And Pa also, I came to realize that the Masonic organization was very important to Pa. Pa always went to Masons, he was always interested in that. A Mason, I remember, a grocery man came to town and he didn't really know how to do things. Pa was very handy. He knew everything about how to run a store and that type of thing. And I remember Pa telling this fella, "Put those cereal boxes up on the top shelf, you see. Like that. And this is the way you snap a string when you wrap up a bundle." And I remember, I'd go down, Pa would say, "Would you like to go down with me?" So, "Sure." I'd go along and sit on the bread box there, and just watch him do that. And he was very gifted that way. I can remember, he was also good at masonry. He did good, smooth work when everything was done. I remember his working in the cellar to chip out the rocks to give us more space in the cellar, and I'd hear him chipping away down there. And he had a nice, little, a small sledgehammer that he could [use]. And that always, that impressed me very much. KP: When you went to high school, Boonton was a very big town. It still has a thriving downtown, but then, it was very industrial ... TA: Yes, it was. KP: It still has some industry, but even more so then. Could you maybe talk more about Boonton, and Towaco's relationship with Boonton. TA: Well, I can remember Boonton. Boonton was where they had the lumber yard and we had to get the lumber from the lumber yard. Pa wanted to buy cement, had to go up to the Solmon's. Some people said Samons, but we always called its Solmon's. And I remember, for that, for example. And there was a movie, of course. There was also a Woolworth's store. And so, Boonton was much the center of that type of thing. And the paper, the bank, we always had to go to Boonton. The doctor, for example, the dentist. We always had go to Boonton. It was only four and a half miles away and I'd walk to Boonton. It was no big deal, you know. And this bus, you could take, I think it was five cents or something like that, that ran, if you got the bus, you could do it that way. And of course, we went to high school in Boonton. All the children went to Boonton High School, so that's where I went to high school, and that was much the object of things. Everybody went to Boonton High School. When you got to high school, but you were no longer a kid. I was really not a very good boy in school. I remember, I was always the, I don't want to boast, but I was always the brightest kid the class. That wasn't good really. I remember the teacher putting me in the corner so I wouldn't make so much fuss and that type of thing. KP: Because it's interesting, one of the things I was surprised at, is that you were reading The Herald Tribune growing up. A lot of people confessed that they never read the paper except for the Targum, whereas you were really reading the paper. TA: That's right. Exactly. I always knew what was going on. I'm still an avid reader of good newspapers. Conventional press disgusted me. I don't really pay any attention to it. I read some of it, but the rest of the paper I don't pay any attention to. I currently read the Monitor. KP: Christian Science Monitor? TA: Christian Science Monitor, yes. You know, [it] is an outstanding paper. And I also get a weekly of articles from the Washington Post that I read, but I don't have enough time to read it all. For example, on this trip, I brought four or five issues, back issues of the Monitor with me so I can read them and that's what happens. So it's, as you said, it's the matter of getting reading, reading, reading, and I wish the children did that. All our children were readers. They all read. They all love classical music like we do. You know, that they've heard it. And not each of them has been a model child, as far as behavior is concerned, but they were all readers and if you give them a book, that's the thing you do. So that's part of it. Even some of their children do, but not all of them, in that respect. JL: When you weren't high school were you involved in any college ... TA: Yes, well, when I went to high school I had, I really didn't feel that I was really at home, as a child, at high school, when I first went there. I liked the teachers. I learned a lot from some of them after the first year or two. I learned ... -------------------------------------END OF SIDE ONE, TAPE ONE-------------------------------------- TA: ... to study. The other thing is history, I loved, for example. English was great, you know, and all those things. There was no problem. But when you get behind in Latin, you're sunk, you know? You can't go back and learn everything. And, as Virginia says, I can remember more of my Latin than she does, you know, as far as quoting Latin. And I learned a lot. The teacher was a good teacher. And also, I had a speech problem that I was embarrassed [of] when I was called on. Pa had a speech impediment that might have been related to that, I don't know. I was always embarrassed when I was called on. I hated to be the valedictorian who had to talk for graduation. I did it because I had to do it, but I was very uncomfortable with it. And of course, with the foreign language, they call on you, you stand up and read, you see, and that's good stuff. But that was always an embarrassment for me. That's probably part of the problem. But when they had a question in history, I didn't mind talking about that at all, you see. It was great. I loved history. We had two history courses, let's see, Ancient History, Modern European history, three history courses, American history. [They were] deeply into history. And I didn't mind English. I liked English. It was reading, and I didn't mind writing and that was no problem, and I got into the sciences, I loved them. Biology, chemistry, physics and so on, and I got along well in those, but it was this Latin thing that bugged me up and I failed the second year. So anyway, after that I buckled down and I got good grades all the time after that. KP: You became valedictorian of your high school? TA: No I'd didn't get that far. Some guy, he worked harder than I had. His name was Joe Ignatsic But I remember getting elected to the National Honor Society, and I couldn't figure out why because I failed Latin, you see? But that's the way it was. And, of course, we had wonderful teachers, who I remember still very clearly, they're very clearly identified and what we did. I remember the freshmen English teacher once telling me, "Do you think you're Tom Sawyer?" She told me that once, and I didn't know whether that was a compliment or not. It didn't sound very good to me because of my behavior. She was trying shake me up a little bit. She was good teacher and I didn't resent it particularly. I respected her. My French teacher, that both my wife and I had, in high school, we didn't think much of. She was, Madame Sawyer we called her, and she didn't know a hoot about how to pronounce French. She was bright enough and she could understand it, but she didn't know anything about how to pronounce it. But a little more about high school, if you'd like to hear that? KP: Yes, please. Where did you meet your wife? Did you meet her in high school? TA: I'll tell you about that. KP: Because you had the same French teacher. TA: When we were in high school, of course, the children came from around there, and a group of children came from Mountain Lakes, ... and people came from Lincoln Park to high school, and, of course, all of Montville Township, people came to the high school, by bus. So I can remember sophomore year, when I was in high school, I remember these children coming from Mountain Lakes. There were twelve or thirteen of them. I had friends from Towaco in high school, but these were different and, of course, they'd grown up differently and they're all well dressed and they all had experience with things that we hadn't had. And I remember the girls particularly. They're very interesting to me, but I didn't feel like I was confident to make any overtures. But I can remember my wife very clearly, when she came, but I remember her looking at me, you know? I guess girls do. Do girls still do that? KP: You should see my interns. TA: I can remember sitting in the hallway in high school eating lunch, at the students desk we had there. Incidentally, Ma always made good sandwiches. My favorite was grated cheese, and that was a never-fail favorite, as far as I was concerned. So I was sitting there, eating my lunch, and I remember her sister had to come to the high school to take some kind of a course, I don't know whether it was Home Economics or something like that. It was taught at the high school and her sister was younger than Virginia, I don't know how much younger, four years or so younger, possibly, but I can remember her sister walking down the hall, looking at me. And she looked a lot like Virginia, so I knew that she was Virginia's sister. So I can remember that, you see. But I didn't invite Virginia to the senior prom, I asked a girl that I knew in town, from Towaco, Gay Crosby, and she wasn't much interested in me, she wanted to go to the dances. But we got along, it was a good thing. But another girl from my town, whose name was Esme Kirkwood, was a good student. She was always one behind me in the class, but she didn't seem to resent it very much. That was just the way it was. So I saw a lot of her. We'd go skating together, we'd go skiing together, that type of thing. But I was never very much interested in Esme. She didn't have very much physical attraction for me. But Virginia was different. She was a lady. She was very well polished and so on. Very informed about things. She was in the classes with me and I knew that she was a very good student. Virginia had her friends, of course, and I had my friends, and what happened was, she came down to a skating party in Mountain Lakes. Her friends invited her to the skating party. Her father had taken a job in Connecticut, Middletown, Connecticut, and so her friend invited Virginia and she invited me, too. KP: So she knew there was some sort of interest? TA: That's right. She knew all about this, you see. So that skating party, I wasn't interested in any other girl. I'd come here and I'd have dates at the Coop and so on, and I found one girl, in particular, we went roller skating and I thought, "Boy, she's a good girl I'd like to see her again," and so on. But then after that, that was my freshman year, it was in the winter, nobody else, no more dates, you know. I just didn't bother. They didn't interest me. So we became very fond of each other. And we exchanged letters, daily letters, until we got married. JL: You got married right before you graduated? TA: That's right, just a week before we graduated and, of course, that letter was the big thing in the day. Get the letter, give the letter to the postman. And my wife tells me, I still didn't spell some of the words right in the letter, but she felt the same way, you know? And, so, we saw a lot of each other while I was in college. I'd go up there, she'd come down for dances and so on. It was a big thing, and there was no question. Her family adopted me as Virginia's beau and they were very warm to me. I was very greatly impressed with her family. They were very cordial and genuinely, you know, adopted me. I can feel that. KP: There was a really interesting mix of the Boonton high school at the time. Those areas have become much more uniformly middle-class. Boonton was a very industrial town, Towaco was very rural community, Mountain Lakes was very well-to-do. How did all those groups get along together? TA: Well, we got together fine. It wasn't the question of how much money our families had, it was a question of, were you good student, could you conduct yourself properly, were you a gentleman or a lady and so on, and the other kids, we didn't have any time for. But Esme Kirkwood for example, she was one of us, and another girl from Lincoln Park, Barbara Loeffer, she's a very close friend, and Esme was a close friend until she died, unfortunately, a long time ago. And there was very much of a (piece?). The boys from Boonton, there were some boys from Boonton that were part of the group. One fellow named Andy Sabol who played the organ. He played the organ in the church and was very gifted fella. Another fella from Mountain Lakes, Billy Clark, was one of our group, so he was one of the boys, and I talked to them and so on. But the other children, we just didn't pay much attention to. Joe Ignatsic for example, who became valedictorian, we didn't spend much time with him. But Victor Hillary, who was the editor of the newspaper and, incidentally, came to write for the Wall Street Journal afterwards when he became a career man, he's one of us. He was going to pick me up and, come to Towaco and pick me up, to go to the junior prom. He was older and he could drive. But what happened was, the girl he was going take out, came from Mountain Lakes, her mother died suddenly, and he called me up and he said, "Tom, I'm not going to the prom. I'm sorry I can't pick you up." So my brother had to pick me up, pick up my date, you see. And I didn't like that very much. George had to come back and pick us up after the dance. And I didn't mind going home, but the idea of being picked up was kind of demeaning. And I remember about high school, Andy Sabol was older and he had a car, he drove a car, anyway, and he had the crank to start. I still have a scar on my hand from a when my hand caught on the license plate, one time, when I was cranking the car. But we kept close to many of those people over the years. Virginia's friend from Mountain Lakes, by example, we kept very close to her over the years. Well, she was in kindergarten with her and, of course, that was the natural thing to do. We'd go see them and after we got married, we went to see them in Florida and so on. That was, one of us, we went to see one of our mutual friends, Esme Kirkwood, on our twenty-fifth anniversary, for example. We'd just take a ride out to go see Esme. So we kept close to them. As long as they survived. We're still close to Barbara Loeffer Brady, who lives in Vermont. We wouldn't think of going to Vermont, they'd come to see us or we'd go to see them. It's just part of the routine. She married a boy who was two classes ahead of us in Boonton and he's one of us now. He grew up there, he knows what it's like and so on. Just as much at home with him as with anybody. JL: When you were in high school did you work in the summers or after school? TA: No, I'll tell you what I did. I decided it was a good thing to join the service club, and the service club had to monitor the halls, wouldn't let the kids go upstairs during lunch hour, by example. You made sure that you stood in the corridors, so that when the traffic flows going the right way, there was no congestion, that type of thing. So I liked that, that was a good thing. And I remember ... , one of our English teachers said about the service club, he quoted, I forget who wrote this, but he said, "They also serve who only stand and wait." That's Milton I think. Milton's sonnet on his blindness. I think he said, he wrote that. But he quoted that. The service club's motto was that "We'd also serve who only stand and wait." And I remember, when I was in high school, a boy, when I was seated at that having my lunch, pushed somebody against me when I was eating my lunch, and, of course, I just blew my top and so I stood up and punched him right in the nose. And all of a sudden, his nose was bleeding and I looked at him and I said, "I shouldn't have done that. You've got glasses." So I went with him into the boys room to help him and then I said, "I'm awful sorry I did that. I shouldn't have done it." He said "Tom, don't worry about it. I deserved it." But I never felt that I could hit anybody again, regardless. I'd try to find a way not to do it. It was just the way it was. And I was never admonished. I was never criticized. No teachers spoke to me or anything like that. But in high school, I was a very poor athlete. I was never a very good athlete. I'd love to run and jump and so on, as a child. I'd like to play baseball, but I was never very good at it. So I never got into athletics, but I liked the athletics. I like to watch them. I taught our boys athletics. We always had baseballs and things like that. I like that. And then I volunteered and I wrote for the Targum, a little bit, reporting, as a reporter. I didn't get into the hierarchy of the office. And I volunteered as a senior, I guess I was a senior, I volunteered for yearbook duty and I was appointed photographic editor. That was my job, and I had to organize all the pictures. I had to talk to the teachers about the time when they could have the picture. We had to go interview the photographer with our teacher, Ms. Price, and Esme Kirkwood, who was the editor of the yearbook, to make sure the photographer understood what we wanted, everything. He was good man. And so I liked that, and organized that very well, if I could say so myself. Nothing got fouled. When the photographer was there, the class was there for the picture and so on. And [there were] a lot [of pictures] to take, because of all the clubs, all the classes, all the teams and so on, wanted to get in the yearbook. So that was a very good experience. But, as you know, I think you both know, you get your kicks out of what you do well, and it's the best tonic in the world. If you don't do well, go back to something else. Well, that's pretty much what I did in high school . I got elected to the National Honor Society, which surprised me very much. I didn't think that I was eligible. KP: You were also a Boy Scout, you mentioned. What rank did you reach? TA: Well, I didn't go very far with the Boy Scouts. I liked it and I liked the club. I liked going to the Boy Scouts at the community room of the Methodist church. I remember walking in my Boy Scouts suit, one of the committeemen talking with him at that the time, and I remember marching as a Boy Scout in the parade and I liked it. We went to camp in the summer up at, there's a lake nearby, I forget what the name of it was now, where they had a Boy Scout camp. And I remember I went there and jumped off the end of the pier and socked my head on rock. I dove off the end of the pier. I loved swimming. I always loved to swim. I'd always love to skate and I was pretty good at that. Skiing, we just went downhill, so there wasn't much to do, at that time. That's the only kind of skis we had. I liked that and I got along pretty well with it. And there were lakes around Towaco. We'd go up to Surprise Lake, which was back in the hills. It was a big lake and the ice was always better up there, smooth and hard, you know. Or we'd go up to Gallo's Pond which is nearby. Mr. Gallo's used to bring the milk to the house, incidentally. He was a farmer, a Polish farmer. Or the Railroad Pond, [which] wasn't so good because it got chewed up with cinders, but we'd always go find a place to swim and go do it and it didn't get so much organized. You asked about the Boy Scouts. Well, I liked it and I liked what I did, and I got to be a Star Scout, and I still have a Boy Scout book that I rebound, you know? Tutored by the school principal, the local principal, on how to bind books. I had an awful hard time with the trailing requirement. I guess for a First Class scout, and I was at that time, and I had to do that over and over and over. I'm still that way. I don't see things. I don't notice. My wife says, "Why don't you see it?" And it's just a matter of how you operate and how you focus, and something about that, I didn't want to be anything particularly in the Scout. I didn't want to be a leader, especially. It wasn't important to me, and so I didn't really feel highly motivated. I remember, I thought it was great thing about Paul Sypolt who was an Eagle Scout, who went to Antarctica with Admiral Byrd, and I thought that was great. He was a scout, you see. My older brother was a scout. He didn't go further with the merit badges, but he got to be the scribe. Nobody asked me to be the scribe, I didn't really want to be the scribe, anyway. Well, that's just the way it was. I was just that kind of a boy. That's all I can say about it. JL: When you graduated high school, you worked for a year, before you went to college? TA: Well, what happened with me and after that, I was very conscious of the fact and very firm in my determination, that if you wanted to make something of yourself. you'd go to college. Both my older brothers went college. My oldest brother went to Columbia College and he fell in love with a girl and that was it. He had to leave Columbia College when they got married. That was my oldest brother. My next oldest brother, he went to Syracuse University, he wanted to be a forester, and wasn't a particularly good student, he couldn't get, family didn't have any money, so he came back the got his degree at Montclair State Teachers College, by example. And so there's never really any doubt in my mind about the necessity or the desirability of going to college. Well, I remember my brother telling me that there was an announcement in the paper, state scholarships had been established by the legislature to provide one scholarship for each county, and so I applied. And I thought I had pretty good shot, you know, the good record and so on. But I didn't get it. They selected a fella who was an athlete and that's the way it was. But I was bitterly disappointed when I got the letter, so I decided I better go work, and that's when I did. I applied for a job in New York and got my job at the Irving Trust Company as a page. I liked that. They put me for the Board of Directors meetings and so on, and that type of thing. I got appointed to the executive floor, you know, as a page. I could read all the mail, that was open. I never opened any envelopes, but I'd read something like Atlantic Monthly, when it came in like that, or the credit reports on people. Fascinating. And we had an office there where nobody knew what I was doing, there's nothing to do. KP: Just read a lot. TA: I became an expert teeterer in that office, for example. I had, I could almost keep a, for seconds anyway, I could teeter on two legs from a four leg chair, which was pretty good. I didn't mind that. They sent me out for coffee in the morning. I'd go around the back street and get the coffee and bring it back and give it to the footman, fill up two carafes and they'd put it in a little place they had there and serve it. So I liked that. It was good work. I didn't mind delivering the mail. It was kind of interesting. And I remember we had a rule, if you have to go up more than two floors, you took the elevator. But if you had to go down, you know, you didn't take the elevator unless you had to go more than three floors. They didn't want the elevators congested. So there's never any doubt that I was going to college. What I did was, all I did, I got my pay and I banked everything but what I had to pay for the train ticket and my lunch at "Horn and Hardharst." The best thing to get me through the day was a pie, a cheese pie. Pineapple cheese pie. It tasted good and it filled me up. And I got a big glass of milk, that was another thing. And I remember when I was eighteen, I got to be eighteen when I was working there, the boys said, "Well, now you can get a beer. You're going out with us before you go home to get beer." It was legal at that time. And I remember the boys, I liked the boys in the page organization, and when I applied to Irving Trust after I got out of graduate school, they said, "Sure, we got a job for you. There's no doubt about that." But I liked that. It was good work. It was interesting to me. So anyway, I got enough money to pay every penny than I needed for the freshman year. I was very proud of that. I could get my room off-campus. I could get my meals at Callie, no, at Winants, and so on, and get my books. And the tuition was peanuts and I remember I went to see Dean Kirkland and I told him, I did that after the first semester, I think. I went to see him just to see what I could do, what I could get, and he said, "Well, why didn't you come in before?" And I said, "Well, I didn't know it was available." And so he gave me a scholarship that covered the tuition at the AG College, which was peanuts and didn't amount to much at all. So that was my experience with that. I worked, I was delighted when I started. I quit my job. The people in the office, one of them gave me a "Roget's Thesaurus," by example. So it was a happy time, you know. "Tom's going to college." It was a big deal. KP: Did you ever stay in touch with any of those people at Irving Trust? Did you ever stay in touch with the page people. You apparently liked them and they liked you. TA: Yes. I got to identify with the president. His office was there. His name was Harry Morgan and his secretary was kind of a cold person, but the chairman's secretary was a lovely warm-hearted girl, looked very much like you. And her name was Ada Geshwick. She was always pleasant to me. She was always nice to me. I liked that, but, what was her name? The president's secretary was Ms. Hartman, I think. It was strictly business with her. Do this. Do that. I had to go out and get lunches for the secretaries, and that was no big deal, was going across and bring it back, that the type of thing. And I delivered mail to all the places. It took me a while to learn the subway system. But then I went back to work at the Irving Trust Company during my summer after my freshman year. I started with them after my sophomore year, but I found that I could get a better job, that didn't pay as much, but provided my lunch and I'd have to work only five hours a day instead of a regular day, washing dishes at the Metropolitan Life Company where my brother worked. And I liked that, too. They were interesting people. And I remember, we'd get together and eat after all the dishes were washed. They'd talk about their families and where they lived and so on, and there was a wedding among those people, I heard later on. I never kept in touch with any of them over the years, but then I never went back. I had ROTC summer camp after my junior year, so that cut that out and I never went back except to apply. But I thought it was a good bank. They were prominent. They were effective in what they did, and they knew what they were doing. So it was good, it was a good experience. They got merged with somebody and disappeared, swallowed up and they're no longer there. Well, about Rutgers? Well, it was a big deal. I always wore my beanie cap. It was a thing to do. Nobody ever told me anything more about it, but I liked my beanie cap. It never bothered me at all, to walk back and forth to the AG school to classes. That was fine. I used to walk, it was good walking. And I found the professors impressed me very much. They were good people. They knew what they were doing. They were excellent, you know, very effective in what they did, both at the AG college and here, and with my curriculum. I took a lot of my courses here on campus. I took a lot of chemistry, all the chemistry you could get. The only course that I really didn't do well in was the course I took in this building. KP: Physics course, no doubt. TA: Physics. I think that was the only 3.0 that I got while I was here. And I remember, about my grades, after the freshman, first semester, and I got some right, but they were not good enough for a better grade. And I think I got a 1.0 in something and a bunch of 2.0s and I got a couple of 3.0s and I thought, "Gosh, that's terrible." And I showed it to my brother and he said "Tom, you've done very well," you know. "What do you expect? They weren't going to give you good grades right away, anyway." And so that was a comfort to me. And sure enough, over time it built up, and I remember having my grades, I'd always go up to Connecticut whenever I had anytime to be with Virginia, and I'd have my grades sent up there on a postcard. The postmistress up there got very impressed with my grades, you see. I'd ask her, "Did I get my history grade yet?" She'd say "No, that's not here yet." She was lovely lady, lived right down at the end of the street, at a little town called Gildersleeve. But I loved the sciences. I just soaked them up, except for physics, and I don't know why that was. I think we had a good teacher. He was Professor Porter. I remember his demonstrations and I understood, I thought, but I couldn't give it back for some reason. And I think, I found over the years, that I'm not a good engineer. Something about my abilities that don't focus in that area. I thought they would. I was good in anything else, why wasn't I good at physics? Well, that's the way it was. I remember my roommate took physics and he failed it. And I've talked to other fellas, particularly at this reunion, that failed courses. They couldn't understand chemistry. And I remember talking with my son, when I was up there recently in Vermont. Our son, excuse me. He took chemistry when he was going to college after the war. He took Quantitative Analysis. I loved Quantitative Analysis. Professor didn't bother me, he gave us a good lecture, he told us about what we had to do, but many of the men in the class said they didn't think he was worth the dam, you know. He didn't help them at all. But I'd hit the formula on the button, you know, and I understood what was going on, in the formulation, and Tom told me, anyway, that he took a course like that when he was in college and he got the formulas all exactly right, precisely. But he didn't go to class, so the teacher failed him and that made him so mad, you know. What are we here for? He didn't get anything out of going to class, but he didn't get along with the teacher. She was a woman. We're not all anti-feminists. JL: Did you have a favorite professor here at Rutgers? TA: A favorite professor? Well, I don't like to pick favorites. KP: Although you did mention Professor Nelson on your survey form, so maybe if you can say little bit about him. TA: He was among the top guys, yeah. He was a terrific guy and he made a big impact in research, on wildlife and the shore. He could put it out so it was very interesting and understandable, and I think in terms of ability, in terms of productivity in relation to teaching, I named him high. But the others I liked, I thought they were capable. It's awfully hard for me to pick of the best, except for Virginia. It's just, I'd feel it's discriminating, you see, and they really aren't better. Maybe I just don't know enough about them. That's how I felt about it. But if I had to pick, I think I picked a logical person. He was preeminent in his field. One thing I didn't like at Rutgers, when we got where, was a lot of lab work, and lab work gets to be highly individual. You look through the microscope or you'd dissect this, or something like that. And Al Schatz was in the class, and I forget what it was we're doing, whether it was zoology or what it was [we were] doing in the class, and he came over and he wanted to look at my microscope and find out what I had found. And I resented that deeply. He was intruding, so I didn't like it, in brief. And that's just me. If I'm going to do something, leave me alone. I'll do it. I'd love to build stone walls, but get out of my way. I don't want you around, you know? Just leave me alone and I'll do it. And that's just me. It's not a very social, desirable attribute, but that's just a behavior factor. And I didn't mind. As a younger child, I felt I had to learn from people and I didn't mind so much doing things, like my father for example. He was telling me how to hit a nail, that's a little bit different. But here, I felt I was eligible to be independent. I guess that's just a feeling. It's just a growth factor. I don't know if any other people feel that way or not. I remember after exams, taking the exams in the gym, for example. The guys afterwards, one in particular, I remember Carl Bosenberg, he was a very nice guy. Have you talked to him? KP: Yes. TA: Very fine man. I talked to him on the phone last night. He doesn't come to the reunions. He doesn't talk very well, he said. He doesn't want to come, but he's a good man and I wanted to find out how he was. I remember him particularly, and others after the exam, would say, "Tom, how did you answer this question. What did you put for that?" I wouldn't tell them. And I was telling Virginia about this the other night, she said, "Why didn't you tell him?" You know. "It doesn't make a difference. It's all over." But it's not a very desirable social attribute, you know. I know that. But that's the way it is. JL: You had mentioned a female professor. Were there many?" TA: A female professor? KP: I think that was your son. TA: That was our son. That wasn't me, that was our son. Well, I remember the girls in class here very well. There was a girl from NJC who took accounting here. She was a nice girl and I liked her. I remember walking with her. We went canoeing one time. But I was never really interested in her, particularly. There was a fine girl that was in my forestry class, my last year, when I was a senior, from NJC. A very fine girl, nice girl. She was a good student and pleasant to be with. Could communicate well, but I never felt a warmth towards her. But she developed tuberculosis, went home and died. And really, it hit me. I thought that was a pity. I wrote to her once, she wrote to me once, after she went home. How that affected me was, I had to go to the clinic and get checked out for tuberculosis and I understand the procedure, so it wasn't a big deal. Anything else about women, I can't tell you. KP: Where did you live at Rutgers? TA: Well, first-year I lived out on Richardson Street with a family. They were quite young and they rented rooms at a very reasonable price. 250 dollars or something like that, a week, and that was a good deal and I shared a room with Burton Rockcliff, who got to be a doctor. And Burt and I didn't have much in common. We didn't communicate very much. He had his bed and I had my bed and he got up and I got up and it didn't matter very much. I didn't dislike him. But I remember once he said about me, I was getting up and getting dressed to have a date in New York with Virginia. She was coming down from Connecticut and I was going into New York and I had ten dollars. So I met her at Grand Central Station, we went to Radio City Music Hall and we went a restaurant chain, I don't know if it's still around or not. I don't quite remember. They charged five dollars a meal, I remember. It was a big deal. Anyway, that was the last of my money. I had more than ten dollars, I guess. That was the last of the money that I'd spent, was only meal. Well, I was getting dressed for that occasion, and I guess I always felt that I should look right, except when I'm working, that doesn't make any difference. And so, I was getting up and I put on my shirt, put on my trousers, I hooked up the suspenders, I put on a belt. You know, a belt looks good. I put on my jacket so I could look proper when I went to see Virginia. And Burt said, all I heard him say that morning was, "Tom, you're not taking any chances are you?" I didn't know that he was even awake, but he remembered that at the fiftieth reunion. He came back, "I want to see Tom." He said "Tom, you remember that time?" I don't think I ever saw him very much after that first year. And I remember one fella, Wally (Hergit), that was in the house at that time, he went to a fraternity and I think he flunked out. I can't remember very much about the other people, I don't know what happened to them. I don't see them. JL: What did you think of Greek life at Rutgers because I know that you didn't join a fraternity? TA: Why didn't I join a fraternity? JL: Yeah. TA: I wanted to join fraternity, but my brother was the treasurer. If I wanted something important, I had to get the money out of George. And George didn't think a fraternity was necessary, that's all. And I was asked to join one, but I felt a little bit, frankly, that they'd like to have my grades in their computations. But I thought, well, I'll have a good time anyway, so it didn't bother me very much. I can understand that. But I wasn't asked by any other fraternity to join ... --------------------------------------END OF SIDE TWO, TAPE ONE------------------------------------- KP: This continues an interview with Mr. Thomas Adams, on May 18, 1997, at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey with Kurt Piehler ... JL: And Jen Lenkiewicz. KP: You read the paper growing up, which I heard was very unusual, from what I've gathered from a lot of these interviews. It seems like you knew a lot about the New Deal, enough to paint a sign ... TA: Yes. KP: But you must have known a lot about, from reading what was going on in the world just by your reading The Herald Tribune ... TA: That's right KP: What did you think was going on the time? TA: At the time? I was very conscious of what was going on in the world. I remember writing a paper for freshman English, and it was forecast that, eventually, there was [going] to be a war in Europe. I knew that. So I researched the paper and I got back the paper with a good grade, except the professor said, "Mr. Adams you should strive to improve your handwriting." It was a good statement, but I never was a good handwriter, and am still not. I can't write neatly like a lot of people can. And even if I try, I can do it slowly, but it's still not very good. So, there is no question that there was gonna be a war and I was going to be in it. There was no question of that at all. It's just the way it ought to be. So I didn't mind ROTC. I thought it was good and I took the first two years. It was a pleasure. I got to be in Scarlet Rifles, I liked that. I remember being, I liked to drill and I remember they had a countdown drill to determine who was the best soldier in the Scarlet Rifles at the end of the sophomore year, I think this was. So I got almost to the top. A fellow named Clark Espenship from Highland Park got the top, and they did us repeatedly. They had a heck of a time deciding. But I didn't mind. I liked it. It didn't bother me at all. About the rest of the ROTC courses, I found that some of the teachers were really not very good. They didn't know how to communicate very well. They were doing their best, and I never minded the parades or the drills or that type of thing. I wore my Scarlet Rifles badge, I thought that was a good thing. I liked the uniform. I remember one time, I came into the class, I forget which, senior or junior year, where the professor was there, and I'd brought an umbrella from home. It was raining, and so I went into the class and the professor said, "Adams, officers don't carry umbrellas." Well, okay, I won't carry an umbrella. But it just seemed to me like a sensible thing to do. And I liked the ROTC summer camp. That was very good. And remember they had a band up there that paraded the company street to wake us up every morning. And what I didn't like was, I was given kitchen duty as part of the routine and I was put on pots and pans, washing pots and pans, and there was a corporal in there, [thinking] that he was going to fix this kid, and I sensed that, in his behavior toward me, I didn't like that. But the other things we did I liked very well, and I felt that we had a good program and I learned a lot from it. I got to be an expert in the automatic pistol. I wasn't so good in the other weapons firing. It was worthwhile, it was timely, it was useful to me, and so it was a good thing. The fact that they didn't make me a company commander or something like that didn't bother me. That was just the procedure. So there was no question, when I was out, I was going to be a second lieutenant and I wasn't going to be around very long and that was it. But Virginia wanted to get married, she wanted very much to get married, and so we got married a week before graduation. And that was probably a wise thing, under the circumstances. I don't know. I think we could have gotten along if we got married sooner. KP: Did you think of waiting until after the war was over, in terms of getting married? TA: No, I didn't want to do that. I owed Virginia. We'd been sweethearts. And I knew she wanted a baby. I couldn't leave Virginia without leaving her with a baby. That was just it. But the fact that I had to go, I understood. She knew I had to go. I knew I had to go and that didn't bother me. It was just the thing to do. And what happened to me in the military, I was sent to Camp Croft after about six weeks. The graduation was early May, and I think I went on active duty on June 15th, so I went to Camp Croft, South Carolina, and that was a big thing. KP: Before going into the military I want to ask you a few more questions about Rutgers. TA: You want to hear more about Rutgers? KP: One of my standard questions is, especially for the Class of '42, was, did you know Vinnie Utz at all? He was such a legend. Do you have any Vinnie Utz stories? TA: Stories about people? Or anything like that? KP: Yeah. TA: Well I remember, for example, I was tapped for Alpha Zeta early, and I liked that. I thought it was a good thing. I got to be the cencor, the top guy in that, because I was the best graded guy. I remember I liked the Alpha Zeta thing, and going out to the meetings at the, it was the Short Course Building out at the campus in the evening, and our main job was to pick people who we thought ought to be in the Alpha Zeta and, [on] second thought, thinking about it, I feel I was unreasonably discriminatory in that situation, but that's what you had to do, and so I did it. I thought it was my duty. And I remember, too, I was in forestry, I worked at NYA, that was the usual way to earn money, and one of the things I was doing was planting trees. (Charlie Polk?) was the instructor, junior year, for forestry work and dendrology, was, I think, is what the class that he taught was. The senior class was general forestry. But there I was only one, as I recall, in that curriculum. It was a tough curriculum, in part, I think, because people weren't interested in it. That was what I wanted to do. I wanted to learn about it. There was never any question about it with me. I remember sitting alone in the lab, Charlie Polk would come in and ask me, "What's this, what's that, what's in the lab? And otherwise, I'd just look at it and figure out what the hell was that. Is this a piece of oak or piece of black cherry or is it an elm or what is it, you know? But I did get to learn a lot. The thing about what I learned stuck with me. The details are fading. I have a problem distinguishing among oaks. I know a white oak and a red oak, for example, but there are some forty species of oaks, and I don't know many of them and felt I should know them all. And I knew, to get what I wanted to get out of it, I'd have to go to graduate school. And I felt that what I'd really have to learn, I'll learn in graduate school, so I'd do the best I can to get the best foundation that I can have. And that didn't bother me, that I didn't know everything about what I could have learned. I remember taking a trip with some Alpha Zeta boys out to a property the University owns up in Sussex County someplace. I don't know if they still have it or not. KP: Yes, They do. TA: They do? KP: They still do. TA: Good. And we planted trees up there, just for the fun, and I remember riding with some fella who had a car. I didn't have a car. But he said, "Come on, come on," and we did. And five or six of us piled into the car and drove up there and we had a good time. I can't remember all their names, though. They've kind've faded into the background over the years. KP: What about Dean Metzger? Do you remember having any dealings with Dean Metzger? He was a very memorable figure, even if you didn't have a lot of contact with him. TA: I sure did. You know, that's a good question for an AG. You ask any AG, and he'll tell you Dean Metzger was the best man. He was an excellent man. I knew he got his credentials by working with the dairy industry in Vermont. And he talked like a New Englander all the time. He was a very well informed man and he liked what he was doing. He believed in it. And we learned a lot, I learned a lot from him. And I remember going out to the round barn at the AG campus for lectures out there. And I remember going to the Short Course Building for other lectures in the bad weather, sometimes, by Dean Metzger. And he had a student assistant or fellow or something like that. I can't remember his name. He was always around, he was always in the class, he took care of all the stuff for the dean very effectively, you know. Just like you. And I remember him, and of course, I liked it, and it was all good stuff. Another professor I remember very well from the AG campus was a Russian man to who taught soils. He was an excellent scientist, very good man. And he was talking about the soils, he still had quite a heavy accent, and he'd talk about "the perfect oodzol," and he had a funny way of pronouncing loess, l-o-e-s-s , but he said it funny, but I have no memory of how he said that. But he was also an excellent teacher. And I didn't take a great many more courses. I took a bacteriology course that was taught by, no, I think that was taught here, on this campus. I took an entomology course that was taught out at Rutgers and I didn't think much of that. I didn't learn much about it. I knew you had to have entomology. When my brother went to forestry college, for example, after his freshman year, he came home and we traipsed around the country catching bugs. And one of my best friends in school, the fella that lived next-door, that I stayed with the night my sister was killed, I wrote to him about coming to a high school reunion. And he's had a heart problem, he couldn't travel or something at that time. He was living up near Rochester New York, but he wrote to mean he said, "Tom, how is your brother?" He said, "Do you remember going around with your brother picking up bugs?" And I knew the bugs were important and I knew I would have to learn them, you know, if I focused on that area, but I didn't pick it up for some reason, but I got an acceptable grade but it wasn't the big deal. But I thought a lot of Professor Johnson, who was a botanist. He was an excellent teacher, and I got a lot out of his work, and I liked that very much. And I had friends here, some from fraternities. One of them, from the fraternity, was a usher at my wedding, for example. So I didn't feel a dichotomy, in any sense, you know, between me and the guys in the fraternity, except that they slept in the fraternity and that they had to pay dues, and you could bring your girl there, that was about it. We had a group that ate together at Winants. And I remember them very well. One was Frank Schafer, who got to be a doctor, and Frank was a good man. He was very tall, he was six foot three inches or something like that, six foot four, maybe, was a very good student, and I liked being with him. But he wouldn't come to the reunions. He felt, I don't know why, he didn't want to leave his practice. Another one was Alexander Edgar, a very nice guy, and he's the guy I see most of at the reunions. And he didn't want to be interviewed. And I said, "Alex, interview," you know. "It's not for you it's for other people." He's a stubborn guy. KP: He lives out in Kansas. I wrote to him. I was even willing to swing up north, and he's very ... TA: He didn't want to do it. And another fellow was Elliott Alexander, who was a journalism student. And he had polio, but he was a nice guy. Polio, looking at him, after I got to know him, didn't make a difference. He was a bright guy and he could quote things, and he had original bits of things that he wrote. We always ate in the cafeteria, so this little thing I'll never forget, went like this: "Cafeteria Catherine, she's the girl of my dreams, she is my honey, she never let me down, and she's got the cutest ice box in town." Another one was about Robert the Roue from Reading, Pennsylvannia. I remember that. So whenever we talk about, we have a friend that lives near Reading, the Roue, we always called him the Roue. He was a very smart guy and he picked up these words, which I thought I could add to my vocabulary. I think those were pretty much the guys that always ate lunch together or supper together. And we ate well, and we had a good time at supper, and then we'd quit and go back and study, or something like that. It was no big deal. Another one I'd forgotten about, and forgive me for forgetting about, another was Dick Harms. Now Dick graduated after three years, and he got to be Phi Beta Kappa, and we always talked about the war, and we said, "Well, we'll just have to do it, that's all. No question about it. We want to get into it." And he always took the, he wanted to be a lawyer, so he took the opposite point, "I'm not going to get into that. I won't go in, why do you want to go in for?" And so on like that. We talked about that. But he went in very early and was killed in airplane accident. And he's a brilliant guy and it's a pity. That's was just the way it was. And that's what bothers me about the war, all the good people, all the good people that were lost. KP: You accepted the idea very early. So you signed up for ROTC knowing that there was going to be a war. But a lot of Roosevelt was doing was very controversial, Lend-Lease and so forth. How did you feel about all the actions Roosevelt was taking in terms of foreign policy at the time? TA: Well, it never bothered me. It didn't really bother me at all. KP: For someone who had painted over a sign ... TA: No, I wasn't anti about it. They had good people. When I went into the military, I had an excellent regimental commander. Very effective guy. He knew what he had to do and he did it. And I liked it. It was my duty. I went to Rutgers and I got tapped to go to the motor transport school. Now, Tom, the guy that's in charge of this program? KP: Tom Kindre. TA: Tom Kindre. He remembered, that we were outside, there was a motor school, in the place where we were ... KP: Camp Croft. TA: ... at Camp Croft. And he said, there were guys standing around outside, and he said "I need six guys to go to motor school. You, you, you, and you." And I never could figure out why I was picked to go motor school. It didn't make sense to me. But they wanted me to go to motor school, and I liked motor school, and it was a good thing. We'd have to spend summer, awfully hot summer, in Columbus, Georgia. But so what? We'd peel our coveralls off, and get out there, the shirt's off, anyway, underneath, go out and play volleyball. But I can remember packing the rear wheel bearings on the truck, that you had to do. I don't remember it now, but I remember the procedures that you have to follow to determine the problems, whether a electrical problem, and the only bad incident I had, in my military career, was, we're going on a night duty, a night training thing of some kind, so I was out of the camp for a night and I wanted to call Virginia before I went out for the night, and I was in the room where they have the telephone. And I just picked up the phone, nobody was at the phone, and this guy came out, he been in the john, he was coming around a corner, he said, "Put that phone down, Adams. It's my phone, I got here first," you see. So I considered, what should I do? "It's not right that he should push me off that phone," I said to myself. I said, "Well, he's bigger than I am, and I can't really punch him because I'd get hurt." And I probably couldn't hurt him much anyway. And I thought I could pick up the phone and I can probably kill him with it. I said, "Oh, no." You know, that's not the thing to do. So I just left But apparently he bragged about that, to a big guy who was in our class, a fellow named Head, who came from Texas, and talked Texan. And a day or two after that, he [Head] came up to me and he said, "Tom, if he does anything like that, if he bothers you at all anymore, you tell me. I'll take care of him." And it was a touching incident. It turned out well, you see. But then, I went back to Camp Croft, and I was sent to the 100th Infantry Division, at Fort Jackson. And while I was at Camp Croft, I knew what my duty was, Virginia went home after Columbus because I didn't know what was going happen. And so, we were together drinking beer one night, with the old grads, you know, from Rutgers, and talking about how's things going, what have you done, what are you going to do, etcetera, and this fellow who was an old grad, he must have been thirty-five or something like that at the time, was sitting next me and he said, "Tom, are you married?" And I said, "Oh, yes. I'm married. Very much married." And he said, "Where is your wife?" And I said, "Well, she's with her family in Connecticut." I thought that was the place where she should be, and he said to me, "Tom, she's not doing you much good up there, is she?" So I called her up that night, and I said "Honey, come on down. I want you here." And so she came down about two days later. I met her at the station, and that's the way it was. KP: Where did she live? TA: In Middletown, Connecticut. KP: I mean, where did you wife live when she got to Camp Croft? TA: Oh, I got this mixed up, excuse me. That was before I went down to Fort Benning. That was before that. So I knew where I was gonna be for three months. Excuse me, I got that mixed up. KP: So this was at Benning where she came down. TA: Benning. Well, what we did at Benning, we got down there and we couldn't find a place to live. We couldn't find a place to stay for the night, the hotel was filled up, and we went out to this extremely crummy tourist place, that had separate places like that, and that's where we spent the night. So I said "Well, Virginia, I'm going out to the camp, you see what you can do to get us a place to stay." So she went out and looked for places to stay, for a room with kitchen privileges, which was the standard procedure. And she looked at some places and she didn't like them for some reason, but she met a woman in this procedure, I don't know how she met them, they said, "Well, come out for the evening," or something like that. I can remember Virginia setting the table with a blue tablecloth, putting the candlesticks out, putting the silver out. When I would come home in the evening, boy, that was terrific. I remember, however, one time in the middle of the night, Virginia was out of bed, and she was beating against the wall with her slipper, and there's a big bug, a completely harmless bug, they call them a wood roach, I think. About that big. A huge thing. And there she was, trying to get that bug on the wall. I said, "Honey, what's the matter?" I can also remember seeing, there was a group of colored people that lived nearby, across a gully. And I can remember hearing them sing at night. And of course, I can also remember, Virginia had to put the pillows out, to hang them out to dry. And I remember we had to get a bus out to camp, which meant getting up at an ungodly hour. But a fella had a car, and he said, "Sure, help pay for the gas and you can come along." It was no problem. And it got better after while. So, we liked it. We got Wednesday afternoons off, and we'd go into town and go to the air-conditioned theater and have an air-conditioned dinner, and then go back by bus to our room at night. Well, that's the way it was. It was no problem. It was just the way it was. And the fact that it was hot, so it was hot. Virginia didn't complain about it. She bought a little black lunch box, to pack my lunch. Always gave me a nice lunch with fruit in it, like plums, I remember, sandwiches, a piece of lettuce, piece of carrot, something like that. KP: Now this was at Benning. Were you in the advanced infantry at Benning? TA: No. I went to the motor school. KP: At Camp Croft? TA: No. Let me try to get this straighten out. I went to motor school at Benning, for three months. After three months at Benning, then I went back to Camp Croft to be assigned someplace. We didn't know where. And then that's when I was tapped to go to Fort Jackson. And then I could have home-leave before that, before being assigned to Fort Jackson. So in the meantime, my brother had gone, he'd volunteered. And he said, "I've got that car at home, Tom, and it's not doing me any good, so why don't you just take it." So I did. And we drove back to Fort Jackson in George's car. So we had car after that, until I subsequently got my experience at Fort Jackson. You want to hear about that now? KP: Yeah. TA: Do you want to know more about Rutgers? KP: I guess one of the questions is, you'd been in ROTC. A lot of people said that you learn a lot in ROTC, but once you're in the military, you're really, really learning ... TA: Yeah, I really liked that. KP: Did you like motor school? It seems that you didn't have any problems. Did you have any problems? TA: No problems down there are all. No, I liked it. And we had the guys that knew what they were doing. Some guy in the motor industry who'd been an engineer with General Motors or something like that. He ran it and he knew what he was doing. And I got to know the vehicles, the old trucks that we had, the three axle trucks they were. I even got to learn to drive it. And the jeeps, and the command cars, I knew all about them, you see. So there is no question I liked it and I soaked it up. So when I went to Fort Jackson, they made me motor transport officer, just zap, like that, they said, "Lieutenant, you're motor transport officer." I started there, I guess it was September, early October, probably after the home-leave, and I was with the first bunch of guys that got made first lieutenants. They made me first lieutenant right away. That was great. Get more money. So I organized the motor school. It all had to be set up. It was a brand-new division. And my incidents with the military at that time, I'll tell you about those. We set up a training program for drivers and mechanics, and we got assigned drivers and mechanics and they had to learn about the damn stuff. KP: This was still at Fort Benning ... TA: No, this was at Fort Jackson. KP: Fort Jackson, okay. TA: Where I was motor transport officer. KP: So you were doing what you had been trained for at Benning? TA: Yeah, I had been trained at Benning ... KP: And now you're setting up this school, and you're doing ... TA: Yeah, that's where I am. That's the transition. And I had a great respect for our colonel and the other people. The executive officer was kind of a lazy guy, but he was a nice guy. I got along well with my company commander, he left me alone, he didn't tell me to do anything. But I had a master sergeant that had been assigned from some division, because he'd been a good boxer, I think. KP: You were with the 100th Infantry at this point? TA: 100th Infantry Division, yes. KP: Your colonel was ... TA: Andrew Tychen. T-Y-C-H-E-N. Did I spell that right? KP: I think so. TA: Tom Kindre was in that division. A bunch of us were in that division. KP: So you knew Tom when you were young officers? TA: Yes, that's right. And, Tom has probably told you this, too, I don't know, but I will, too, to validate what he told you. So anyway, I was very proud of my wife. I was extremely proud of Virginia, you know, and I wanted to show her off, really. What a wonderful girl I had. And so I said, "I'd like to invite some of the boys from Rutgers [over] for Thanksgiving dinner." It was a family tradition. These guys didn't have anybody around, and so I asked her if I could invite some guys from Rutgers, and one of them was Tom Kindre. And at the fiftieth reunion, he told me all about his experience, of coming to the Thanksgiving dinner. He told me, at that time, that, "I really understood, I got a feeling, what wonderful thing it could be, if you could be married to the right girl." And, of course, Virginia had to cook the turkey. She'd never cooked a turkey. There was no question, you see, about that. And so, we had the platter, we had one of Mary Adams' platters in the kitchen we could use, and, so I think I held that turkey while she got it out of the oven. Well, the turkey had been pretty well over-cooked, and some parts of it were extremely crisp and hard, and she'd put it all on the platter and I didn't hold it right and it fell on the floor. But we were quietly sequestered, the guys never knew that, you see. So I carried in the turkey, and I was very proud for carving it. I put it on the table, and the turkey was really very good. It really tasted great. And Virginia had the cranberry sauce, she had the creamed onions, and she had another vegetable, and she had mashed potatoes, she had gravy, giblet gravy, and it was all very good. And she had said many times, that she had often watched her mother cooking, but her mother wasn't the kind of cook that you could follow. She'd just put a little bit of that, and a little bit of that, of the other, but she's a very bright girl, and she learned, you know, that you follow the book. So if she had to find the book, she'd find the book and do it. So that was no problem. But that was a great day, when I was at Jackson. And then, I loved to exercise, I always loved to exercise. I always did pull-ups, and run, anything like that. I'd keep myself in shape. One of the best things I liked about the situation at Jackson [was that] they had a tumbling pit. Do you know what a tumbling pit is? Well, you think about it, and you think how could you ever do it? Well, it was a long pit, it must have been at least twenty-five or fifty feet long or more possibly, with wooden sides filled with saw dust. And so what you did was, you'd run, going in, and tumble. And it was wonderful. You'd turn over sometimes, three or four times, depending about how fast you did it. So the motor pool where I worked was right down the hill, and I'd always do that, going down to the motor pool. It was routine. I'd stop and do a few of chin-ups, and tumbling, that was the thing I could do quickly, and then you'd get down and get to work. And I liked the training down there, too. I'd like to go out and talk about the routines you'd follow when you're on a mission, when you took vehicles out on a night march or something like that. We had a sand pit, as far as a training facility. I remember going up in seeing how that jeep would negotiate that sand pit, and I could tell people what that was like, and I liked that. I liked the training part of it. I enjoyed that. But about this guy that came from the motor pool, who was my master sergeant, I realized after while that he was not the man for this job, so I went and talked to the executive officer. And this was about after six months or so, six or seven months, possibly. I said, "Colonel, this guy is not good enough. I need another guy to be the master sergeant." And he said, "All right, Adams. That's fine. You know who you want?" And I said, "Yes. I think I know what I want. He's a sergeant, and he's a mature man, and he's with one of the battalions. He was a staff sergeant, I think. I'd like to have him." He said, "Okay. That's what it will be." And there was no question about. So that was one of the things I knew I had to do. And I felt awfully sorry for this guy, the boyer, because the procedure was to break him in rank to a private. Of course, he couldn't do anything to me about it. He had to be perfectly civil. He knew the Army procedures. Well, he got to be a corporal mechanic before I left. I made him a corporal mechanic, and he could have been a good mechanic, sergeant mechanic, and that was his top, that was just about what he could do, I think. And that bothered me, but it was a necessary thing to do. They sent me down a guy, a lieutenant who had been sent in, they didn't know what do with him, so Colonel Stowe told me, "Adams, I want you to see if you can find something for him to do." So I tried to find something for him to do and he didn't do it. He didn't show up. And one night, I went into the officers mess to eat, and he was seated at the end of the table, and I didn't want to talk to him. I sat at the other end of the table, and he'd been drinking, and he said to me over the table, nobody else around, he said, "Adams, you're a sad sack." And I didn't say anything to him. I didn't want to involve myself with him. I shouldn't have said, "Well, you're drunk" or anything like that. Because, to heck with him, just don't deal with him. I didn't want to deal with him, I didn't have to deal with him, so I just told the colonel, "I can't use him, he won't do anything." So, that was good, and I liked that attitude. It held me responsible. And they gave me the job to do. And what happened to me was, our anniversary was in May, and Virginia's parents came down to see us, and they stayed at Mary Adams' house with us. I remember that very well. And that night, I'd developed severe asthma. And that's an awful thing. You just can't breathe. And Virginia was really frightened. I said, "Honey, take me out to the post hospital. That's the only thing we can do. Get the car, take me out." So she did, and we went out there and they gave me a shot of adrenaline. Gone. Absolutely gone. So, after a week or two of that, going home and so forth, being in the hospital long enough, until they were sure I was out of it, I was sent to Oliver General Hospital in Augusta, Georgia. That was a big hospital, built on what used to be a country club, a place you'd come in and stay for the weekend and play golf. It had a golf course and everything like that. And they kept me there for three months, and they took out my tonsils, and they straightened a broken bone in my nose. It was horrible operation. Gosh, that was awful. But I survived it. I don't remember what it felt like, but it was just one of these things. And the board met on me and decided that I was fit for limited service. I couldn't go overseas. [I was] disqualified for overseas service. So they sent me back to Camp Croft, which is an infantry replacement training center. And there, I was assigned to the 27th Training Battalion commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Lotke who was a National Guard officer from New England. And they didn't know what to do with me. They used me as a guy to see what he could do. They assigned me to a night march one time, and I was out on that night march, and I was carrying three or four rifles, the dust was boiling up all over. And I came back, and I had gotten asthma, not severe, but I could feel the development of it, and I said I would do whatever I can, but I don't ever want to do that again, I'd better not do that again. I don't want to get sick again. And so I didn't get any duty like that again, but the Colonel made me supply officer. And so I [was] supply officer. KP: It's not an easy job, I imagine. TA: Well, it was interesting. I didn't know a damned thing about it, of course. But I had to learn about it, you see. I had to determine the quantities of rations that should be drawn. I had the supervise the layoff of the rations, the amount of beef that the truck put off, the beef, into the mess hall. They'd get so many cans of this, so many cans of that. And that was no big deal. And they sent me out, as a supply officer for the battalion, they sent me when our battalion had a group going out for field training. They sent me out as supply officer. So I just had to make sure we got the food and somebody was cooking it, something like that, somebody dug the latrines. That was my duty. And I liked that. A fellow from Texas, Lieutenant (Nederland), he was in our division. I remember, walking out at night, nothing else to do, and hearing men who had their hounds out, and they were after coons. And they talked about their coons, their dogs, and where the coon was, they said, "That coon is over there." And the Old Pirate, or something like that. They identified their dogs, they could tell their dogs by their bark. And I believed it, I think they could. "He's getting close, so we better go," they said. So that was interesting. And I liked Lieutenant Nederland. He was a very nice fellow. He came from Nederland, Texas. --------------------------------------END OF SIDE ONE, TAPE TWO------------------------------------- KP: ... the advanced ROCT, into the advanced, specialized training programs, before Pearl Harbor, or even after Pearl Harbor, people couldn't get into, several people told me, "I couldn't get into the Air Force because I had bad teeth," and they wondered what did this have to do, and some were obvious, like eyesight. But you had the asthma attack. Had it ever occurred to you before this incident ... TA: No, I wasn't disqualified for anything like that. My eyes were good, my hearing was good, all that stuff. KP: You never had problems ... TA: I was fully qualified, physically, when I went in, and I don't think they really knew, at that time, what caused the asthma. It might have been psychosomatic. They didn't know. It could have been. They thought so at that time. I don't think they think so now, so much, but that was a possibility. But that was just the case, and that's why, I think, I wanted to get better physically qualified, because I knew that if I was going out into the field, I'd better be damned well be physically qualified. So that was just all part of the procedure. Well, getting back to Camp Croft, let's talk about that. The Colonel took a shine to me, apparently. And the fellow who was battalion adjutant, was moved out for some reason, he was sent someplace else, probably, [and] he [the Colonel] made me his battalion adjutant. And certainly after that, two to three months after that, he got to be regimental commander, so the fellow who was there, who was regimental adjutant, got shipped out, so I went with the colonel to be regimental adjutant. And I liked that. All I had to do was publish orders, you know, to people. I kept, a group of people who kept the records, to keep them straight. I had to approve a lot of things. I approved three-day passes, for example, that was one of my duties. I had to conduct parades and ceremonies. I loved that. Except one time, I was doing that, I fouled up the markers, where the units had to stop. And I always went back and checked on them and it didn't make sense to me, when I went back and checked on them. And I knew exactly how many paces, and where you put the pins and everything like that. That's what I did. And the guy who preceded me told me precisely what the procedure was. I always carried a card in my left hand but I never looked at it after the [parade] got started. And I thought, gee whiz, I told the colonel, "Colonel, I don't know what happened. I don't know how it happened. I did the usual procedure, but I don't think it's right." He didn't say anything. The parade worked out fine and I had to stand at the edge, I had to be the guide for the companies when they lined up, so they'd probably lined up on me anyway, and they knew the distance between the companies anyway. And so it probably didn't make much difference, these were experienced guys. And then, when I saw everybody was lined up, I'd yell, I could really yell, I'd say, "Guide's post." And so all the guides would all change their position, they'd rotate ninety degrees, from looking this way to looking that way. And I'd have to march up to where the Colonel was standing and salute him and say, "Sir, the parade is formed." And he'd say to me, "Take your posts, sir." And so I'd march around behind him and stay there 'till the parade was over, and salute the colors when they came by. So that was all good. I didn't mind. I liked it, you see. It was a good thing. I think soldiers should parade. I think it's a good thing to teach. I don't know if they do it anymore. KP: I think they do. TA: Do they? KP: I think soldiers will parade until the end of time. TA: A lot of people don't like it, but I thought it was good. You were part of a team. You followed orders, and all these things. KP: How long were you a part of this replacement training battalion? TA: I was there about, let's see, I went there in the fall of '43, and I got out in '46. KP: That was a long time. TA: Three years. A long time. I got to be a fixture. And we had good time there. The regimental officers would get their wives [and] go out at night. One thing happened, I remember. They were having an NCO party at the motor pool, where they trained people in motor work there. They had the beer, and the beer was in a big GI can that had been filled with ice. And so I was the lowest ranking guy at corporate headquarters, I was a captain, the placement and training officer was a major, and we had the executive officer who was a lieutenant colonel, and the Colonel. So I was the lowest ranking officer. So they all took their beer out of the GI can and drank it. Chug-a-lug, like that. And I never drunk beer like that before, and it was cold. But I knew I couldn't fail, but I remember that incident, how that cold beer, cruising down my alimentary canal. And it was not the most agreeable thing in the world, but I did it. So that was all good. JL: You read newspapers a lot. How would you say the United States reported the war around that time? TA: About the war? JL: Yeah. How would you say the United States reported the war in the newspapers? TA: Yeah, I did. I read the paper and I found out what they were doing. And we knew all about the war. The Army did a good job of communicating about the war to people. They had a good paper. One time, when I was with the infantry division, we were detailed to be an escort for President Roosevelt's train. So we had to be along the track between Warm Springs and Washington. Well, we were in South Carolina, so we had only about a hundred fifty miles or so. So that was a good duty, and it was good training. I didn't mind that all. People said they saw his dog, but I didn't believe it. KP: This was the famous Fala? TA: Yeah. "I saw Fala on the train." But I didn't believe that so much. Another duty we had, which I liked, I was detailed to go with a group of other officers and NCOs to pick up our motor equipment from Fort McPherson in Atlanta and drive it back to Jackson. And we did that. We went over one day and stayed overnight, and came back the next day. Went to the officers' club during the night, drank beer, the nurses were there and so on. It was a happy occasion. So that was an interesting event for me. It went all orderly. My duty was, I wasn't in command and of the [detail], but I was the sub-commander, for fifty or seventy-five vehicles, or something like that. I just had to be sure they kept their distance, that they didn't run off the road. They all knew how to drive, so it wasn't a problem. KP: You were destined to be in an infantry division, and Tom Kindre and I have talked at length during his interviews, that if you had not had this asthmatic condition, you might well have gone overseas. TA: I could have, yeah. KP: And the survival rate for lieutenants in infantry divisions was very low. Even Tom Kindre has talked about ... TA: I fully expected not to come back, you see. I knew what the real world was like. KP: You knew that? TA: I knew that. I was fully aware of that. The casualty rates [for] second lieutenants were the highest, by far, from any other specialty. I knew that's what it was. But, again, you know, I wasn't afraid of it. I didn't worry about it. I don't think Virginia worried about it. We're not the worrying type, thank God. It's just the way it is. So, when I was determined ineligible, I wasn't elated. That was when the guys congratulated me. And I said, "Well, sure, so what?" That's the way I felt about it. I felt better because I could be with Virginia. I was rewarded for doing nothing and I didn't feel that was right. So while we were living at Croft, our daughter was born at the Spartanburg Hospital. And I remember I wanted to go in and get Virginia a Christmas present once, while I was there, I probably did it more than once, I just went and asked Colonel Stowe if I could go into town and buy Virginia a Christmas present. He said, "Go ahead, Adams." KP: You live in South Carolina now. Had you been in the South before World War II? TA: I hadn't been there before. I'd been through South Carolina. My brother took me on the trip that went through parts of South Carolina and we toured. He was interested in forestry, and he was working for Metropolitan Life Company, where he was concerned about paper, before he went into the Army. So we toured the forest. Saw how they produced turpentine, what they did with pulp, and so on, like that. So that was a very useful thing. And of course, when I was in forestry here, we took at field trip. We didn't go into quite as many places to see things, but it was a useful trip. So I've been to South Carolina, and we knew what it was like in South Carolina. And we were very happy when we were in Spartanburg. The people were very good to us. We stayed with a family that took us out for rides on Sunday, and we knew their boys. They were going to Wofford College at the time. We corresponded with them until they died. They were just fine people. Of course, as an adjutant, I knew who was coming and going, you see. That was a big advantage. So we always knew when the apartments were getting vacant, or would be vacant, practically even before the guy knew he was going. KP: And that's for coming and staying for so long that ... TA: That's right. So we got an apartment, at first, that we liked. Then we got a house that was half a house. It was the best place that you could get at Spartanburg. And we could walk to the concerts at Wofford. At Spartanburg, we had a sandbox for little Tom to play in, and so on. It was all good. KP: How much did your being based in South Carolina affect your decision to return to South Carolina? TA: While I was a Camp Croft, I was out with one of the majors one evening. They were at our house when the news came out about the GI Bill. So we talked about the GI Bill. I said, "That's great, you can go where you want, etcetera, do what you want." So, I'd decided, by that time, while I was a Rutgers, I decided that forestry was not the career. Mostly for Virginia. It would have made a good career, but I'd just didn't feel that way about it, because I thought about going out in the woods, and she's not that kind of a girl. So I took business courses, I took accounting, I took the general business course, I took economics and so on. I thought they were the best I can get to prepare for business. So I decided that I wanted to get a graduate degree in the Master of Business Administration. So I applied to the three places that I knew had the best reputation: Princeton, Yale, Harvard. They had a program at all three places, but Harvard program was the best sales job. It made the most sense to me. So I applied. I told about my experience in the Army, etcetera. I went up for an interview, and the guy told me, we talked for a little while, and I told them about my situation because I wasn't completely de-mobilized then. I got out as soon as I could after, I think it was after V-E Day. I realized that the war is going to be over in a little while, so why should I do this anymore? There's nothing more to do that pays off. So I got out. I could get out on points. So, they wouldn't let me out of the Army. I was just put on some sort of duty. I got paid. So I applied to the three schools. I only went to Harvard. I told the guy who was interviewing me, "I'm not out of the Army. I don't know when I'll get out of the Army." And he said, "Don't worry about it, Adams. You're a lead-pipe cinch. Grades like yours from a place like Rutgers, you're a solid prospect. So just let us know when you get out." But they did send me back to Camp Joseph T. Robinson for duty. And it was a typical Army fubar. KP: Camp Robinson in ... TA: Arkansas. Camp Robinson in Arkansas. So I went down there, and I'd been an adjutant, so I went to the adjutant. I said, "Is there anything I can do?" He said, "Well, you can write to this congressman, you can write to that congressman, etcetera." I said, "Okay. Do you want me to come back?" He said, "Yeah, come back." I came back and he didn't give me anything to do. He didn't want me around. There wasn't anything to do. So, frankly, at that time, I commiserated with another captain who was down there. We'd drink beer and play the slot machines. So I think I was down there, anyway, about five or six weeks, until all the procedures had been accomplished nothing. I remember I had a room there that had a gas heater in the middle of it. And I was reading TimeMagazine, that was the best source of news at the time, and I didn't like what they wrote about something, that I didn't think was quite right. They put too much fear into it, I thought. And I wrote to them, and I said "Look, I'm a soldier down here. My family is home there. I couldn't be with them for Christmas, etcetera," and I just didn't feel right about it. Anyway, I got sent home, ten days before the class started, and then I reported to the Harvard Business School. KP: This was in 19 ... TA: '46. February of '46. KP: So Time published your letter? TA: What? KP: Did TimeMagazine publisher your letter? TA: Yeah, that's right. Well, that was just an incidental thing in the history of my experience, of being at Camp Joseph T. Robinson, doing nothing, drinking beer, playing slot machines, etcetera, and reading TimeMagazine. KP: At any of the bases you were at, did you have any black soldiers? TA: Well, they had a black battalion in our infantry training regiment that we had no contact with. We didn't see anything of. All we knew of [it] was, was that the officers they sent there were the least competent officers we had around. That was a common understanding. That's the only contact I had. KP: You never had any direct contact, except that they're over in another part of the camp. What about at Camp Robinson, were there any black troops at the time? TA: I don't remember anything about them being down there. I had no contact with them. They probably were there, but I didn't know it. KP: How crucial was the GI Bill, in terms of going to Harvard, going to business school? Do you think you would have thought about the business school without the GI Bill? TA: I don't know what I would have done. I think I would've gone to work for some bank and gotten my qualifications that way. That was probably what I would've done. But by the time I finished my MBA at Harvard, and I went back to the bank, they offered me a job. But the job I got paid me twice what the bank would pay. It was a good paying job. So I didn't ever work for the bank again. It was just one of these things. I liked Harvard, I got along well, we had a study group of people that were supposed to study together. The professor didn't give us a book or anything like that. We were supposed to be self-generating educators. It was a good system. But we had guys in our group the didn't do anything. And I thought, "Why keep them around?" But the other guys didn't want to do that. JL: I'm curious to know, did you know anything about the concentration camps overseas? TA: I'm sorry, I'm not hearing you clearly. JL: When did you first hear about the concentration camps? TA: Did I know about that? I'd never heard anything about it. I didn't know about it. I was shocked when the news came out. I thought it was awful. And I felt, well, I knew the Nazis were doing it, something, but didn't know exactly what it was. It was common knowledge that they were doing something. I remember, even when I was here at Rutgers, the Jewish people came over voluntarily. There was a little girl lived in the house next-door. They called her the little refugee. KP: This was in New Brunswick? TA: Yeah. In New Brunswick. But we ultimately, about my experience here, the family finally moved to a bigger house on Bishop Place. And my roommate, at that time, was a fellow named Jim Belcher, whom I liked. He was a nice guy, and we visited, and so on. I think his mother had the idea that I might be able to help him because of my grades. I didn't mind that. I knew what was going on. I enjoyed his company. But he didn't make it. He got washed out after the sophomore year. I remember coming to the physics guy here, in this building. I wanted to know how we made out. I said, "Professor, how'd we make out?" And he said, "Adams, you passed. Belcher, you didn't." That's all he told us. So Jim knew that, he was not surprised. I didn't know what the grade was. I thought it was great [that] I passed. Well, ultimately we lived on Bishop Place, and we moved to Highland Park. My brother wanted to, he got disquieted by living with my father, I know he did. So he came down, and said "Would you mind if I get a place where we could live in the same house?" And I said, "Certainly not. Why not? I'd be glad to have you." So we stayed with a lady out in Highland Park whose name was Mrs. Hulbert. And her husband had been a professor at the University and had died sometime previously. She was a lovely lady. A bright, intelligent, sensitive lady, you know. She didn't interfere with us at all. I'd come in the back door so I didn't have to disturb her when I came back from class to get up to my room to study and she'd be cooking cookies at the kitchen table, spread out, she'd say, "Take a couple, Tom." And it was a very fine experience. So we'd take her out to dinner, and we knew her sister who came to visit occasionally, we knew her daughters, she had two daughters, and it was a very worthwhile, comfortable experience. We still have a nice little foot stool that has a needle point cover on it that she made for our wedding present. And that's in our living room. KP: When you were Harvard, you knew you had to leave forestry. Forestry was not going to work for you. What type of career did you hope to get after Harvard? TA: I stayed at the school for one semester, in the dormitory. I had a desk, a Harvard chair, desk of my own, two to a room, to sleep and study, and six to share a common john. That's how it worked. And they were all gentlemen. We'd go have dinner together and we'd help each other on with our coats. That was the procedure. I thought that was a nice procedure at Callie. You'd eat and then do that. Well, then at the end of the first semester here, they started to build, what do they call that? Tortilla flats? The buildings that are out here, what's now built up? KP: Trailers? TA: No. You hadn't heard about this. Well, that was at Harvard. No, it's not here, it's at Harvard. They got buildings that were used for construction places, probably, and they had nice little apartments, three apartments to a unit, or six to a unit, and three to a side. So Virginia came up with the children, and we got along fine. I remember taking little Tom with me to where we had to turn in our term papers, pick up what was coming up on the schedules and so on. Virginia's father gave him a nice little wooden wagon. We'd carry the kids around in the wagon. And a very memorable time with me was when Virginia went out with the children and a wagon to shop across the river, the Charles River, and I'd gotten a confirmed offer from Atlantic Refining Company. And I ran out there and met her halfway across the bridge. It was a very big day. It was the job I wanted. Incidentally, it was a job I was well picked for. They picked people properly. That impressed me. I liked the work I did at Atlantic. I was an organization analyst. I was immediately given responsibility, there was no question about that. I was good as the other guys who had worked for Atlantic for five years. No discrimination. One time, we complained about the fact that we thought our grades were too low. We talked to the boss about that, and he said "You shouldn't talk to me about that," but we got our grades lifted. We three guys all got the same grade and a better salary. But I was always impatient. I wanted to do something else, and I liked the work I was doing. It wasn't that I felt that I was being held back, particularly. I was just, I wanted to do something else. I wanted to be stimulated by a new job. I didn't get a new job for about three years and my wife knew that I was impatient, so she was reading the Times one day, and she said this blind ad was in the paper, and I applied for the ad and they called me up and I when out to Ford to be interviewed. I didn't like the guy they had me interview, I didn't like the kind of work that I was gonna do, I didn't like the way I was going to be dealt with out there. I could've done the work, but I said, "That's not good enough." And I said, "No, thank you, I didn't want the job." So I went home, and one Saturday morning when I was home, a fellow called up and asked if I might be interested to come out again, "We have another job we think Tom might really like." So I went out for that job, and it was the same title that I had with Atlantic, but I was on a bonus roll, I got a new car every year, and all these good things, you see. And I got more money. So I took that job, that was enough bait to catch the fish, in other words. Same kind of a job title, organization analyst, where you go out, you study and you find out what's wrong and recommend what to do about it. Organization of people to a degree, too. Well, I liked that work. It was good work. I worked for a good man in Atlantic and I apologized to him for leaving but he said, "Well, Tom, you have to lookout for yourself. If that's what you want to do, go do it." So, I went to work for Ford. I liked the work. When I was working at Ford, I made a good impression with my boss' boss. And he liked the way I wrote. He gave me some jobs to do and they sent it to the president for signature just the way I wrote it, and that was a good deal. So when he got a new job, he took me to become his administrative guy. He got another job at corporate headquarters and he picked me [for a] comparable job there, and I got increases, more money, bigger bonus every time. And we lived in a lovely town there, Plymouth, Michigan. It was a very fine town to live in. And there were a lot of guys out there just like me trying to get along, with young children. We joined a church. They asked us to join a choir, I love the choir. They wouldn't let me in the chorus here, but I love to sing. Singing is a wonderful thing. And I get a real spiritual lift out of singing. It's a good thing. So we joined a church choir and we were in the choir for a long time and on our fiftieth anniversary, our daughter got a hold of old friends and wrote to them and said, "Please write something about Mom and Dad." And one of the people they wrote to was the choir director, and Virginia sang in the choir, too, and she has a good voice, and she has a good ear for the note, and he said, "Virginia, you were the mainstay of the alto group. Everybody depended upon you, etcetera. They wouldn't even start singing until you gave them the note. And Tom, you blended very nicely." And of course, at the church, I got into the, to be the top guy of the governing body of the church. And we had a wonderful minister there. Everybody who ever knew him claims he was the best guy they ever knew. It was a Presbyterian church, and our children joined the church, Virginia joined the church. Virginia got into the women's associations, she got active in that. We had a very good experience. We were in Plymouth for thirteen years and worked for Ford for ten years. They picked me for a key job at the headquarters at Ford. Reporting to HF II. I had to be interviewed by HF II, so I had to be interviewed by Ernie Breech before it could be clinched, and before that happened, they told me another guy has been picked for the job. And so I said, "Well, that's what it is." He had a higher, he was a more important guy to them than I am, they saved him, but he was not too good a man. Honestly. At Ford, I learned this on this job, I really learned this. The finance people really ran the company. If you weren't in with the finance people, you might just as well give up. And so I did something. I said, "If I was going to be in this job," at the top, eventually, I knew that the fellow was going to leave sometime, I'm going to have something to do. I don't just want to sit around waiting for something to happen. I don't want to be ignored while important things are decided. And so I got a letter signed by HF II that really gave us that role to do. But in the process of doing that, my boss used, as an example, something that one of these guys in finance had done. And the problem was, they made too many phony jobs. They made a job to give the guy more money. And you could read it, you know. It was just plain. So anyway, I could have made the rest of my career for Ford, but I knew I didn't have a career anymore, because this guy would control my career. My wife said, "I know you'd be a good teacher. Why don't you do something about teaching?" So I thought, "Well, if you're going to be teacher you're going to have to have a doctorate." So I went out to the University of Michigan, talked to the dean. I applied, I took the graduate record examination, I was qualified, etcetera. I went out there, and they'd started summer courses then, at that time. They didn't really have a schedule. I couldn't get the French I needed, and that kind of turned me off a little bit. So the dean asked me if I would work for him. And I thought about the prospect of short rations in the years I was doing the Ph.D. work, and we didn't have children to worry about anymore, they were all gone, and I said, "Okay, Dean, I'll take it." He said, "What kind of a title do you want?" And I told them, "Well, if you want me to do something you better make me associate dean." So he said, "All right." He announced that I was associate dean. It was kind've a stupid thing. I don't mean to demean him, but that's the way it was. So after three years at Michigan, he decided he didn't want me around anymore. KP: What was it like being a dean? What did you end up doing at that position? TA: What did I do there? Well, I did whatever I could to help. I did whatever I could to be useful. The most useful thing I did was to do something effective about an evening MBA program we had, which the teachers didn't want to teach there, the students were not selected the way they should have been. I got to know the admissions director well, and so he and I talked about it a lot, and we rapidly reached the conclusion that we could work together and do something about it. So I said, "Len, you pick the guys to your standard, and I'll do anything I can to help you in the process." And then over time, the faculty became aware of this, of what we were doing, and we could get the faculty. I'd go talk to them and I'd say, "Look this is a good thing. The school makes a lot of money out of this. Whoever of you would sign to this would make some extra money." Your professors could use a little more money and they'd give me a guy. And after a time, it went very well. We had two sites, one in Dearborn and one up in Flint, and I authorized one person who worked for me full-time, a very effective German lady, who quit her job when she heard I was leaving the University. She was a very nice person and she got a job, anyway, somewhere else. She just didn't want to be around any more. Ultimately, the admissions director quit, the young professors quit, and the school's reputation went down. Until they got, the first dean they brought in didn't help very much. The next dean was effective, and got its reputation up there again as one of the leading schools, which is what it was when I went there, you see. That's why I wanted to go there. They had good elder faculty, but you can't run the school just on a few good men. You have to have a staff. I also planned a parking structure that was there. I planned modifications to the buildings. I went out and made some speeches for a fund-raising thing. I went out and interviewed perspective students at schools that were around. I set up a meeting at the University for students from various schools, got the faculty. I got the best people to participate in that, Paul McCraken, you've probably heard of him. He's the economist. I got him to talk at a luncheon, by example. They really pitched in and helped out. I got a case from Chrysler Corporation because Chrysler would always talk about their business, but Ford and General Motors wouldn't, so I had a case, to give a case example. So we sent it to the schools for the kids to look at, you know, come back and we had a faculty panel that commented on their specialties, and a personnel guy and a finance guy, a marketing guy and so on, and they commented on the aspects of the case. And that was very popular. That went off very well. But I didn't get that idea until late in my tenure, so I don't think they ever did that again. I've learned since they'd decided to close the Flint operation, being more remote, and disappointed a lot of guys who were up there, but they didn't pay much attention to the program after that, that's just a fact. So that was just something I feel proud of, as you can tell. KP: At Ford, did you ever run into Robert McNamara? TA: I did. I'll tell you about my opinion about him, shall I? KP: Please do. TA: You'd like to hear about him? Well, he was a finance guy, you see. He was a fair-haired boy. And he came from finance, where he'd been a controller, and they sent him to run the Ford division. And they fired a very able man Lou Crusoe, who had been vice president, a general manager, of Ford division, who helped Ford a lot. And I knew what he was doing and I had great respect for him. He knew the business, he knew very well, about design and cost and so on. Products, the like, and he did very well. Bob McNamara was a fellow that I'd call a "cold fish". He didn't care much about us in the process. But meantime, shortly after he came to the Ford division, my mentor took me to Ford headquarters so I didn't get to know him anymore about that, after that. He made a good reputation for himself. They brought out the Thunderbird and so on. He knew how to get people to do things, if he liked them, if they were important to him. And they decided to make him president of the company. But before he could really function as president, he was called to be Secretary of Defense. And I thought the idea of leaving at a time like that, after being given all the opportunities he had, being, in effect, picked for the top job in a company, I didn't like that. I didn't think that was the thing to do. KP: Did you ever meet him at Ford? TA: Did I ever meet him? KP: In person? TA: Oh, yeah. I saw him often. I heard him talk, but I didn't deal with him much personally, you see. He wasn't that kind of a guy. KP: It's curious that you say that, because that is the account of him working in the Defense Department. TA: You know what we called the accountants at Ford? Bean counters. So when I got out of Harvard, I thought, I had a very good grade in accounting, a very top grade, and I probably would've been a pretty good accountant. KP: You mentioned that you had a little problem with quantitative, so you would have been a good ... TA: Then I interviewed, and I could have gotten a couple of jobs in that field, but this other job that I took paid better, and had more appeal for me. That's all. JL: That was the National Bank? TA: No, I went to the Irving Trust Company out of high school. JL: Okay. I'm sorry. TA: Oh, excuse me. The National Bank of Boston after Michigan. So what I did, I went to work getting for a job, and I said, "Honey, we've to get out of this house, we have to stop the drain on our cash." She said, "What do we do?" I said, "How about going to your parents?" No problem. Her father had married again, a lovely lady, and so, before I left, I sent out resumes. I did it by kind of industry. I picked industries, and I figured the best job I could do would be a top personnel man. And I thought I was best qualified for that. I'm not an inspirational leader, I know that, but I figured I could do that and get on well with it. So I applied for a job as head of personnel with companies and a headhunter found me. He was looking for guy for a bank, after I sent the letters out to banks. I was interviewed by a bank, and he said, "You're a very good prospect for that bank." I don't know if they tell that to all the people or not, but they picked another guy who was a better salesman, I think, probably, but he was a dope, really. What I saw, what he did afterwards. He shouldn't have been picked. But then I got another call, in the meantime, from the First National Bank of Boston, from the top personnel guy there. And he said, "We have your resume here, how about coming up for an interview?" "I'd be delighted," you know. So I went up there and I got along very well with him. So he said, "Well, there's another guy who's going to get my job in a while, six months or year or something like that, and you have to be interviewed by him." So he passed me, he accepted me for the job as training director. And they didn't really have anybody on the training, they didn't have anybody that ran it, and they had people doing training and they had programs going, pretty good programs, because the guy that had been promoted had paid attention to that. He's a very intelligent guy, and very bright. So, he said, "What I want you to do is to set up a suitable training facility, and get out of that room that you're in at the bank, where everybody is in the same room." So I set up the training facility by getting rental floor at a vacant building there. We mobilized all the training, except the computer training. Now, I don't know why I didn't decide, recommend that we get the computer training, except that computers never attracted me very much. I guess that's why. But we picked up the teller training and we had secretarial training and training for other people. A bank is a funny place to work, though, it's different. The guys were very cooperative, helpful, effective people. It was a good bank. The chairman was a conservative guy, and I put in a recommendation that we set up a training program for officers, for junior officers. Once you get to be an officer, your sort of one of the elite. They made me in officer as a training director, for example. I didn't know what it meant, but I ate in the officers dining room. But in the course of something I did up there at the bank, I invited people who were doing actual training. I wanted to get to know them, get acquainted with the people who were on-the-job trainers, you see. Those were people I was really interested in. So I invited them to lunch at the Parker House. I checked with my boss, "Can I do this?" "Good idea. Go ahead and do it." "I invited these people?" "Fine. Go ahead and do it." But in the process of that, a fella that was in charge of computer training was not invited. --------------------------------------END OF SIDE TWO, TAPE TWO------------------------------------ KP: So you invited all these trainers to your luncheon, but you didn't invite the supervisor? TA: Yeah. And I had a very effective lady who was in charge of secretarial training. She had been raised with a colored family, a family of color. And she said that she considered herself a person of color, but she was white as a sheet. You know, a lovely lady. A very intelligent, effective, confident person. And she was the best trainer I had, really. And so, I asked her would she be willing to setup a program that would give the bank a better reputation in the city of Boston and to try to pick people of color for training, for the bank? She said, "That would be wonderful." So we set that up. The PR people loved the idea. She thought it was a great idea. My boss thought it was great idea, etcetera, etcetera. So she recruited the people by posting in churches, posting around, interviewing the people, telling them what it was going to be like. She was very careful about that. And she picked ten or twelve young women, very bright. They can handle it, no question about that. So that was one of the good things. Meantime, they told me to hire another young lady whose father worked for a bank in Chicago. She was a good person, and I didn't mind hiring her, and I used her. But I wanted her to have a job, and I wanted her to have a pick, to participate in picking these people who were going to be in this program. Well, there was a lady that did that work for personnel, and she made such a fuss about it, and I was told, "Don't let her do it." That's all. They didn't want another person, you know. And so, I had trouble in finding things for her to do, but she was a good person, she'd do whatever I asked. That was [what] the bank was like. KP: It sounded very territorial. TA: Yeah. That's right. And incidentally, this incident with a man who supervised the computer training, he complained to his boss who complained to my boss. My boss, at that time, was a young man who said, "I want you to go apologize for what you did." Well, I knew I had to do it. And I thought, "Well, it won't bother me." I went down to the number two guy in this area, the supervisor of the guy who complained, because the guy, the vice president, the top guy said that he won't send anymore people to the training program if you don't get Adams out of there. So that was the gist of it. So I went down to see him and said, "I'd been sent down here to apologize. I apologize. Is that okay?" He says, "Sure." That was all there was to it. And another thing about the bank, the chairman was this conservative guy. I prepared a letter that recommended the training for officers. So the letter had to go to the chairman for approval, anything affecting the officers had to be approved by the chairman. I didn't mind that. Well, he sent the note back, saying, "Our officers don't need any training." So that killed that idea, you see. Well, that was okay. I still liked what I was doing. But meantime, a headhunter who'd got me an interview with another bank said, "I've got the job for you, Tom. And I know the guy you'll be working for. And you and he will get along fine." He said this and I had faith in this guy, he was a very good headhunter. So I went out for this interview with the construction company out in Des Plaines, Illinois, to be the top personnel man. My boss wanted me make me vice president. Well, I couldn't make a vice president because the personnel guy at the headquarters wasn't a vice president, which is stupid. And besides, you're making more money than he is. So I got him a salary increase, anyway. But over time, I got acquainted with a fellow who was the executive vice president of the company. He was a very good man, but he couldn't stand the chairman, at the time, and he got sick. And so he was demoted to be the number two man in our subsidiary company. And he said to me one day, he said, "You're not very popular over at headquarters." I said, "I know that." "So why aren't you." And I said, "Well, the guy in headquarters is just not up to his job." He didn't say anymore. But a month or so later we got a new man to run the personnel department at headquarters. I got along fine with him. He was good man. He made all the rop personnnel people in the divisions vice presidents. Took him a little while do that. A man that became very popular with the chairman. "This is not the best man you could find in the industry." My boss was told to find a man to back him up as Executive Vice President. He wanted to bring a man back who had been running the company in England. I said "Boss, you better not do that. That guy is not the man for the job. He doesn't know how to pick people," you know? And so on. But he did it. He was in a bind. And so he brought this fellow back, and this fellow offended the construction man. The construction man quit and my boss got sacked. So that was that. He told me later on, "If I had listened to you, Tom, I would've been with the company all the time." And he knew it. He knew that, but they squeezed him. In that business, they had a tremendous investment, not just money, but reputation, in what they did. If you didn't do it well, you lose money, and most importantly, you lose reputation in the industry. They say, "This company doesn't build a good job." So the construction man running a construction project is probably as important as a general in an infantry division. He's a key man. And you've gotta be very careful about who you're picking and you can trust. And that was the way it was. KP: In construction, things can really go wrong. TA: Oh, you know that. KP: People will know if it is really wrong ... TA: You know that very well. That's right. Another key man in the construction business, though, is a project manager. And the project manager is responsible to follow a job, from the inception, when they get a contract to completion, to keep informed about it, to find out what's going on, to report to management about it, and so on. And he's a watchdog. And some of them were good and some of them weren't good, but the effective construction man is another key man in the construction business. And finally, the key people are the guys that sell. They're very important. They have to be known in the industry, they have to be good salesmen, you know, any good salesman, and they have to be effective, you know, in what they do, get a good contract. The best salesman in the company was the fellow who was chairman when I was hired. And he was a good man, he knew the industry very well, he did the sales for all the big jobs that were there when I came, that had attracted the president and made it a really interesting job. They made a lot of money, and the bonuses were good, but one year they weren't good, and we didn't get any bonus that year, which wasn't reasonable. We couldn't do anything about it. The workers couldn't do anything about it. They never did that again. I told my boss, I said "Boss, that's bad business." My boss wanted to cut, the finance people wanted him to cut salaries to save money, and I said, "Boss, that's bad business. You lose your best people." So, he was a very intelligent guy. We did get along fine, you know. He listened to me. He gave me a job to do and let me do it. KP: Was that your last company? TA: That was the last company I worked for. Yes. And we were retired at sixty-three and a half, I was. KP: Was that the retirement age at the company? TA: No. It wasn't quite. Retirement age was sixty-five. At that time, I talked to Virginia. Virginia decided that we'd like to go to England. He went to England and he got to know of family there, a relation of Virginia's step mother. And so I went to England. I had to go to England often. That was our principal foreign subsidiary, and I had to keep an eye on it. I went there often. And so, after a while, I found that going to England, one of the problems, is that you go on Sunday, and you're arriving on Monday, and Monday is a waste. What I did, over time, was, I'd go, I'd ask Virginia, "Is this all right, if I go for another weekend?" So I'd go Friday night, and I'd go out to this farm, in western England, that we got to know. So, over time, we got to know them very well. They kind've took us into the family. And they're fine people. They're farmers, hard, solid, you know, dependable people. We still love England. England is the place we still like to go. The lady that we knew well helped us get a house in England in Gloucester. It was a choice house. An old house. A lovely garden. And we got to know the neighbors well. And we're still friends. One of them, they always want to see us. We always have a couple of dinners with one of them. Some of them have died. But we've kept in touch with them. We've kept in touch with their children. And it's a very satisfying experience for Virginia and me, we feel great about that, a very good thing. KP: How did you end up in South Carolina? TA: Well, we decided we'd go to live in Charlottesville. It's called one of the nicest places to live. KP: Yeah. The University of Virginia and ... TA: Yeah. The great hospital, you know. Good medical facilities, and everything. Well, it has a lot of the good things. We had an excellent doctor. The very reliable man. Top man in his field, at the Medical School. And we had a good lawyer. We rented a place for a while and we were comfortable with it for a year, and our niece was living in the town, at the time, and she spotted an area she thought we would be interested in. So we had a house built there. It was a very nice house, well built house, and we liked it. But over time, we'd lived there five or six years, we got an advertisement in the mail from this outfit in South Carolina that was developing a planned community. And they urged us to come down spend three days with them at no cost, while we were there, and "We want you to listen to our story and see how you like it." So we went down, and it's an area of some 6000 plus acres that's been carved out of the forest, that took over from the old cotton fields. I fell in love with it. It was where I wanted to be. I don't think Virginia necessarily liked it as much as I did, but she sensed my enthusiasm and she took hold. She's always been that kind of a person. And I still like it. It's a nice place to be. But now, Virginia feels we're getting on and we better get someplace else, because she doesn't want the children to have to worry about us, she said. The children say, "Come live with us, come live with us, etcetera." She said, "I don't want to do that." Besides, Montana gets cold in the winter. It's lovely country. KP: It gets very cold in the winter. TA: Vermont also gets very cold in the winter, you know. And we couldn't afford to stay where we were living, in Chicago. I felt that. I mean, I didn't have the income. I knew we wouldn't have the income. So that's why we shifted to Charlottesville. And we got a good house. We sold it for considerably more than we paid for it. So that was all good. But about Charlottesville, now. There are very isolated communities there. There's the medical fraternity, there's the legal fraternity, and even the church was like that. They didn't really want us around very much. But we have a lot of good friends, a lot of people move down in that place. The senior center, they called, which was a volunteer outfit. No government support. Their obligation was to the people who were their members. They attracted people, a large number of people, and I was active in that. I had a men's club and so forth. I love to hike up there, the Blue Ridge, just nearby. And we had a wonderful time hiking. I liked that. Virginia never liked the hiking, but she'd come to the annual dinner we had and she liked that. And she got along fine there. But when we were living out in Barrington, when I was working for the construction company, Virginia didn't have anything to do when she was out there. No children. One of her friends worked for school as a teachers aide, so she said, "Come try. They needed teacher's aides. Come try it out." So she tried it out and she liked it. And she worked at that for ten years. And she was an excellent teacher's aide. I told her she ran the school, but she didn't agree to that. But I know she told the principal what to do, you know. And the teachers were her best friends, in terms of what we did together, what we liked to do together. About Charlottesville, I didn't like the situation. The county was always arguing with the city about who was going to do what and who was going to pay for what, who was going to let the roads go where, and this isolation factor, and the church, we couldn't get really feel comfortable with the church. We wanted to be in the church. And so and all these things. We had friends there, and the idea of moving down to South Carolina was a very attractive proposition. So we came down initially and bought a lot. And then we talked about it and talked about it, and I said, "Would you mind if we go down to talk about getting a house built down there?" She said "No, let's do it." Virginia always liked that idea, a new house, you know. So that's what we did. And we had, we were about the fifth or sixth house built there. And we had a good house built, but nobody wants to live where we bought our house. It's interesting. The development is centered on golf and I'm not a golfer. I don't want to live on a golf course. And most of the people want to be on the golf course. And we just didn't want that. Other people didn't either, but that's why we have to be where we were. Still alone, down at the end of a long cul-de-sac which is our private drive. Nobody else has built on it. KP: And you were, in fact, in a forest. TA: Yeah ... KP: Which is ironic. You had originally been interested in forests. TA: And I love gardens. We always loved flowers. The only thing I didn't like about the building, was the fellow that did the grading and put the soil down. I paid for topsoil, they didn't deliver topsoil. So the garden's been a problem. I had to create the garden. But things flourish. The growth rate down there is amazing. You plant a tree and it's four feet tall in two years. KP: I plan to build a house in North Carolina ... TA: And, of course, I loved the tall trees. The tall trees were all behind our house. Our house was framed by these huge, tall pines. And it's a beautiful scene. They're not the only trees. There're oaks, there're red gums that are colorful. Our son says they're not as good as the color in Vermont, but really they are. And we like it there. So now we're thinking about going to this retirement community in Greenwood, South Carolina. And we checked them out. We went to one of our faith and we weren't too impressed with it. We went to another one, it was a Methodist kind of place, and we were very favorably impressed. Virginia likes that. She likes the atmosphere. And now we just wonder if we can get the kind of place we want to live in. That's a problem, a typical problem. We've targeted the fall of '98 to sell the house, and Virginia's brother is in the real estate business, and he said that he feels that the people of northern Michigan would just love that house, and they've heard about it, and so he doesn't think that there would be a problem selling it. KP: Is there anything we forgot to ask you? TA: I don't know. I've talked so much, I can't think of anything else. JL: The only question I have that we didn't touch on was about your children. Do you want them to go into the military? TA: About our children. We have the three children. And our son was having difficulty when he was in high school. Behavior difficulty. And so he was sent to a boarding school in northern Michigan. And it was a fine boarding school. And he did well there. He got into some difficulty but they didn't sack him. And then, after that was over, he became in love with a girl that he met there, and he wanted to go to Ripon College because it was close to her college in Wisconsin. Well, in the course of his career, he'd been in the Army. Subsequently, we heard about this, he majored in beer at Ripon and he got tossed out. And he had married, in the meantime, up in Boston, he had married a nurse. And so, he went back to college, when we were living in Boston. He lived with us for a while, then they lived nearby for a while, and she had a baby, soon, but not too soon. He's a very bright boy. He's much like his father. And, now, he's twenty-five and he still hasn't fully oriented himself with the world. He's a very nice boy to be with, very bright, articulate, intelligent fella. Tom has a daughter, Tom and Patti have a daughter who's also extremely bright, who also went to the boarding school, went to the University of Rochester, very bright girl, she got a job with a law firm in Boston right away. She didn't like that job, she got another job. That's just the way it is with her. Our younger son Jonathan had apparently told a girl, when he was in high school, that I'll marry you. And so he went away to college, and I don't know all that happened, but he left college and he went back to work. He joined the telephone company, had a good career in the telephone company, and he realized that women were being preferred, that weren't qualified for jobs. He wrote something that was critical of that, and the management had found out about it, and they demoted him, and he gave it up. He quit. He always wanted to be a nurseryman. So, he decided, he went to work for a nursery, and he liked that, and, over time, they promoted him to a job, but he wasn't handling the plants there, and he didn't like that. He was selling merchandise. He didn't think much of the merchandise, but, now, fortunately, they've given him a job handling the trees and the plants. And he knows them. He has a bookshelf, that's about as big as that one, of books about trees and plants, and if he doesn't know, he'll go find out and tell people. He's very effective, very effective personally, in personal contact. And his first wife divorced him, which was a difficult time for him. Another girl fell in love with him. He married her and they were married for ten years, and he got into difficulties, financial difficulties, so she left him. And he met another lovely girl, a young girl, but she's too young. She loves him, she's a fine girl but they just don't harmonize very well. So that's just the way it is. Now, about our daughter Judy, she went to college, did very well at Muskingum In the meantime, she'd gone on a trip to Europe where she met a young man who went to the Naval Academy. So after two years in Muskingum, she said she wanted to go to the University in Washington, what's the name of that? JL: George Washington? TA: No, not that one. It's another one. KP: American University? TA: American. Good. Good for you. You get the cigar. And, of course, we knew what was going on. And unfortunately, she went to work for a Democratic senator from Pennsylvania, and she became a confirmed Democrat at that time, so I'm forbidden to express my opinions in her company. And she loves me, I know she does, but Virginia doesn't like it, so I don't do it anymore. Well, she decided she wanted to be a law librarian, and in the course of that experience, she became disaffected with her husband. I don't know why. It was a surprise to us. She left him. And she's married to another man, a fine man, and he's in the financial consulting business. And she got herself qualified as a law librarian and she was recruited for a job out in Montana as the state law librarian, and, I hate to say all this, but you want the facts. She's the current president of the National Association of Law Librarians. She's in the "Who's-Who in America." She goes around visiting. She talks to lawyers about how they should do their work, you know. That type of thing. And she loves it. And the people out at Helena, we met the judges she worked for, they say "Judy, just run the library. Make sure the library runs. You do whatever you think you should do. And that's fine. That's good for Montana, you see." KP: She seems very successful. TA: Yes, very successful. And her husband is successful. Our son, Tom, is very successful. He went to college. He was attracted by a wife's cousin to help run the family business, a tire business in Rutland. He was a young man there. He knew he was going to inherit the business and he knew Tom and so he said, "Tom, you come run the business and I'll sell." And that was the gist of it. Tom has run the business very well. But unfortunately, the guy, the salesman who hired him, had a family tragedy and it threw him off completely and he drained the money out of the business and the business was going downhill, downhill, downhill, and finally, he said, "Tom, there's no room for two of us." So Tom was out of it for a little while until the company went bankrupt. The industry people said, "Tom, we'll get you back in the business. Give you a hand." So Tom's back in the business. He runs this business in Rutland. He's picked the guys, he's very good at picking people, and he picks the people that he knows he can trust, and who know, that he's had some confidence in what they can do in the tire business. And so it's gone very well. But right now, the tire business is not doing too well in Vermont. The Canadian free trade situation had cut into the truck business there considerably. It hurt Tom's business and it hurts him, you know, in the course of that. KP: It's ... TA: He feels that. He feels that, you know, a deep responsibility to the people, mostly, that works for him. He said that, "I think about the people." I'm sure he does. He loves the woods. He bought this place out on Lake Dunmore in Vermont. He made a friend in the real estate business and he got this place for not very much money, and he loves the woods. When he was out of work, a fellow came in and made him an offer that he literally could not refuse for his camp and the tennis court that was built to the camp. And he, it was a wonderful time to get the money. He couldn't refuse it. KP: You've talked very honestly about the problems in your children's marriages. Why do you think your marriage has been so successful and why do you think your children have had a more difficult time? TA: Of course, I don't know why they acted the way they did, you see. I told Jonathan, for example, the younger boy, that if he's gonna do anything, to be a nurseryman, he better get trained as a nurseryman. Well, he didn't like the training. He didn't like the classes. He knew more than they did and so on. And I wasn't worried about Tom at all. He volunteered for 'Nam before I left my last job. He volunteered for it. And he was in a armored cavalry unit in 'Nam, and he knew what was going on, and he's a very good man with people, and he got along well with them. And he was working for the fella, his company commander was the cousin of the lady he married, who was a nurse, that's how that worked out. And he didn't want to talk about 'Nam for a long time. He said "I had a sergeant who was a very good man, and the kooks, or whatever they called them, were lobbing mortar shells at us. We knew exactly what their location was." And he said the fellow who was in charge of the company, at that time, told them, "Do not return their fire. That's an order." So he had a sergeant who was his number two man, and he talked to Tom and he said, "Look, Tom. I'm going to put a mortar shell on that." And Tom said, "Well ..." Nothing. The sergeant said, "Don't worry about it. Don't worry about it at all." So he lobbed one shell at that machine gun, they were shooting machine gun fire. No more machine gun fire. But a senior officer came by and he asked who was responsible for firing that mortar shell on that machine gun? Tom said Sergeant something-or-other, and he got decorated. Well, are you satisfied? KP: Well, I think so. I'm actually delighted that the equipment didn't work, I thoroughly enjoyed the interview. In some ways it was a blessing in disguise. TA: Well, I want to be helpful to you and Rutgers. KP: This concludes an interview with Thomas T. Adams, on May 18, 1997, at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey, with Kurt Piehler and Jen Lenkiewicz. Thank you again. We really appreciate it. --------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------------------- Edited by Dennis Duarte 07/08/00 Edited by Sandra Stewart Holyoak 08/10/00 Edited by Thomas T. Adams

Zerbe, J. Domer

J. Domer Zerbe: Yeah, I didn't like John. My father went by John. Kurt Piehler: This begins an interview with J. Domer Zerbe at Rutgers University, in New Jersey, on November 16, 1994, with Kurt Piehler and ... David Brown: David Brown. KP: I guess I'd like to begin by talking a bit about your parents. You mentioned that your father was of German descent. How far back does your family tree go in the United States? JDZ: Well, both my father and my mother are of German descent. Actually, mother's maiden name was Slear. The family on the Zerbe side goes back to about 1708. Some of the Zerbes came over from Alsace-Lorraine. Initially, we understand that the family came actually out of the Saxony Province, moved to Alsace-Lorraine, and then, subsequently, came to America. Interestingly, they came over as indentured servants to the British. Apparently, they settled up in the Ossining, New York area. They worked in the pine forests, getting pitch for the British Navy ships. Sometime later, and we're not sure exactly when, the two brothers decided that they wanted to leave that area. I suspect they were really farmers at heart. ... They put what belongings they had and built a raft and went over to the headwaters of the Susquehanna River. That is the north branch of the Susquehanna. ... They floated on down below Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to an area where a creek, then known as Tolpehocken, T-O-L-P-E-H-O-C-K-E-N, ... comes into the Susquehanna, and they moved on up the Tolpehocken Creek, and took up residence in there. Now, it isn't clear as to exactly how they obtained deed to the properties, but, at any rate, that's where they went on the Zerbe side. KP: So, your family on your father's side goes very far back. JDZ: Way, way back, yes. KP: What about on your mother's side? JDZ: Well, I'm not really clear. We were fortunate on the Zerbe side to have a family history that was actually done by a woman who was a Zerbe, who married a Mr. Elliot, who was a publisher of a newspaper in Pottsville, Pennsylvania. ... She had enough interest in the family as such to do this. I suspect, in reading the history, that it could be a lot more complete. It was done way back, as I remember, ... just after the turn of the century. So, I suspect ... if you really dug in and did some more genealogical work, you could discover a lot more, and, sad to say, I probably am remiss in not having done more of that myself. KP: Your father was born in Altoona, which is a big railroad town, or, at least, was at one point. Did his father work for the railroad? JDZ: Oh, I come from a railroad family. [laughter] Why, one of the earliest things I could remember is, you know, as a kid growing up, maybe getting into high school ages, my father saying, "I don't care what you do in life. I want you to be happy doing it. I want you to do it well, but don't work for the railroad." [laughter] KP: Wow. Really? JDZ: My father had forty-nine and a half years, with ... what was then the Pennsylvania Railroad. Yeah, he started as a messenger boy in Altoona, making $14.90 a month and I just can't forget that figure. It's one of those things that sticks in my mind, regardless of the very poor memory I've developed since, but he started as a messenger boy. He went off to World War I in the 28th division, the Keystone Division, ... which was really the Pennsylvania National Guard. ... He was in the division headquarters company, in what they called the G-2, or intelligence section. He was a sergeant major, which was the highest non-commissioned officer ranking, and he retained that rank right through the war. ... When he came back, he went back immediately to the railroad, again, and he went off to a local school. I don't know if it was a high school or what it was, but, anyway, he learned shorthand and he learned typing, and became a clerk for the railroad. ... That's really what he did in, eventually, ... the personnel department in Philadelphia. He moved from Altoona to Harrisburg, for the railroad, and then, from Harrisburg, Pennsylvania to Philadelphia. And, each time, getting a little improvement in his pay and in his ranking, but ... still, forty-nine and a half years later, Dad finished as a clerk. But, what he was able to accomplish, in terms of the support for me and my sister, was kind of amazing. I'd like to add parenthetically that, actually, ... his father came from a little place called Lykens, northeast of Harrisburg, and he was a railroader. He was the one, he gravitated from Lykens, Pennsylvania, as a young man, to Altoona, and, as you say Kurt, that was a railroad city. I have vivid memories of going out and spending five and six weeks each summer as a young boy with my grandparents, when it was a railroad town, and there wasn't anything in the world any better than riding a train behind a steam locomotive. I mean, that was ... the joy of my heart. ... My grandfather became what they called a valve machinist in the locomotive shop in Altoona. Actually, it was in Juniata, which is a little town over the hill, just east of Altoona. The Pennsylvania Railroad installations there ... were, at that time, just absolutely huge. That was their main building and repair place for both the locomotives and the cars. Other members of the family, too, worked for the railroad. I had one uncle who was a freight brakeman, and one uncle who was an electrician in the locomotive shop. So, lots of railroading in the family. One of the great things that my grandfather did for me, after he retired, and, incidentally, when World War II came along, he had already been retired. They called him back, because he had expertise as a valve machinist that the railroad had needed, because they got into ... defense work. But, he would take me because I could get passes on the railroad from my Dad, free transportation. He would say to me on a Monday, while I'm out there as just a kid, "Should we go some place this weekend?" Well, you could go anywhere on the Pennsylvania Railroad system, which meant going as far as Chicago, or St. Louis, or Cleveland, or Cincinnati, or Detroit, and I got to all those places. ... So, amongst my friends, in that era, man, I was a big traveler. [laughter] KP: That's a fact, because most people in the early '40s were lucky to get west of Philadelphia, south of Washington, and north of New York. JDZ: Yeah, that's right, yeah. I remember very well going to the Century of Progress, in Chicago, in 1934. Boy, that was a high spot in my life, at that time, with my grandfather. KP: You had mentioned that your father had served in World War I and went in as a sergeant major. You mentioned that he learned how to type and take shorthand. Was that in the Army, or was that afterwards? JDZ: No, that was afterwards. KP: That was afterwards. You don't know why he decided to go back to the railroad? JDZ: No, he, I'm sure, having started as a messenger boy, and with the kind of loyalty attitude that people had in those days, and even in my generation, I'm sure he felt the railroad was the place where he ought to be after the war. And so, he certainly didn't want to be a messenger boy. So, he saw self-improvement in shorthand and typing as a way to accomplish a little more. KP: You mentioned that your father was in intelligence during the war. Did he serve overseas, in France? JDZ: Yes, oh, yes. KP: Did he ever talk about what he did during the war? JDZ: Not a great deal. No, no, not a great deal, no. And, as I say, he was in division headquarters company. Well, that doesn't get you up to the front, so, he didn't have, what I would term, combat experience. Oh, he brought things back, as every soldier did, you know, memorabilia kinds of things, helmet, backpack, and pictures, ... French postcards, things like that, 'cause, they didn't come home immediately after the war. He didn't get back ... until, I think, about June of 1919. DB: He may be fortunate for not going to the front. JDZ: Yes, very much so. KP: When did he meet your mother? JDZ: Gosh, Kurt, ... my mother came from Sunbury, Pennsylvania. ... Dad, through another family, well, let me take a step back. My grandmother ... had a very close friend in Sunbury. They had grown up together in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania, and this friend of my grandmother's had a daughter, and my grandmother was ... going to make a match. She was going to match my father with the daughter of this friend. ... Somehow or other, they arranged for him to go over to Sunbury and meet her. He didn't know her prior to this meeting. ... He went over, well, there was no real relationship that developed between them. But, in the process, he met my mother in Sunbury, who was a friend of the young girl that my father was supposed to come over and have the date with in Sunbury. ... I remember my mother was always so pleased to talk about the time that my father came over and they went to a park just outside Selinsgrove. I know it well because it was there when I was a young boy. As a matter-of-fact, it's still there, Rolling Green Park, and, at that time, they had dances, apparently, on weekends. A dance band was there and there was a dance floor, and they went over, and my father winds up dancing with the woman who became my mother, practically every dance, and left the other gal to sit. They had nothing in common, so, it didn't take long after that that ... my dad apparently decided that he'd found a proper mate. And then, he was running to Sunbury every weekend from Altoona. ... They were married June 14, 1921. KP: Your father's career sort of explains how you ended up in Mount Holly. JDZ: Yes. KP: He kept going farther east, and was eventually based down in Philadelphia. JDZ: Yeah, they lived in an apartment in Philadelphia, as a married couple, and that's where I was born. And then, in that, I guess what we could call it the ... first suburban exodus, after World War I, he decided to come to New Jersey. One of the people ... he worked with had come over and settled in Woodbury, New Jersey So, mother and dad came over and they looked at Woodbury and, but anyway, subsequently decided that they liked Mount Holly. ... That's how we came to settle there in a small bungalow, for which they paid 3800 dollars, brand new, with an unfinished second floor, and my father, over a period of three or four years, refinished the whole upstairs, made three bedrooms out of it, in addition to the bedroom downstairs. So, it was very, in those days, commodious. KP: Mount Holly and Camden County was very rural at that point in time. JDZ: Oh, I'll say. [laughter] Well, of course, Mount Holly is in Burlington County. KP: Yeah, I always think that it is in Camden, but, it is really Burlington. JDZ: It's in Burlington. It's interesting you should say that, because, when I came to Rutgers, if you came from south of Trenton, you were referred to as an "apple-knocker." You were, ... I mean, a real country boy, and, of course, I thought of the area north of New Brunswick, once you got into the Newark area and above, you know, I thought about all those communities simply running into one another. When did you know when you were out of one and into another? It was, I guess, this communal desire ... to meet with other people from your area that led me to build some friendships with fellows from south of Trenton. Not that I declined ... friendships with others, but, I remember ... we had a mixer, up here, as freshmen. We'd come in and this was even before classes. I guess classes were going to start the next day. ... I had played baseball for Mount Holly, just as a sub. I was a sub outfielder. A little guy; I only weighed 132 pounds. ... There was a chap from Pemberton who pitched for them, a fellow by the name of Fred Detrick, and I got into a game, as a sub, against him and got the first hit of my high school career [laughter] as a sub against him. ... The reason I mention him is because I remember, the night of the mixer, ... somehow I knew from the local paper, I guess, that he, and then, another friend of his from Pemberton High School, by the name of Bill Haines, whose family was big in cranberries, and still is, in South Jersey, they are the biggest, and the two of them were going to come up to Rutgers. So, I made it a point to meet the both of them at that mixer. And, I met ... some other fellows from Woodstown, Swedesboro, Ocean City, to mention a few places. KP: There still is a very strong north-south split, but it seems to have even been more pronounced then. JDZ: Oh, yeah, you see it, certainly, in the politics, in this most recent campaign. The challenge was hurled out, "What do you really know about South Jersey?" [laughter] ... I guess it's sort of like north and south California. ... I think we are getting a heck of a lot more attention than we did in those days. ... KP: When you were growing up in Mount Holly, where did most people work? What did most people do for a living? Were most commuters into Philadelphia? JDZ: Well, there was some ... local industry. There were two textile mills that made upholstery fabric. They would have been the largest employers in town. ... Well, one of the upholstery mills actually had a dye-house, as well, which was a separate company, but, under the same ownership, and then, there was another dye-house, Ankokas Dyeing and Finishing. The big textile mill was Northampton Textile, but, let's call the independent die-house Ankokas Dyeing and Finishing. As a matter-of-fact, my father-in-law worked there for over ... forty years. And then, there was a hosiery mill there, and, in the early twentieth century, prior to about 1920, there was a carpet mill there. There were a number of commuters to Philadelphia. We had railroad service. At that time, the Pennsylvania Railroad actually ran out of Camden and came over through Mount Holly, to Pemberton, and down across, what we think of as, the Pines, the Pine Barrens, through Whiting, over to Seaside Heights, up to Seaside Park, and there were trains that ran every day, back and forth, from Camden up there. So, there were a bunch of commuters from Mount Holly at that time. KP: Were most people who lived in Mount Holly first generation Americans, or were they second, third, or forth generation Americans? Did you have any immigrant communities that worked in the mills? JDZ: Well, I would say second and third generation for the most part, very definitely. My wife comes from an English background and her father was the last of eleven children, and her grandfather had, actually, ... worked in the textile industry in Manchester, England. ... He was brought over to a Philadelphia upholstery concern, people who made plush-type fabrics. ... He had an expertise called plush-cutting, and he was actually recruited from Manchester, England to come over. ... They paid his passage, they paid for his whole family to come over. And then, he would go back, once a year. He was a race track tout, if you will. He enjoyed the races, [laughter] and ... once a year, he would leave the family, I mean, they lived in a section of Philadelphia called Manayunk, an Indian name, and that's where the mill was located. But, then, once a year, he'd go back during race season to watch the ponies run. My wife's father was the only one of the eleven children born in America. The others were ... born in England. But, I don't know that they are necessarily typical. ... I think of my close friends and I think they were all, oh, I'm sure they were all second, third, fourth generation. I don't think we had anything like the kind of ethnic enclaves that ... clustered in the cities, where you're Italian, Polish, German, or whatever groups would come in, brand new, from Europe. KP: How good was your elementary and high schools, looking back? How well did they prepare you for Rutgers? JDZ: I think, generally, ... quite good. ... You know, it always sounds, I guess as though, and you don't intend to brag. I'm not patting myself on the back. Please, don't misunderstand. ... I just think that there was an attitude engendered in young people at that time. It certainly was in me. My mother and father had no college education. My father didn't even graduate from high school. He quit school in the middle of his junior year. My mother did graduate from high school, in Sunbury, in 1918. But, there was never any doubt that I was supposed to go to college. KP: Both your mother and father had ... JDZ: Yeah, it was just sort of assumed, "Hey, you're going to go to college," and, I guess I was imbued enough with that I worked hard enough in school. ... In today's lexicon, I'm probably considered a nerd. I hear that term from my grandson ... KP: Were you ever called a grinder? JDZ: Oh, yes, yeah, some, [laughter] I think in an unjustified way. I never got real great, great marks, but, ... in elementary school and high school, I worked and I got good grades. When I came to Rutgers, I was probably a ... B student. But, I had some great teachers. I mean, there are three or four teachers that stand out in my mind. A high school algebra teacher, an 8th grade ... English teacher, Alva Hendrickson, just great. ... They seemed so dedicated and I enjoyed school. I thought school was great. I get into high school and, well, I have vivid recollections of lots of things. I guess, ... sports activities were high on my agenda. I love football, basketball, ... the major sports. KP: Did you play any sports? JDZ: Well, I was pretty small. I said, earlier, I was a sub on the baseball ... team. That was the extent ... KP: But, you loved going to the games. JDZ: Oh, yes, sure. ... I had a lot of close friends who participated, who were bigger than I in stature, not that that was the main reason. But, I enjoyed all of that. I got a break, ... I'll call it a break, in my junior year. ... We had student council, as in most schools, or all schools, high schools, and we had a high school that numbered about six hundred, total. ... When it came time to put up candidates for student council, there were two other fellows who were in my class, juniors, and they were running a campaign, you know, in a small kind of a way. And, one of my friends said, "I'm going to start up a petition and run you." Me, for student council president. ... I wound up winning, which was no great tribute to me. [laughter] It's just the idea that by petition, I could win, and that was a good experience. It was a great experience. ... I selected one of those two who had been the original candidates as sort of a right-hand person on the student council. You look back on it, you say, "Well, what real accomplishment did student council ..." But, in those days, and I think to a high school student, that's important. You start to build some responsibility and some, if you will, feeling about management, managerial kind of stuff. High school was a great experience. KP: It sounds like being the high school student council president gave you a lot of leadership experience. JDZ: Well, it did. Each Friday, in addition to running the meetings, of course, ... we'd have an assembly. ... The student council president was the one who got up on the stage ... every Friday, and made some remarks about activities during the week, and introduced the program to be for that Friday. Yeah, standing in front of people and talking, ... it came about a bit easier. KP: How big was your high school, approximately? JDZ: Well, we had about six hundred students at the time. We became a regional high school. ... We were Mount Holly High School, in my first two years, and then, they embraced a larger regional concept and, we became Rancocas Valley Regional High School. I graduated from Rancocas Valley Regional High School. ... I had taken a competitive test for a scholarship, which the railroad offered through their employees, through my dad. His insistence was that I should really try to take this test for a scholarship to Bucknell University. ... I sort of gravitated toward Bucknell more out of, I guess, the fact that I had a number of relatives up in that area and I'd become a little familiar with it, and I'd done enough reading to know that it had a very high ranking as a university. So, I took the test, and I got a very, very small, ... little $400 a year scholarship. ... I graduated from high school and, somewhere, and I have the letters at home, the supervising principal, I'm sorry, the superintendent of all the township schools, lived around the corner from me. ... He wrote me a note one day, after I graduated. He said, "Domer, have you ever thought about Rutgers?" He said, "You know, you could take an exam for a state scholarship, they give so many per county." ... I talked to my parents about it, and thought, "Well, gee wiz, money being as important as it is, maybe this is the direction I ought to go." So, I wound up, then, I had another letter from Mr. Kindig, who was the high school principal, seconding what the superintendent had said, "By all means, take the exam." So, I took the exam and, fortunately, I got a scholarship which paid tuition, which was great. You know, Rutgers then was what, eighteen hundred students. Great, small school. ... I had never been up to Rutgers, prior. ... I didn't know the first thing about New Brunswick, or Rutgers. Of course, once I took the exam, I got a hold of catalogs and things to see what they offered, because my interest, initially, was in journalism. So, I wound up at Rutgers. KP: Before leaving Mount Holly and the 1930s, how did the Great Depression effect your family? JDZ: Well, my dad was never fully unemployed. I remember well, him coming home and saying, "Well, we're only going to work three days a week," and he worked Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. But, never fully ... unemployed. But, the parents of my close friends, I had six close friends through high school, ... and this group adhered together. ... We had lots of fun together. Some of them had parents who were totally unemployed. ... It was tough. ... It's a conditioner, there's no question that it conditions some of my thinking today. KP: In what way? JDZ: Life, well, there is so much affluence today. You know, it's give your children, give your grandchildren, it's as though I want things better for them, so, give, just give, and that's not right. It just isn't right. I think we are learning that, but it's a slow, slow process. ... It made me a saver in a way. I hate to throw things away. But, I think being a pack rat is kind of one of the things that, perhaps, emerges from this saving kind of trait. My wife does the same thing. You just don't throw things away when you know how tough they were to get. ... When I came to Rutgers, after I had taken this exam that I told you about, I came to find out that the girl who had lived across the street from me in Mount Holly, who was ... three years older than I, was dating a chap who was at Rutgers. His name was Carleton Dilatush. ... My neighbor was Shirley Cain. ... He somehow got the word, through Shirley, that I was going to be an incoming freshman. He was already ... gonna come back for his senior year, I'm coming in for my freshmen year. So, he made it a point to introduce himself to me, and so forth. Well, as a result of that, I wound up going into the same fraternity, in my sophomore year, but, I also was fortunate in getting the job that he had. He carted food from the cafeteria to the infirmary, in metal containers. ... I became heir apparent, when he graduated, to that job and it paid for my meals. Of course, it allowed me ... access to the cafeteria ... to help put the food into the containers. ... And, I had to have a car, in order to do this. ... I got my first car and, I mean, that was a prerequisite to having the job. Had to have a car. Wound up buying a second-hand, 1936 Chevrolet Coupe. Great automobile, stick shift, went to Moorestown to a dealer, and ... my father went with me, of course. Three hundred twenty-five dollars and that car was a great car. KP: So, you had a car on campus. JDZ: Well, I had a car but, ... my friends, you know, would beg, "Let me use the car for this, let me use the car for that. Can I go on a date with your car over to NJC?" Whatever. Oh, no, I was a tight ... no, I watched what happened to that car. That was my car. Now, I'd do favors for guys, but they'd go with me. But, I wouldn't ... KP: Lend it out? JDZ: No, I didn't lend that car out, no way. KP: What did you and your father think of the Roosevelt Administration, Franklin Roosevelt? JDZ: Well, my dad was a Republican, I think all through his adulthood. KP: He did not waver in 1932 or 1936, did he? JDZ: ... No, but, on the other hand, ... I don't have a keen recollection on that. My father and I, we really never had many serious discussions about politics. I knew he was Republican. I think, like many Republicans in those days, they saw what had happened under Herbert Hoover and said, "My God, here's salvation under a new man, Roosevelt." ... I had an uncle, for example, who was on WPA, up in Sunbury, Pennsylvania, Works Projects Administration. ... He was totally unemployed and had three children, and we had first hand contact with them. ... I think it brought home to us that, boy, Roosevelt is doing something worth while. Here's the WPA, then, of course, along came the NRA. I mean, the government was pouring money in. ... When you knew that you had people selling apples on the corners, veterans from World War I, you know, selling nickel apples, anything to try to make a living. ... It wasn't unusual to have hobos come to your back door and beg for something ... to eat in the '30s. You know, "Could I please, you know, I'll do some work, I'll do anything." KP: So, you remember hobos coming for a ... JDZ: For a sandwich. KP: Would your mother give them anything? JDZ: Oh, yes. Yeah, there was ... a spirit of neighborliness, wanting to help one another. No question about it. You didn't have the suspicion, you didn't have the fear that somebody's going to come into your house, beat you, rape you, that kind of thing. That never crossed your mind. KP: In your community, did you ever have any Ku Klux Klan activity. Do you remember ever watching them march or anything? JDZ: No, no, absolutely not. I have no awareness of anything of that sort. KP: One of the questions that I always ask is why did you come to Rutgers? Did Rutgers live up to your expectations? JDZ: Yes, yes, I think so. KP: You never look back and wish you had gone to Bucknell? JDZ: No, no, not at all. I think Rutgers ... was small enough, and, I guess, in today's situation, where it is so large as a state university, I don't know whether I would have the same feeling about it as I have today. My grandson goes to Franklin and Marshall. He's in his junior year there, and he and his parents went out of their way to select a smaller school. ... It's a school about the same size as what Rutgers was. I think they have about 2200 out there now, as Rutgers was when I went here. ... I'm not arguing against the state university, or what it offers, certainly the latitude it offers, and the costs. I think that's great. I just don't know that it satisfies all. Very doubtful. KP: Yeah, you were very happy at the time. JDZ: I was very happy at the time, and ... I get the feeling that my classmates were ... happy, yeah. ... You'd have discussions about why you had compulsory chapel. KP: How did you feel about compulsory chapel? It often does come up in interviews. JDZ: I felt ... chapel offered some unusual opportunities, from time to time. They'd have Norman Thomas come. He had the Socialist bent. He spoke and, incidentally, he was an excellent speaker. I mean dynamic, I thought. KP: In fact, he was speaking here on Pearl Harbor Day, when Pearl Harbor was attacked. JDZ: You know ... you are telling me something I didn't remember. I have a vivid memory of what I was doing Pearl Harbor Day, and getting the word. I was in the library, I was down in the stacks ... at that time, we called them the stacks. I don't know if they're still there or not, down in the basement, where the booths were. ... I was studying, and I came out, and bumped into people as soon as I got ... on the first floor of the library, telling me what had happened at Pearl Harbor. DB: When you joined your fraternity, what was it like being in charge of a fraternity in the late 1930s? JDZ: Well, I wasn't in charge. I did become president of the fraternity in my senior year, 1943. Our fraternity had some problems right from the outset. Alpha Chi Rho had been formed from what was called Ivy Lodge and the Tritilian Lodge, two local fraternities, and they combined back before I came to Rutgers. I can't tell you exactly what year that was done, but it was done, I think, in the early '30s to mid-'30s. ... Building a kind of financial base with an alumni was slow to happen, obviously. You were in the formative years, and here's a new fraternity, Alpha Chi Rho, and it didn't have a lot of strength, anyway. ... As a result, we never had a chapter house that we owned. It was always a rental, and ... in my years here, we lived in two different houses. Of course, I didn't live in a house my freshman year. I lived up on Bartlett Street, with five other students, one of whom, incidentally, had a great impact on my ... career at Rutgers. If I may ... KP: Oh, no, please do it. JDZ: I'm going to reminisce for a moment. A fellow by the name of Fred Lacey, who went on to become a federal district judge. The name may ... be familiar to you. Well, I wound up with the Olsen family, who owned the house and put out rooms on Bartlett Street. I had been late in getting up here, and so, I wound up at ... well, we didn't have a lot of university housing, at that time, so I wound up with this private family. And, there were five other students there. Three freshmen, ... two sophomores, and a junior. I wound up rooming with Fred Lacey my freshmen year. Now, Lacey was a big guy. He had gone to the University of Indiana on a scholarship, pitching, baseball pitcher. He was about ... 6'3", a big guy, and a good student. ... He hunkered down and I think that was a good motivation to me. Instead of throwing me in with, well, I don't know, I think ... it just happened that way that I wound up rooming with him, not with another one ... of the other two freshmen. He was just a good influence. That was the whole freshmen year, but, he was a good influence. KP: Did you stay in touch with Judge Lacey? JDZ: No, I lost contact. Of course, ... he was two years ahead of me, and I lost contact with him. ... As a matter-of-fact, I haven't seen him since. ... I've seen pictures of him, read about him, but I haven't actually seen him. I've looked for him at times, I've been up here for reunions. But, I've never made a connection. DB: Do you remember any fraternity activities, whether it be your own or another fraternity's? JDZ: Oh, yeah, sure. Oh, yeah. Anyway, I had said, we lived on two different properties. We lived in a property on Union, ... a rental property, and ... we might say, in a state of disrepair. We would come in, before school started in September, and have some work days and put it in some reasonable shape. And then, we had to get out of there, when was that? I guess ... at the end of my sophomore year, which would have been '41. We had to get out, and then, we rented a house up on ... Easton Avenue. Sigma Alpha Mu was sort of diagonally across from us, Sammies, that's what we called them, yeah. We had a lot of friends over there. But, we had ... fraternity parties. [laughter] ... I was not a beer drinker. I never learned to drink beer then, not as though you have to learn to drink beer. I acquired a taste for beer in the service, finally, after I had already left Fort Benning and gone on to my first station after that, in 1943. But, we had beer parties, and I could remember living in the house on Easton Avenue. The windows, there were two windows in the living room, you came in through a center hallway, and then, made a right turn into this rather large living room, and there were two windows, and those windows came down almost to the floor in that particular house. We had one guy in the fraternity, strong, burly kid. He'd go through the whole winter wearing only a sweater. I remember him and thinking to myself, "My God, what are you doing to yourself? I'm all bundled up with a sweater and parka, and he's walking around in the middle of the winter with a sweater on." Anyway, invariably, he'd have the sweater on and I swear, [laughter] ... he would drink a little too much and, invariably, run through a window. And, never, never cut himself. I swear, never cut himself. It just was good fortune. Anyway, that's one of the recollections. And then, we had, oh, what was he, the assistant dean of men, at that time, by the name of Cuno Bender. Cuno was an ex-football player, big, burly guy, and he was like a traffic cop, you know, out of uniform, plain clothesman. And, he would snoop in on what was going on, when it would be the end of an exam time, or whenever those times were that you were thinking about a party, on a Friday night, or a Saturday night. Cuno was always around, oh, yeah. He was around, he was a sneaky kind of a guy. [laughter] ... -------------------------------------------END TAPE ONE, SIDE ONE----------------------------------------- JDZ: To continue on the fraternity thing, ... there were actually four of us who roomed together for the last two years. ... It was a great bunch. We had a fellow from Rahway of Czechoslovakian descent named Sloca, Charlie Sloca, and then, Fred Detrick, and the fourth guy was ... Weston Dangler, came from down around Asbury Park. Sloca from Rahway, Detrick from down my way, Pemberton, and it was just a great crew. I didn't do a lot of studying in the fraternity house. I found that to be a difficult, although some fellas didn't. ... We had, I think, ... three engineers my last year, and we had one chemistry major. I mean guys who ... had tough, tough courses. I found the library was the best place I could study and did there more than anywhere else. But, we had a lot of fun, we really did. Good, clean fun. ... We had double bunks, two double bunks, and Charlie Sloca slept above me. ... He was going, at that time, with a girl at NJC. Charlie was a very fine, fine student. He ... got a Phi Beta Kappa key, as did his wife at NJC. He was dating her. ... I remember senior year, he had a picture. Fred Detrick and I talk about this often. Charlie had a picture of Maureen on his bureau, we shared a bureau, as I remember, and the picture was there. ... Detrick, he was a bird. I mean, he was always kidding around, doing things that would ... annoy, and if he got back in that room before Charlie got back from classes, he'd turn the picture around, face the wall. ... Charlie would come in and he'd storm, "Who did this to the picture." ... He knew right well, well, I don't think he was necessarily sure who it was, but, it was, invariably, ... Detrick. Detrick ... started out in engineering, and then, changed the end of his freshman year, went into, I think, ... education. Dangler was an agriculture student, so, most of his work was across town at ... Cook College, and, of course, most of my classes were, I had a lot up on ... Bishop Place. Great place. Had History and Political Science classes up there. But, the fraternity life ... was good. We were a pretty serious bunch, actually. We had our fun, but, a pretty serious bunch. It wasn't all frivolity. ... Fred Detrick, in our senior year, ... became, I can't think of the title he had, but, helping the cook. We had a cook, a German lady by the name of Ertl, E-R-T-L, Margaret Ertl, who came from Highland Park. ... Yeah, we got her through another German lady who was our housekeeper, and the two German ladies knew each other. We weren't satisfied with the cook we'd had the previous year, so, Margaret Ertl came down, and Margaret was perfecto. She couldn't do enough for you, and she knew how to cook. Fred Detrick was the one who would go do the buying for the house, and he and Margaret would go together, much of the time, and, of course, Margaret took ... an extreme liking for Fred. ... Margaret had to be in her early fifties, mid-fifties, at the time, but a dear. I could remember her potato leek soup. [Makes pleased noise.] ... But, anything she did, and, of course, you tried to cook as inexpensively as you could, you know. ... You didn't have meat every meal. You didn't have roast beef, and the better cuts, filet mignon and all that business. KP: Your fraternity, what were your initiations like? JDZ: Well, I recollect several things. I recollect crawling across, you know, on all fours and getting paddled by, oh, I don't know, six or eight people. We didn't have a big house. ... If we had maybe sixteen or eighteen in the house, ... that was the largest. We were not a big house. So, my recollection is there might have been six or eight upperclassmen, so, you got paddled. And then, I remember, they gave everybody, all the pledges, ... a full garlic, all the cloves, and you had to eat, you were forced to eat, the garlic. And then, they passed out cigars, and everybody had to light up a cigar. ... I didn't smoke in high school. I mean, I was not a smoker. Later on, I became a pipe smoker, and would smoke some cigars. But, that's all. I'll tell you, you put the cigars on top of the garlic, and ... we were all sick as dogs. What else do I remember about that? ... It was in total innocuous. It was not something that was real hazardous. They didn't make us swim the river. ... KP: I have heard that some fraternities were not as innocuous. JDZ: Yeah, yeah. ... My recollection is not vivid of this at all, but I do think that they sent a couple of fellas off to do a bit of scavenging for something or other, and, what you had told me about the two going up to New York sort of triggered that. But, I'm not clear on that, really, at all. DB: Do you remember if your fraternity, or any others, would poke fun at, or try to get involved in, things such as the German Bund, or any Communist groups, for pranks, or jokes? JDZ: No, I don't. No, I don't. I have an awareness. I think we all had an awareness of it. When you say poke fun, yes. I think that we had our share of hilarity over things we would read about the Bund meetings, and that kind of thing. But, ... nothing, really, that I could recollect that ... would, really, suggest, you know, a strong, political kind of response to it. KP: Did most people in the fraternity read the newspapers? Many people have commented how they never got a chance to read the newspapers. JDZ: No. Well, the newspaper was expensive. ... I knew there was a newspaper out, but ... that's an interesting question, 'cause I don't think of the daily newspaper as something that was available there at the house, that some individual might have bought and, certainly, the fraternity didn't buy it. That was money. That was not a necessity. KP: Many people have mentioned Vinnie Utz, and one of the pranks he apparently did for his initiation. He did an impersonation of Hitler in front of his fraternity house as part of his pledge. JDZ: I had heard that. ... KP: Yeah, it is apparently quite infamous. JDZ: He was a Kappa Sig up at ... what was the corner of College Avenue and, what's this, George Street? ... I think the freshmen had to go up, and they had like a bell tower, and they'd go up and, "Coo-coo," on the hour, twenty-four hours a day. Fred Baser, who was on our committee could tell you. He was a Kappa Sig, and I think he was one who had to do that. Make a mental note to ask him. KP: When did you think the United States was going to go to war? Did you have any sense of that before Pearl Harbor? JDZ: Yes, I think we were all of a mind that we would be involved at some point. I mean, the German U-boat activity, and the sinking of our ships, was something we were all acutely aware of. I don't remember there being any strong feeling, on the other hand, that Roosevelt should try to spur us into ... the conflict. I know ... today it's suggested that he did things that might have speeded that process along, but I don't have any recollection, at the time, of feeling, as a student, that he was doing that. ... From the time that the Italians went into Ethiopia in 1935, I could remember in high school, you know, starting to wonder, "Where is all of this going to lead us?" Mussolini is down there, and then, ... the Hitler-Mussolini bond, and I could remember so well the Germans moving into the Sudetenland. ... You had to feel that, "Hey, there's got to be a crisis here. Somewhere along the line, the Germans have got to be stopped." KP: Your family's ancestry is German. Did you or your father have any opinions about the situation based upon that? JDZ: No, no. ... Again, I don't remember my father having any strong opinions. ... A story I could remember about my father better concerns World War I, when he went away from Altoona. They had neighbors who lived, I think, about three houses away, and this is my father now, ... and my grandparents. They had neighbors who lived three doors away, and their name was Pippert, P-I-P-P-E-R-T, and they were German. I could remember Mr. and Mrs. Pippert with a strong German accent coming down. Now, ... this was during the '30s, when I'm a kid, you know, just a young teenager. But, I could remember them coming down the street in the mid-'30s, and talking to my ... grandparents, and I ... can recall my grandparents making comment about how, I'll use the word, ridiculously ... old-country these Pipperts were. Now, again, my forebearers were German, but they'd been here for a long time. These Pipperts had come here more recently. ... I can remember my father talking about the attitude that the neighbors ... about the Pipperts being in the neighborhood and being very, very pro-German during World War I. ... Of course, my dad was on the American side. DB: What was the general reaction of the Rutgers community after the fall of France in June of 1940? JDZ: Dave, I could only say, out of my very vague memory, that it was just only one more block in the ever building road that said, "Hey, we're going to be involved in a war here, somewhere along the line." I mean, ... at the time, we were all, of course, ROTC. ... You know, it was an infantry ROTC unit, and, as a land-grant school, you all are ROTC, unless you were physically disabled. KP: You elected to stay in. JDZ: Well, I elected to stay in, but, what I was going to say is, this happened in 1940, so, we were all taking some ROTC, at that time. And then, it was at the end of the sophomore year that you had to make a decision as to whether you wanted to proceed with ROTC. ... At that point, I decided, and I honestly can't tell you why, ... I guess it was the idea that, "Well, by George, why not take advantage of the fact that I could go in as an officer, rather that taking my chances going in as an enlisted man, somewhere down the line." I think ... that feeling was heightened, I know, because, while I was in my junior year, now, I'm in advanced ROTC in my junior year in 1942, ... my number came up at home. ... I could remember a Mrs. Rossell, who sat on the draft board, being very insistent that I go into the service. I'm a student at Rutgers. ... I went down, my father and I, and argued that I'm in advanced ROTC. I'm qualified. I don't have to go in as a draftee at this point. I'd done exactly what any advanced ROTC student could do, and you could get an exemption. There wasn't anything illegal about it. KP: But, you had to put up an argument with the draft board. JDZ: Oh, yeah, yeah. ... Remember, you didn't have ... 60-70% of your high school class going off to college in those days. You had maybe 15-20% going off to college, and Mrs. Rossell ... in personality, was a very dominant kind of person in the township. ... She was a bulldog kind of person. KP: What was her role in the community? JDZ: Well, she'd served on the town council and she was a woman ... whose name was always, you know, before the public, as it were, politically. ... She gravitated toward power, and her husband was a barber; husband had a barber shop. But, she was a dominant kind of figure. KP: Was she a Republican or a Democrat? JDZ: She was a Republican. Oh, yeah. KP: And, she was on the draft board. Was she just insistent that everyone be drafted? JDZ: Well, I assume. She took the same position with everybody, had there been others, but, again, I think it was the fact that there were so few involved in advanced ROTC who came before her. I might have been the first one, and she didn't really realize that I was conforming to the letter of the law. KP: You eventually became an officer. How good was your ROTC training? How effective was it? I'm sure you probably took it more seriously your senior year, when we were already at war. JDZ: ... That's a tough one. ... I'd have to say that I think if you were to compare the ROTC training with what happened during three months of OCS at Fort Benning, Georgia, there was a night and day difference. I mean, it's one thing getting some preparation out of a book, doing some tactical movements on a map based on the fact that there's a river here, and there are woods here, and there's a hill here. That's one thing. ... I think the instructors were decent ... instructors. There was one guy, ... as a matter-of-fact, the day we had lunch, someone brought up Elmer, what's the name, Klinsman. ... He was one of these officers that was a little rooster. You think of authoritarian, boy, he was the very quintessence of authoritarianism. ... I think the instruction was probably as effective as any ROTC instruction anywhere. But, it paled into insignificance in terms of what happened at OCS, where you had field problems and very intensive preparations. KP: Without OCS, with your ROTC training alone, you would not have been able to function well as an officer. OCS, it seems, was the crucial element. JDZ: That was crucial. Oh, yeah. Yeah, very much. Yeah, ... we had some who washed out. Of course, we had to go through OCS, you know. The War Department put through a ruling in the ... fall or winter of '42, no more commissions; no more direct commissions. You went to OCS to earn your commission. So, much of us in ROTC had been inducted into the service in February, took us to Fort Dix. We became privates, but we continued to study. ... By that time, they had what they called an Army Specialized Training Unit, came here from Fort Monmouth, Signal Corps, and they were here for the instruction. ... It was a contingent of, mostly, enlisted men, but, getting training in Signal Corps work. Then, it was automatic after you graduated. We graduated in May, and then, after just a few days, we went to OCS. I wound up down at Benning, where most of our fellas went, and you were automatically made a corporal beforehand. KP: You majored in History and Political Science. When you came to Rutgers, what did you think you wanted to do? JDZ: I wanted to write. ... I went into Journalism my first year. KP: What convinced you not to go into Journalism? Why did you change your mind? JDZ: I developed ... a strong interest in foreign affairs, at the time. I thought that I wanted to, eventually, work for the State Department, get into the Diplomatic Service, get proficient in a couple of languages, and wind up as a career State Department kind of person. ... That's what led me away from Journalism. KP: I found this to be remarkable; some people cannot remember any of their professors, much less name their favorite professors. You named three professors that made a distinct impression. JDZ: Charanis, George, and Ellis. KP: What was distinctive about these professors that you remember? JDZ: Well, ... Charanis was Greek, a wonderful guy, a great sense of humor. ... Of course, quite an accent, which stays with you, you know. I think an accent, anytime, tends to attract more attention. But, he taught ... Ancient Civilizations, I guess it was called, and he was tough. I mean, he was a good taskmaster. He'd let you know if you weren't cutting the mustard, as it were. ... As I recall, he had a nice way of embarrassing you. Subtle, make you feel like you want to fall through a crack in the floor if he cited you as really not keeping abreast of what was going on, or not being able to answer a question, or unable to make some rejoinder to whatever ... subject we were discussing. Ellis was quiet, but I thought of Ellis as studious. Ellis was not someone who was easily approachable. Very intensive kind of a guy, and I respected that. You could talk to him, but he wasn't someone you felt would encourage you to come forth and talk. But, he knew his subject, let me tell you, I felt. And, ... Professor George of Political Science, I mean, he was somebody who everybody at Rutgers knew. Whether you were an engineer, chemistry major, biology, ... you knew who Professor George was. He'd get up there and he'd do a dance. He was an angular kind of a build, probably, I don't know, 5'11" or 6 foot, not real heavy, sort of a thin kind of a guy. Smiling face, you know, and ... he'd make one of these real trenchant kind of comments, politically, you know, to see what kind of a response he would get. ... You could get into some great discussions with him. Fun, you know. ... I'm not sure of this, but I would guess, that he probably drew more people, as an elective course, more students coming out of the more scientific disciplines, than any other professor at Rutgers. KP: A number of people have mentioned him. JDZ: ... "Hey, I got to take a course ... I've got to go a semester with Professor George." And, he was in local politics, as I recall. He lived outside of New Brunswick, but he was in local politics, think he ran for councilman, or something, not a big job. But, he had his finger in, as it were. ... He was a good influence, I guess, in terms of convincing you that you ought to be a participant ... in the political process, yeah. KP: And, he didn't care about which side you came down on it sounds. JDZ: I don't have any recollection ... that he really did. Now, you may get some other comments from others who feel very strongly that he was one or the other, Republican, Democrat, whatever. He was just ... Professor George. He was a good guy to have class with. KP: Do you have any recollections of Arthur Burns? JDZ: No, nope. Do not. KP: The Class of '43 entered Rutgers when America was at peace, although war was breaking out in Europe. When you arrived here, President Clothier said he hoped that the United States would not become involved. The war really transformed Rutgers, as you mentioned earlier. What were the changes that you saw? You talked about the ASTP arriving from Fort Monmouth. Many people were already inducted. What did war do to the campus? JDZ: ... The only comment that I could make in that regard, I think, is that we started to see some of our classmates, a few of our classmates, leave school and go off. I think the first one of our Class of '43 who was killed was a guy by the name of Johnny Groves, from Ocean City. And, he being from south of Trenton ... I knew John, and John went off quite early. Again, I can't tell you exactly when Kurt, ... but he was early in the game. He may have left in our junior year in '42, but he, eventually, become a tail-gunner on a B-17 Flying Fortress, and he was killed over ... in Europe. ... That's really, pretty much, the only recollection I have. I'm probably a poor interviewer, ... because my memory is hazy on lots of things. ... I was probably too immature to appreciate much that was going on, and I'm very frank about that. KP: What was the relationship between the regular Rutgers College people and the ASTP? Was there any jealousy or misunderstanding looking back upon it? JDZ: I don't recall any. ... They probably had some misgivings, being around a bunch of college students, but I don't recall there ever being any outbreak of real feeling, hostility. ... Don't have any recollection at all of any particular act or event. KP: You were inducted as a private when the war broke out. JDZ: Well, not when the war broke out. KP: Well, shortly after. JDZ: Yeah, that was in February of, actually, '43. Yeah. KP: Did you draw a private's allotment, at that point? JDZ: Yeah, oh, yeah. It seemed like a strange kind of existence, really, ... to be taken to Dix and inducted, and yet, being able to continue until May. KP: Were you expected to wear your uniform? JDZ: Oh, yeah. KP: So, you wore your uniform to class every day. JDZ: Oh, yeah. KP: To what degree, after February of 1943, were you a student and to what degree were you a private? Would you, for example, have morning roll call? JDZ: No, you just wore your uniform and went to class. KP: And, you went to your regular ROTC training then. Had the war changed it in any way? JDZ: Not that I recall. KP: There was not a difference between 1940-1941 and 1942-1943, in the terms of the training. JDZ: I don't remember that there was, no. DB: What can you say about your training at Camp Gruber, Oklahoma? JDZ: I was not at Camp Gruber. The 88th Division was activated at Camp Gruber. The 88th Division had been in World War I, so, they were re-activated at Camp Gruber. I went over as a replacement, so, I had nothing to do with Gruber. Now, I came into contact with a lot of men, when I got to Italy, who had been at Gruber. I mean, all kinds of stories. As a matter-of-fact, several of the fellows had married Oklahoma girls around from the Muskogee area. But, I was not at Gruber. I went from Fort Benning, OCS, in September of '43, to Camp Croft, South Carolina. ... The orders came through, and some went to McClellan, some went to Croft, some went to half a dozen different places. Well, I wound up at Camp Croft, an infantry replacement training center. Thirteen-week cycle, and then, [makes a "Zip" sound] overseas. Tough. ... Later, in going through two-cycles there, training, two cycles of new draftees, I only met one of the men whom I had had in a cycle in my training platoon at Camp Croft. I only ever met one in Italy. You never know where these fellows went. ... They went over and God knows how many were killed, or wounded, or whatever. KP: I want to back up and take you back to Fort Benning. You described that training as being very crucial. JDZ: Well, it was. ... First of all, you had to be impressed with the discipline in the staff and in the administration, the logistics. ... Coming from a sort of loose administration, as a college, young man, and going down there and seeing, boy, everything done. At 10:00, this was done, at 11:00, this was done, at 12:00, this was done, and, boy, you had to be impressed because it was like that. There wasn't any kidding about it. If you had a field problem, ... you're out there in formation, and, you know, you didn't question that. Hey, listen, I want to be an officer, and, when I was there, they were graduating about one hundred seventy-five new ... infantry second-lieutenants every other day. I gotta tell you, if I can digress, a little story. KP: No, please, go ahead. JDZ: One of the things that sticks in my head that has nothing to do with discipline, only the extent that you had a little bit of time between chow, dinner chow, and compulsory study hall at 7:00, and it was compulsory. You had, maybe, depending on how fast you ate, maybe you had twenty, twenty-five minutes, something like that, and it was perfectly natural to get out and, you know, just wander, small groups, ... down the company street. You had the next row of barracks over here, that was the class that was going to graduate three days ahead of you, or two days ahead, and your class, and then, the next barracks over here, that line of barracks, they were going to graduate two days after you, with another bunch of infantry lieutenants. ... So, it happened that in the barracks next to us, there was a candidate who had a lot of notoriety as a football player. His name was Bob Waterfield. He married Jane Russell. Now, Jane Russell may not mean a thing to you, but Jane Russell was a very beauteous, curvaceous actress. ... She was beautiful. She really was, and she made several movies. Anyways, this movie star winds up marrying Bob Waterfield, and he was a UCLA football ... star, and he's in this next barracks. Well, ... it was a lot of fun, actually, to walk down the end of the company street and Jane Russell would come. She was living down there to be close to him. I mean, he wasn't living with her. There was no way he could live with her. He could be with her weekends, but he wasn't living with her. They were married, but she'd drive over. She had a powder-blue, Packard convertible. You probably don't know what a Packard is. Well, it was ... an elegant, expensive automobile. Distinctive. And, it was powder-blue, that made it more distinctive. And, it was a convertible. She'd ride over ... there and park at the end of his company street. Well, that was ... only sixty, seventy yards away. ... You could get yourself, you know, a good view of Jane Russell every night to boost your spirits. And, Bob would ... come down and, you know, they'd chat, and then, when he had to go to compulsory study hall, like all of us, "Zip," back we'd go, compulsory study hall, and she'd drive off. ... It was one of those simple treats. And, I remember, God, Georgia peaches, I could remember the damn hard peaches. They were like baseballs. ... It seemed to me that every dinner meal, we had a Georgia peach. That was ... a dessert. There was some great guys, and I oft times wonder what happened to all these guys ... in my barracks. KP: Where did they come from? JDZ: Well, it was interesting, Kurt, in that our OCS class was composed, about 98%, of other ROTC groups. They came from, and you start spouting out the names, we had 'em from Syracuse, Washington State, Creighton, Oklahoma, it was then Oklahoma A&M, it's now Oklahoma State, but then, it was Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical. As a matter-of-fact, ... we were assigned bunks alphabetically, and my name, being a Z, I was right down at the very end. There were no Z's after me, and the fellow who bunked next to me was a Young. Tracy Young was his name. He was ... mild-mannered, ... he came from Oklahoma A&M. As a matter-of-fact, ... he was the NCAA light heavyweight wrestling champ that year. Very mild-mannered guy, weighed about 175 lbs., tough as nails, and quiet. ... It was close knit, ... and that was your platoon. That was your training platoon. When we go on a problem, and you were out in the field on problems all the time; that's what made it so valuable, really, the field problems. ... If you weren't doing marksmanship and becoming proficient in putting a ... M-1 together and disassembling it, or a machine gun, or a mortar, whatever, then, ... you were out doing marksmanship. You were out, you were on the range becoming familiar with all the weapons, from a .45 caliber pistol right up to, as I say, .81mm mortars. The field problems were great. They had these great big vans for transportation. Big, long van, and ... two benches would run the length of the vans, and you'd get in there and you'd sit astride the benches, on your way to these problems. Now, the Harmony Church area, Fort Benning is big. I mean, Fort Benning is not a thousand acres, Fort Benning is thousands and thousands of acres, and you've got all kinds of terrain which, again, made it so valuable in your training. And, you'd go out on a field problem and then you'd maneuver, you know, whatever. Maybe it was a squad maneuver, a platoon maneuver, and then, you'd get a chance, you'd be the squad leader one time, you'd just be one of the members of the squad another time, or you'd be the platoon guide. It was in those days, in the table of organization, you had to have a platoon guide. ... You were called on for the different tasks, and then, to learn what that particular task called for. I can remember compass ... problems, particularly those at night. You had to cross all kinds of terrain. You'd run a course, and, in order to pass that test, you'd have to come out within about thirty or forty yards of a stake that was driven in the road. ... In the interim, you're leaving a point back here along one road, and you're going to cross all kinds of terrain, woods, hills, streams, whatever, ... to see how well you could read and follow a compass at night. ... That was one of the more complex problems, and you had to pass that thing. ... If you didn't pass, you had another shot at it. ... If you didn't pass it, ... it was a demerit. You get enough demerits, then you washed out. Either you're pushed back five weeks to another class, or you're washed out totally. ... All of that was in the hands of what they called a tactical officer. Each platoon had a tactical officer. Now, these were officers ... who had been through OCS themselves. ... They were tough, but they were also sympathetic. They'd been ... candidates, and they give you a lot of good guidance, and, for the most part, were ... good leaders. KP: You mentioned that people washed out. How many did wash out? How many from your platoon, in particular? Did any wash out from your platoon? JDZ: I can't. ... Our company was probably, at the outset, ... about two hundred men, and I couldn't tell you how many. I don't remember, I'd have to look at my certificate to see how many graduated. ... We got a certificate ... KP: But, you knew that people washed out? JDZ: Well, I knew, from the Rutgers gang, ... I think there were twenty-two of us who wound up down there from Rutgers, I believe, and I'm not absolutely sure of that, and, I think, five either were pushed back or washed out completely. ... I can't verify that for sure. ... I think there were seventeen of us who graduated from Benning. Nine of the seventeen were killed. Three of us wound up in, this is Rutgers now, ... Italy, each in a different division. ... Bill Pillion wound up in the 91st Division. Harry Young wound up in the 85th, and he was killed, and I wound up in the 88th. Now, ... I'm sure in each instance, because of the length of time ... well, I'm not absolutely sure. I was going to say each one of us probably went across as replacement officers, but I'm not absolutely sure about that. I could be wrong. KP: A number of people that I have talked to in my interviews tried to avoid the infantry and tried to avoid the Army. JDZ: I didn't have the good sense to do that. I didn't have the good sense to ... do that. No, I can't make any comment. ... I will tell you this. The pride I feel, being in the infantry, you'll never know. I mean, ... I feel so fortunate to be alive. That's the beginning, and I'm not trying to be dramatic. ... It wasn't nice. But, having been there, and back here, I can say, "Boy, I've seen it, and you can't tell me a thing. I know what it is, and don't ever try to make me swallow something." Don't put me in a room with some BSer who's going to tell me how it was from the rear somewhere, because it can't be done. You were there. ... I think every infantryman feels that way. Hell, they take 70% of the casualties. ... They fight the war. ... That isn't to take anything away from the engineers, or the artillery men, or whatever. ... I ought to shut up. But, I feel a great deal of allegiance to the ... KP: The infantry. JDZ: To the infantry. ... Yeah, there's nothing like it, because, you know, you live like a dog. You live like an absolute dog. That's part of it, I mean, just the arduous kind of way of living. Being wet, being cold, hoping that there's something to eat. We went through one stretch, one stretch of about three weeks, on K-rations, nothing but K-rations. ... That gets a little tiring, wearing, and then, eat when you can, hope that you might be able to get something warm, ... heat those K-rations somewhat. I'm not trying to over-dramatize. I'm just trying to tell you what is. And, thank God, I wasn't there the winter of '42-'43, before the Cassino Abbey was taken. ... That was absolute hell. It was bad enough for us trying to get through the Gothic Line. KP: No, I want to move on to Italy soon. JDZ: ... Well, I'm sorry. I'm getting ahead of myself. KP: No need to apologize. I know you were very busy in training, but, did you ever get out into Georgia and see any of Georgia when you were in training? JDZ: No. Oh, no. ... One of the first messages you got as a candidate was, "Don't venture off the post unless you absolutely have to." -----------------------------------------END SIDE TWO TAPE ONE------------------------------------------- KP: ... This continues an interview with J. Domer Zerbe on November 16, 1994 at Rutgers University, with Kurt Piehler ... DB: ...and David Brown. KP: Just continue, please. JDZ: Well, you asked about seeing some of rural Georgia, and I indicated very strongly that there were a couple good reasons why we didn't. The parachute school was at Fort Benning and paratroopers have a tough name, as you well know. They were tough, and they were taught to be tough. ... If you ventured over, for example, across the Chattahoochee River to Phoenix City, Alabama, on a Saturday night, you'd be amongst five thousand paratroopers. ... We were told right off that, "If you were wearing an OCS symbol, some of those paratroopers would like nothing better than to get involved and get you embroiled ... in some kind of a fracas, and "Boom," you're washed out." I mean, there wasn't any (aye, yes, or no?) about that. ... So, we stayed away from Phoenix City and, certainly, stayed away from Columbus, Georgia, the closest town. ... KP: So, you really stayed on base, pretty much. JDZ: Oh, yes. And, I can't recall anybody who, to my knowledge, ever ventured into any of those towns in the thirteen weeks we were there. Phoenix City, that was a rip-roaring, you know, lots of brothels, and street walkers, and it was a wide-open kind of a town. A paratrooper kind of town, you know. [laughter] KP: You have created quite a figure for the paratroopers. Did you ever have any contact with them at the base? JDZ: No, never did, and never did subsequently, either. Since the war I have. ... I have a close acquaintance who was a paratrooper, but, no, I had absolutely none, absolutely none. We had no paratroopers in Italy. German paratroopers, yes, fought them, but not ours. So, we didn't see anything in Georgia other than the Fort Benning base, Harmony Church area. KP: You were in infantry school, and I get the sense that you were not quite sure what you were getting into. What theater did you hope to get assigned to? JDZ: Well, ... if I had any preference at all, it would have been to go to Europe rather than the Pacific. The Pacific seemed so damn far away, and, of course, ... I wasn't destined for the Marine Corps. You knew dag-gone well that they were going to have to be making the initial tough landings, and island-hopping across the Pacific. ... I certainly expected to get overseas, somewhere along the line, and I'd rather it be Europe. ... I certainly had no predilection that I was going to go to Italy. I figured, "Well, ... I'd go over to England, and then, eventually, join an outfit in France." But, it didn't happen that way. KP: You mentioned that after you graduated at Fort Benning, you were transferred to Camp Croft. JDZ: Croft ... just outside Spartanburg, South Carolina. ... It was an infantry replacement training center. There were a number of, we called them IRTCs, in those days, and that's where a lot of OCS people would go, initially. Now, some would wind up joining a division in the States and get more training. ... A division might well be on maneuvers and I'm sure some of our fellows wound up that way. KP: But, you wound up as a replacement. JDZ: Yeah, there were, I think, ... three or four of us, from my class, who went to ... Croft. And then, you'd join a training battalion and there was, like, a table of organization that the infantry would follow, but ... they were training platoons. KP: In other words, you would be broken up after your eleven weeks. JDZ: Oh, yeah. Thirteen, the cycle was thirteen, and then, they eventually expanded it to seventeen weeks. And then, those men ... they're gone. God knows where they went, to the winds, to go somewhere, again, ... as a replacement, just like I wound up doing later. I went through two cycles down there. KP: This was your first independent Army leadership position. What was it like to command a unit? What did you learn and what was your relationship with your sergeant? JDZ: Well, we had, in each training platoon, ... a buck sergeant and we had a corporal, and I remember very well, the both of these fellows were Italian. ... As a matter-of fact, they were both from New Jersey, North Jersey. The corporal ... was a football player from the University of Tennessee. ... I think he'd gone down there for two years, and then, subsequently, he's inducted in the service. ... He was tough. I mean, he was tough, but he was fun. I guess ... I quickly learned ... being an officer, you don't just throw your weight around. ... Anyone has that idea, it's misshapen, that you simply come in and, all of a sudden, you're the big honcho. That's for the birds. Anybody does that has got to be off of their noggin. The relationship that an enlisted man, like a sergeant, has with his platoon is an entirely different relationship than an officer has with a platoon. In a sense, even in the training platoon, your non-coms are closer to the men. ... They can do things, they can say things that an officer doesn't, or won't ... or shouldn't, right. You communicate, basically, through your NCOs, your non-coms. And, as I said, there were two in each platoon. The sergeant ... these guys were both young. I mean, they were both in their ... early twenties. KP: Was your sergeant in the regular Army? JDZ: No, no, no ... neither of these guys were regular Army. No, none of these people were regular Army. ... Company commander we had, the captain, he was in ROTC from probably, Class of, like, '41, out of some college. As a matter-of-fact, he was a Virginia Tech ... graduate and he'd already made captaincy. He hadn't been overseas. He hadn't been anywhere. I mean, ... he'd been in the States, doing ... the same thing I was doing. No, none of those people were regular Army. We had a battalion commander ... a little guy by the name of Ruby from the State of Massachusetts, and ... he was, probably, National Guard. He hadn't been overseas, ... but, he was a lieutenant colonel. He liked ... all the young officers' wives. ... Oh, he got along great, 'cause, he was a guy about forty-years old, and if you had an affair, like a dance, you know, a weekend dance, boy, he loved to dance with the young officers' wives, those who were married, you know. [laughter] ... Anyway, the NCOs, they were good. They were proficient. ... I remember, we had one guy in our platoon in the first cycle. He was from New York City, and he was what we called a screw up. I mean, ... everybody else in the platoon could do it right, and he'd screw you up. Well, you get to a point where you say, "Hey, enough of this nonsense. I mean, my reputation's at stake, too. This is a bunch of crap." So, what do you do with this guy? ... You try to reason with him, and so forth. ... I could remember, after a particular inspection, the corporal I mentioned to you, who was the football player from Tennessee, he came to me, said, "Lieutenant, ... we got to do something with this guy." I'm not going to mention his name. "But, we have to do something with him." ... This fella who was messing us up, the platoon, big, big burly guy, but, he was fighting the Army system, pure and simple. ... I said to this corporal, "Yeah, we do." ... This guy says to me, "I'll take care of it, Lieutenant. Do you want me to take care of it?" "Yep, you take care of it." Well, he took care of it. I mean, he gave the guy a little bit of a thrashing. He didn't take him out and beat him half to death, but he worked him over a little bit and he straightened the guy out. He straightened him out. ... Maybe the guy was fearful of getting more, I don't know. But, he became a better soldier. KP: In other words, he finished. JDZ: Oh, yeah, that was fine. That worked all right. It might not work in another case, who knows? But, ... you were dependent on an NCO to do that ... kind of thing. I reprimanded the guy, you know, verbally, but that doesn't necessarily cut the mustard. I remember, on a training session at Camp Croft, I did something, if it was a rainy day, you had an indoor ... I mean, you always had an alternative training program scheduled, in the event of rain. So, this was conducted in the barracks. Now, I had my platoon and ... we were on a map reading exercise. This was another New Yorker, from somewhere in New York City, and I remember we had a break, for ten minutes say, and I happened to be standing by the water fountain. This guy, I saw spit in the water fountain. Well, I can't tell you how I reacted to that. I said, "How in the hell could a human being with any sense go to a water fountain and spit?" Hell, he had a men's room he could go to in the barracks, and I grabbed him, he wasn't a big guy, I grabbed him by the back of the neck, and I pulled him away. ... I remember his name, his name was Goetz. I says, "Goetz, what in the hell are you doing?" And, he looked at me in bewilderment. "What do you mean what am I doing?" I said, "I saw you just spit in that water fountain. ... Do you think that's the thing to do?" And, I don't remember, ... I guess he became apologetic, but I often wondered to myself, "My God, maybe he didn't know any better." ... I should not have grabbed him the way I did. I mean, that was verboten, but I did it. ... They were good guys ... for the most part, ... and they were all from mid-Atlantic states and New England. ... KP: So, you didn't have any southerners in your platoon that you could remember off hand. JDZ: No, I don't. I remember a guy from Maine who was a real good soldier. ... He was in his mid-thirties. He was no young guy. You know, by the time you were thirty-eight, ... you could avoid military service, and this fellow had to be, ... I suspect he was in his ... mid-thirties. His name was Soule, S-O-U-L-E. He was a woodsman from northern Maine, and he was a guy that wanted to be exact. He wanted to do everything right. He wanted to please, but he was tough. ... He was a pleasure to be with, because you knew he was anxious to learn, he was going to do his best, and, hell, we all respond to that sort of thing. ... I had a fellow from West Virginia, I mean a real Appalachian chap, probably low education, and when I say that, I'm not denigrating, please, when I say low education. A lot of these guys could do a million things I couldn't do, and I came to appreciate that when I got overseas, even the more. But, he was very courteous and always wanting to, you know, one of the things they tell you in the service is don't volunteer. I mean, if you got any brains at all, don't ever volunteer for anything. You get tapped, but don't volunteer. And, I could remember this chap, again, he was a guy in his mid-thirties, and ... he would volunteer. ... I don't know, maybe he thought he was polishing the apple. I don't know, I really didn't give it a lot of thought. He just seemed to be one nice guy who learned growing up that you pitch in, you do your part. ... Only ever seeing one of those guys ... overseas always bothered me a little bit, because ... when I got my orders to go overseas, I thought, "Well, ... I'll wind up ... seeing a few people that had been in training platoons." Only one. KP: You went through two cycles. When did you get your orders to go overseas? Was it while you were in the middle of a training cycle? JDZ: No, it was, as I recall, at the end of a cycle. It was between ... cycles. Got the orders in, oh, some time in, I think it was June 2 or 3, 1944. Now, remember, Normandy landing was June 6, and ... my oldest son was born in Spartanburg. He was born in ... November of '43, and my wife, of course, then, we had an apartment on the north end of Spartanburg, and I was home lots of nights, but then, if we were out bivouacking and training, ... I wasn't home. KP: How did you meet your wife? JDZ: Well, she was a high school student. KP: From Mount Holly? JDZ: High school, yeah. KP: And, you married before you went into the service? JDZ: Married before, right, yeah, I married while I was a senior at Rutgers. ... KP: Did the war hasten your decision to marry? JDZ: Yeah, I guess it did. KP: Because. you could have just postponed until after the war. JDZ: Yeah, I guess it did. I was truly in love, and still am. No, ... my wife was one of two children and we'd gone through school together, and I never really paid any attention to her until about junior year of high school, and then, I knew she existed, because we'd all gone through pretty much school together from elementary school on up. ... Senior year of high school came along and we both were aspiring thespians and she winds up getting the female lead in the senior play and I wind up getting the male lead, and that sort of drew us closer together. ... KP: And, she followed you to Fort Benning? JDZ: Oh, no. ... Oh, God no. ... KP: But, through Spartanburg she did? JDZ: Yeah, when I got down to Spartanburg, when I got ... to Camp Croft, then I made it my business, as fast as I could, to try to find a place for us to live. ... Somebody gave me a tip to go to this northern end of Spartanburg. As a matter-of-fact, it was outside the city limit up on Route 29, which is the main road north-south in those days. There was no Interstate 85. And, family there by the name of Flow, F-L-O-W. ... Mrs. Flow was from Buffalo, New York, and she married this man by the name of Lennox, Lennox Flow, and he was a Spartanburg resident. I don't know how they ever got together, but ... she ran the household. ... They altered their house a little bit, and they actually had three small apartments. So, the three small apartments were occupied by two other guys like me, young officers out at the base, but we were the only ones that had a child. KP: So, in a sense, you experienced several different worlds. You were in the Army, but you understood the civilian world at the same time. JDZ: Yeah, yeah. KP: Do you consider yourself lucky to get an apartment because apartments were very scarce? JDZ: Very, very lucky. Yes, absolutely, we were. And, Mrs. Flow was sort of ... a surrogate mother to ... both of us. My mother came down from Mount Holly at the time our son was born, and stayed for, I think, about three weeks with my wife. ... The people, my wife even speaks to this day about how cordial the nurses were. You know, as you were saying earlier, we didn't have the mobility in those days. Southerners were southerners, northerners were northerners and you didn't have all this flow back and forth. The war came along and, of course, then it started. But, my wife comments that those, the local nurses in the hospital there at Spartanburg were just so obliging, ... so caring. It didn't make any difference where she came from. KP: What other memories do you have of living in Spartanburg, both you and your wife? JDZ: Well, getting out on a Saturday night. [laughter] ... Remember now, you're close to an Army base. So, on a weekend night, you got thousands of guys coming off the base, wanting to get a little bit of a social life, you know, go out, have a couple of beers, or look for some women, you know. ... Anything to get away from the base. ... You quickly learned that if you went downtown, what we called downtown, down in the center of Spartanburg, with your wife on a Saturday night, or, well, more so a Friday, or Saturday night, hell, all you were doing was this. You were saluting. ... Your arm would fall off. I mean, these were new inductees into the service and they were told, "Hey, you see an officer, you salute." [laughter] ... So, your life was, I found, rather private. What we did, socially, was done with the officers and their wives who lived in the apartment, the other apartments where we lived there. We'd get together for, you know, dinner, or play cards, and, usually, they'd come to us, because we had the child. We had the baby. DB: Was there a lot of card playing on the base? JDZ: Well, yes, I imagine. Yeah, I guess so. I'm talking now about card playing back in the apartment. I'm not talking about out on the base, Dave. Did you misunderstand that? DB: No. JDZ: Okay. I'm sure there was a lot of card playing, sure, in the barracks. Oh, Lord, yes. And, gambling. Oh, yeah. KP: You had access to the PX, but your wife was a civilian. Did you experience any of the civilian rationing? JDZ: I rarely used it. I didn't use the PX for much. KP: So, when your wife was at home, you depended on rations? JDZ: She and I would shop weekends and, occasionally, we'd go over to Camp Croft to the PX, but not very often. We'd go into Spartanburg and do our ... KP: Do your shopping? JDZ: ... Basic food shopping, yeah. KP: Was rationing a problem? Is there anything you particularly remember about dealing with coupons? I'd be curious to hear what your wife would have to say. [laughter] JDZ: I'd jump ahead to my story if I told you. Now, I don't want to do that because that comes after the war. Well, you were cognizant that so many things were being rationed. ... Yet, I don't recall that there was anything that I missed from my life that I ... wanted so badly that I couldn't have. Obviously, gasoline was rationed and all I needed, I mean, I had this little, I told you, 1936 Coupe, that I'd had here. Well, I took it to Camp Croft. So, I had a car. That was to go in and out from the apartment out to the base, what, seven or eight miles each way, each day, if I wasn't on a training exercise out there. Then, the car would stay out parked on the base. My wife didn't drive, so she's home. She planted a garden, a vegetable garden. She's a flower woman to begin with. She's got tremendous horticulture knowledge. So, she planted a garden, and, I mean, caring for the baby filled in her time pretty well. [laughter] KP: I could imagine. JDZ: Yeah, but ... there was certainly enough gas to get me back and forth, and ... I mean, there were never any trips to go over to the Smokies some weekend. You just didn't do it. ... You were confined to Spartanburg environments, yeah. The social life, as I say was pretty much right there, ... at the Flow family residence. I remember Mrs. Flow ... she had one son, and he was in the 30th Division, and they were on maneuvers somewhere, and she'd keep us abreast of how ... he was doing. ... I could remember her, you know, saying, "Oh, boy, I hope they don't go overseas, yet," or whatever. Eventually, he got overseas, but, by that time, ... we'd gone. Well, I got orders to go overseas around the 2nd or 3rd of June. We packed up the car and started up Route 29. ... We must have started up Route 29 ... I guess, early in the morning, the 5th of June, and we drove all night. Remember ... what a Coupe ... looks like, ...with a ... space like that in the back of the seats, and had a wicker basket and the baby in the basket, and I remember coming into the outskirts of Washington, DC, and here were newsboys out on the street, selling the newspapers. Normandy invasion. ... Oh, boy, ...finally, it is here. So, we went back to Mount Holly, and ... my wife and the baby stayed with my parents. ... The orders were to go to Fort Meade, Maryland. That was preparatory to going to port of embarkation, which turned out to be Newport News, Virginia. ... When you got to Fort Meade, you had no way of knowing when you were going to go. You just knew you were going to go overseas. It was day by day by day by day. ... As it turned out, I got home each weekend, if I lasted up to a weekend, and the orders didn't come to go overseas. ... KP: You'd go back to Mount Holly. JDZ: Go back to Mount Holly from Fort Meade, Maryland. Actually, I did that twice. And then, ... the order came. Again, each time you'd leave Mount Holly, you'd say, "Hey, I don't know whether I'm going to see you again or not. I mean, this is bye-bye." So, then, we left from Newport News, and went across on an ... Army transport. ... We were part of a convoy. There must have been ... forty, fifty ships in that convoy. ... I had gotten a promotion. I got a promotion from second to first lieutenant about three weeks, as I remember, before I got my orders to go overseas. There were four officers assigned to a cabin, and that was a luxury. If you'd seen the way the enlisted men were packed in the holds, six bunks high. ... God, you got to feel sorry for people who are being packed in there like they were ... sardines. And, they were here, these canvas bunks, ... six high. And, once a day, at least once a day, you were required to go down, and you were assigned, when you got on the ship, you were assigned to a certain number of men down there, to go check on those men at least once every day, to make sure that illness was taken care of, ... they were getting food, and there was a lot of sea-sickness. God, and that made it terrible, because the odor down there in the hold, ... you know how perspiration starts to permeate a room. Well, here's this confined hold and I don't know how many men there were down there, but hundreds and hundreds and hundreds, and each officer had to go down and see about X-number of men. ... I don't know, I think I was responsible for twenty or thirty men. ... A lot of them were sick. I didn't feel so great myself, but we were up there in the lap of luxury, up on the level of the main deck, four to a cabin. ... It was uneventful. You know, you spent your days out leaning against the rail, most of the time, hoping that ... there's not some submarine out there ... and we had destroyer escorts. They'd race around the perimeter of the convoy all the time. KP: So, you had no fear of the submarines? JDZ: ... Fear? Well, I say, oh, yeah, we had some apprehension about submarines. KP: But, you never had any real contact? JDZ: No, no. ... The convoys were composed of small Liberty ships. I mean, the only big ships that were fast enough that could outrun a submarine were the one's who went by themselves, in those days. Everything else was in convoy. A lot of Liberty ships. I came back on a Liberty ship. ... Took us fourteen days to get from Newport News over to ... Naples. KP: You were sent to Italy. What did you think the fighting would be like before you got over there? What were your thoughts of being sent over to Italy as a replacement? Did you have any thoughts at the time? JDZ: Well, I knew it was mountains. I knew it was one mountain after another. ... I didn't particularly care for that. I mean, I knew that was going to be tough. Not that it turns out to be any tougher than fighting ... through hedgerows. Maybe it was not tougher. ... I knew it wasn't going to be a picnic. KP: Would you have preferred to go to France? JDZ: No, not in retrospect, no. ... I had apprehensions. I had concerns about how it would be to get into a rifle company where there'd already been experience. Obviously, you're moving in as a replacement. How are you going to conduct yourself? ... Who's going to continue to give the orders here? ... Anyway, I wound up going to ... they had, in Italy, a huge replacement depot. It was called the Dairy Farm. It was Count Ciano, who was Mussolini's son-in-law, and, this was south of Naples, and it was a huge complex. This was where ... everybody who went to Italy, as a replacement, funneled through the Dairy Farm. You reported in, I mean, there was transport right at the dock at Naples, you know, to take you to the Dairy Farm. And then, from the Dairy Farm, ... you were assigned to a large tent with a bunch of other guys, and you stayed there until the order came for you to go north and join some outfit. So, yeah, everybody felt a great deal of apprehension. "Where am I going? Who am I going to be with?" ... You knew the conduct of the war. At that stage, Rome had been taken. Rome was taken the same day as the Normandy landing, June 6. They finally got to Rome. And then, the Germans had retreated to ... not a strong line, but another line south of Florence. And, I joined, it was fortunate in retrospect, ... the 88th Division, at a time, when the activity was kind of light. They knew that the Gothic Line existed between Florence and Bologna, which is a distance of, what, forty miles? And that's where the next German strong line of resistance was, the Gothic Line. You know, they'd already penetrated how many lines in Germany, up to that point, three or four? Kesselring ... was a master in setting up. It's probably hard to appreciate how very few men could hold up a whole battalion, when you've got the advantage of height, when you're on top of a mountain, and you're looking down. ... You see, your whole element of surprise, first of all, is taken from you. You got to depend upon night attack, ... usually, if you're going to be successful, all other things being equal. It didn't take much, by way of German resistance, to hold up, you know, for hours or for days, you know, depending on the situation. They had the whole element of ... advantage on their side, in terms of where they were placed, ... a number of strong points across the entire Italian Peninsula. So, anyway, I felt, if I get to an outfit, I'll ... try to be a decent ... officer and take it sort of easy, depending on whatever situation I meet. Well, I got assigned to the 88th Division. I report to division headquarters, and then, I wait a couple of hours, and they send me to the Second Battalion headquarters. Now, I told you, there's not a lot of activity at that point. They were in a static position. We were ... probably thirty miles or so south of the Arno River, south of Florence, which is on the Arno. ... The activity was quiet. ... From the Second Battalion, then they sent me over to E Company. E Company was led by, at that point, Captain Harwood. He was a Hoosier from Indiana. Kind of a gruff guy, maybe three or four years older than I. He was a guy in his twenties and, hell, I'm only, what, twenty-two? ... He says, "Okay, I'm going to assign you to the first platoon, rifle platoon. ... They haven't had an officer for some time." I don't know what he told me, a matter of weeks, ... probably the better part of, maybe, a month or so. ... He said, "They got a tech sergeant who is a hell of a soldier." ... "As a matter-of-fact," he says, "he's in for the DSC, Distinguished Service Cross," which he subsequently got for some sort of action ... previous to this. And, he was a young guy. He was of Ukrainian descent by birth. ... So, I think what Harwood was trying to tell me was, "Hey, I'm going to put you in there. You're inexperienced. You go over there and, you know, don't try to be the head honcho right off the bat. ... Just learn a little bit from this guy." I could remember going over and joining him. The sergeant had the platoon headquarters and it was a wee, small town. There must of been, oh, I don't know, a typical little Italian village, you know, with a bunch of connected, like, row houses, and ... one of these houses was platoon headquarters. And, I went in, introduced myself, and the sergeant was there with a runner. ... So, we started to talk. ... I'm not sure his acceptance was all that positive of me. And, I don't blame him. But, as I think about it, you know, ... he didn't sit back and say, "What the hell are you doing here?" But, ... he probably had thoughts in his mind, "Well, why is the company commander sending this guy to me? I mean, we've been doing fine. We're getting along all right." ... The platoon wasn't up to strength. There wasn't any platoon up to strength. You know, instead of having forty guys in the rifle platoon, there were probably, maybe, thirty. ... So, we chatted a little bit, and I asked him, "Well, ... where's the platoon? What's the situation? Give me the picture of what the situation is, because we're not pushing. We're in a static position." Well, he takes me out and we go around in back of these houses. ... There's a little sporadic rifle and machine-gun fire off in the distance some place. And, running out from the back of this little village was a sort of a spur ... more like a peninsula of woods. ... He said, "What we do at night, ... right after dark, ... I've been sending a reinforced rifle squad out there." He said, "Reinforced to the tune of another BAR." That's a Browning Automatic Rifle. Each rifle squad has a Browning Automatic Rifle. ... He'd put two BARs in the same reinforced; that's why he called it reinforced squad. I don't know, there must of been maybe twelve, thirteen guys. ... He says, "That's really all. We go out there and we stay all night, just in case of patrol activity, and then, right before day break, ... pull them back." So, that was my introduction, and that was a good introduction, because it was not in the midst of some hectic, loud, active battle going on. We stayed there, I guess, ... a week or so. And then, we moved again and the movement, again, was not anything fierce. ... As I said, the Germans were in retreat and they were going back to the next line, the Gothic Line, which was up there about twelve miles above Florence. So, it was a good introduction. ... They pulled us out of the line, pulled our division out of the line, and sent us over to just outside of Pisa, the Leaning Tower, and we stayed there and we trained. We were off-line now and there was very little going on, in terms of actual combat. The 88th Division was out of the line and every other day you got the chance to go over to the south end of Leghorn, Livorno, and swim in the Mediterranean. This was during the hot summer of 1944. Livorno Harbor had been literally, totally destroyed. You couldn't get any kind of a vessel in there. ... A lot of these seaside villas ... lovely homes that the Italians had ... lived in, I guess, during the summer months, ... like we would go to a seashore resort here. ... Of course, they were gone. There were no civilians around at that point. So, we go over and ... go into one of these seaside houses, or two, or take as many as you want, and take off all your clothes and go out and swim in the Mediterranean for an hour or so. That was recreation if you weren't training. Otherwise, we were having platoon and company training. And then, you had a little time off. I remember going into Pisa and spending a day. KP: One of the things I have talked about with people, and other scholars who have studied this, was that it was very hard for replacements to form bonds. JDZ: Right, right. KP: Being rotated off the line, did this help you, and other replacements, adjust and mesh with the unit? JDZ: Yes, yes, no question about it. ... I mean, like you, I have read so many instances of replacements being tossed in. I don't know whether you saw, just this past week, I know our PBS Channel showed the Battle of the Bulge ... KP: No, but I've heard that from people I've interviewed. JDZ: ... And, he was talking about replacements just being thrown in and they don't even know ... the name of the guy, and then, assigned to a platoon, and the next thing you know, they're KIA. And then, the platoon sergeant doesn't even know their name, or remember their name. No, ... it was very fortunate in that regard, very, because of the, really, quiet kind of activity. But, we knew, ... of course, that we were getting ready to prepare for the Gothic Line, and that was not going ... to be a simple situation. And then, you wondered, "Jeez, well, the Germans have already pulled back out of Florence and they haven't destroyed the city. I know we had some thoughts, a little bit earlier, "My God, are the Germans were going to blow all the bridges over the Arno, and are they going to destroy the marvelous ... art treasures," and that kind of thing in Florence, which they did not, thank God. So, they pulled into their line, the Gothic Line, and it was quiet, as far as our division was concerned, and as far as most of the divisions. The activity, then, ... it just stayed quiet, until about September. ... The 88th Division was held in reserve. When September rolled around, in the first effort, the 85th, the 91st, and the 34th were all going to make first, with the 88th Division in reserve. And then, the 88th, ... wherever one of those three divisions could make a real penetration, the 88th was going to funnel in and attempt to follow up. So, we got involved about ... September 15, or so, and it ... just got progressively tougher as we moved through the forward division. The division we moved through was the 85th, and they had already taken some ... of the primary hills. You know, all the mountains are named in Italy, and they had already taken a couple of theirs, but they had not ... taken the objective in some others, so, bingo, in we come. And, it just got tougher and tougher. After only a week, or ten days, or so, the company commander ... ordered me to take the weapons platoon. "Leave the rifle platoon and take the weapons platoon." Now, our company strength, at that point, was probably two-thirds of what a company should be. Remember, ... the Italian Campaign was ... supposed to be a holding campaign. And, in September, that same September where we were making our effort now, you see, the Seventh Army had gone into southern France under General Patch, and they were moving from southern France up ... we'll call it kind of a flanking kind of move. ... ------------------------------------------END TAPE TWO SIDE ONE------------------------------------------ KP: ... You were saying that you were transferred out of this platoon. JDZ: From rifle platoon to weapons platoon. Now, I've got a section of machine guns and three 60mm mortars. ... How do you say it, you know? Instead of guys carrying rifles, you got men carrying either pistols or carbines, but there you got three squads, you get three mortars in that section, and you've got ... two light, air-cooled machine guns. It was a good bunch. I mean they were ... great guys. Again, they were experienced and they had good sergeants. As a matter-of-fact, ... almost the whole mortar section were Indians from Arizona ... and New Mexico. How they ever got that kind of alignment, I have no idea. KP: They were congregated into this platoon. JDZ: They were congregated into a weapons platoon, and then, ... the mortar section. KP: Did they speak any Native American languages? JDZ: Native? KP: Yeah, did they speak any Indian languages at all? JDZ: Yeah, to some extent they did. Now, there was a sprinkling of other Indians ... through the company. Yes, because, we have a sergeant by the name of Benevides who was from ... somewhere in Arizona. He was a tech sergeant. He was a platoon sergeant and he was a good one. But, if we ever got back off-line, he would go out and get drunk like you wouldn't believe, and they'd have to haul him back. I mean he couldn't move. He'd get ossified. And, they'd bring him back and they'd reduce him in rank. Boom, you're a private, right off the bat. And, in short order, once he sobered up, and another few days had gone by, hell, he's back to platoon sergeant again. ... That's fact. He was a hell of a soldier, but he'd get a hold of some local vino and he'd just go until it was gone, gone, gone. ... So, I had this weapons platoon and that was an entirely different kind of situation, because you're in a position. ... Where do you place the machine guns? Where do you put the mortars? ... You're getting orders. Obviously, if the company commander calls the platoon leaders together, you know what your objective is and you ... try to reach it in the best way possible. But, I can't impress upon you too much how easy it was for just a few enemy troops, in the right positions, to hold us up. ... We frequently would have a whole company column. Now, a company column, that's one guy following one another. That's the least effective kind of maneuver. That isn't a maneuver. ... You had no choice, because, if you ... tried to make a broad front and moved people this way, ... you tried to ride the ridge line and not have people down in the valleys, down in the ravines, because, boy, the Germans were excellent with their mortars. They were devastating and they'd mortar you to tears. It was bad enough riding the ridge lines, but, at least, you had more elevation here than you would have down in the ... ravine of the valley. So, you tried to ride those and we ... finally, on a very, very foggy day, foggy, light rain day, we took an ... important terrain feature, by surprise. The Germans ... were there but they didn't expect us in the numbers we got up there. ... I can see our regimental commander that day coming up the hill ... and saying, you know, in effect, "Come on, keep moving, keep moving," because it was a surprise. ... Mount Battaglia was the name of this dominant terrain feature, and Battaglia was within eight miles of the Po Valley. Now, remember our objective was the Po Valley. Our objective was to win the war, get it over with, obviously, but the Po Valley gave you this tremendous respite from mountain, mountain, mountain. The Po Valley was twenty-five, thirty miles wide north-south, before you hit the Dolomites, and then, ... eventually the Alps. ... We got within eight miles, and we got on this Mount Battaglia, and, ... by now, I'm company exec of E Company. ... Again, we only had, at that point, ... four officers in the company. We had company commander, company exec, and two platoon leaders, so we were missing one rifle platoon leader and one weapons platoon leader. So, I was company exec. ... We got up on Mount Battaglia, "G" Company was in the lead. They were right up. Well, you'd have to see a picture. But, it was more ... like a ridge line, but a very prominent ridge line. And, at the very, very top was the remnants of an old castle. That castle had been there from way back, let's say, about the twelfth century, and just remnants of it. And, G Company, they got up there at the very, very top. I'm company exec of E Company. You know, your battalions made up, Second Battalion, your companies are E, F, and G, and then, H, heavy weapons company. Each battalion has a heavy weapons company. ... You get three rifle companies and a heavy weapons company. Well, I'm company exec of E and we were not at the very top, we were down to their right about, oh, four hundred, six hundred yards, spread out, and then, of course, dug in. ... Well, we were there for seven days, and in the seven days, we lost two-thirds of our battalion. ... Mostly mortar fire, artillery, and you just had to hold it, that's all. And, we did, but the poor devils in G Company, they had the toughest time. ... I lost a very, very good friend, as a matter-of-fact. I had gone to Rome. I had one pass while I was over there, and I had gone to Rome on pass, and he and I wound up rooming with each other. He was regular Army. He's a guy that had gone into the service about 1938. He was from a little place, Orwigsburg, Pennsylvania His name was Roeder, Bob Roeder, R-O-E-D-E-R, German. ... He was company commander of G Company, he was killed up there at the castle. ... He got the Congressional Medal of Honor. We only had two Congressional Medals of Honor in the 88th Division, and he was one of the two. But, we spent a week there. ... KP: Is that your most vivid memory of it? JDZ: That was a nasty, nasty week. ... One of the most, yeah, because you couldn't move. ... We all dug foxholes, and the foxholes couldn't be deep enough. ... It was ... wet snow and rain, and the foxholes would fill up ... with water. We had a lot of people in Italy that got trenchfoot. A lot of them ... had to be sent back with trenchfoot. ... For seven days, the Germans knew that they had no business losing that dominant terrain feature, and they tried to get it back. ... They had trouble supplying us. We went through a period, ... not that it was terrible, but we didn't get any food up for, like, thirty-six hours. All your supplies, in that situation, you know, came up by mules. ... They selected guys out of a division, and they'd become mule-skinners. And, they would handle ... big burros, that's what they were. ... All of the supplies, your ammunition, your food, all had to come that way. ... It was usually done at night, for obvious reasons, where you couldn't be seen. The Germans ... were so accurate with their mortar fire, and they knew, for example, to get up to this very top of Mount Battaglia, where G Company was, and we were down just a little bit lower, ... you had to go through an expanse of about two hundred fifty yards that was wide open. In daytime, it was just totally open, and, boy, the Germans, they'd keep that mortared sporadically, twenty-four hours a day. You know, they'd throw in two or three shells, and then, there might not be another shell for twenty-eight minutes. And then, they'd throw in two or three more, and it went on ... all the time. Well, these guys come up with the mules, or any men coming up there, you know, they'd get up across there as fast as they could, and you had a lot of situations like that in the mountains. But, anyway, after seven days of that, before ... we were finally relieved, they had to bring up another battalion from our regiment. We lost so many men on the hill. KP: What was it like to lose so many men at one time? What was that experience like? JDZ: Well, G Company lost a disproportional larger amount than we lost in E Company, because they were, as I say, at the very, very crown of this hill. We weren't getting many replacements. They were going into the Seventh Army in Southern France. We didn't get replacements, very, very few. So, the unit strength got lower, and lower, and lower. And, the morale started to dip, and ... it was difficult to move around during the daytime. It was very difficult, and, if you did move, you moved fast. There were no ... out-buildings to afford any protection right in that particular area. You'd move from your foxhole, maybe, to the next foxhole, check on how they were doing there, move to the next one, or yell over, ... "You guys all right? Everything okay? You got ammo?" ... But, at night, you could get up and be little bit freer to move, but, meanwhile, you're getting sporadic fire. And then, ... some of the units ran out of ammunition, and ... the burros didn't get up to where we were. ... Hell, they were throwing big pieces of rock down. The Germans would attack and throw rock at them. ... Anything to keep them from getting up the hill. ... After that another battalion from our regiment was committed, ... we were pulled back. We were pulled off-line for a couple of days. ... At that point, we did get a couple of replacements. I say a couple. I can't tell you how many we ... got. We built up platoons maybe by eight or ten guys, but we were never up to full company strength, never. KP: Never in your time? JDZ: No, never. ... About ... third week in October, thereabouts, we went into the attack, and I'm still company exec of E Company. G Company was on our left, F in reserve, and we were attacking ... it was open, ... it was rock-strewn, but ... there weren't trees. It was, like, two hills, two small hills, but no trees for cover, just rock, where there was rock. We got our hill, we were on the right, and E Company, we got up and got our hill. We took some casualties, but we got our objective. G Company, you could watch over there, and ... they were getting mortared to tears, and you knew they were taking ... you know, at a distance, it's hard to tell, ... maybe four to six hundred yards away, what's really going on. You know, that's something in infantry, ... it is so hard to communicate, it is so hard to control. ... You know what's going on right in your immediate area, but to know what's going on four hundred yards away is impossible. But, we could tell that they were getting a lot of mortar fire, which said to us, "They're taking casualties." So, ... about late afternoon, it was light, this is ... October, maybe four o'clock or so, ... a runner comes up and says, "Colonel Williamson wants you to take command of G Company." Well, I can only tell you, ... it wasn't a happy thought, in my mind. I mean, I knew some of the guys in G Company. In the battalion, you got to know people from other companies. But, I thought, "God knows what I'm going to see when I get over there." So, the runner's name was Byrd. He was from West Virginia, too. I remember him well, he was a good kid. ... He said, "And, the Colonel wants me to lead you over there." So, we got down off the crest, or I thought it was off the crest of the hill, and we get about half way over to, and this is only, you know, a couple hundred of yards, they were only over there four or six hundred yards. And then, the damn machine gun start popping right around our heads. You know, I don't know whether you've had the experience, ... but, when you're in the rifle pits ... learning about fire, ... when they're close, ... they pop right over your head. And, here I am. Foolishly, I've got enough of myself exposed. The runner's ahead of me, and he and I are running, ... a trot, and damn, ... I foolishly was up just a little too high, and some German had spotted me, and he was popping them, and they were popping right over my head, the machine gun fire. I remember I saw it and I thought, "You damn fool. How dumb can I be?" And, I get down off of the slope, you know, so you're not creating a silhouette, got over to the G Company. And, I don't know, I think some days it was the worse day of my life. I hope you don't think that I'm playing. KP: No, of course not. JDZ: I knew ... the company commander was Ed Maher. He was first lieutenant. He had the company, and, again, the company was not up to strength. He's dead, he's laying on the hill. The company exec, they had a company exec by the name of Dykers. He was wounded. He was ... shot in the ankle, and he was going to be sent back. What was there of the weapons platoon, the mortar section ... well, first of all, I'm getting ahead of myself. I found whoever was leading the company, and it turned out to be a platoon sergeant by the name of Barone. He was from north Jersey. Now, he'd been with the 88th Division from, initially, ... KP: From training? JDZ: At Minturno. Yeah, ... when the first elements went in, in southern Italy, in February. So, he'd been with them February, this is October. So, I found out, you know, who was in command of the company, because the officers were ... one dead, one wounded, that's the only two they had. And, Barone's in a, I don't know if you know what a slit trench is, but a slit trench is enough that you can lay down in it, you know. It's not as deep as a foxhole, ... you could stand up in, but a slit trench, anything ... enough to ... afford you some protection. He's got a slit trench, and there's a lot of rocks, shale, in this area. It's a bitch to dig in. But, anyway, I found him, and said, ... "What the hell's the situation? ... Where are the machine guns from your weapons platoon?" So, he points to where the machine guns are. Hell, the ... gunners were both dead on each machine gun. The mortar squad, mortar section, three mortars, of course, they're in back, you know. You fire mortars from defilades somewhere. Well, they were ... in the back and they weren't firing, and there was still sporadic mortar fire coming in. So, I'm laying in this same slit trench with Barone, ... trying to size up the situation, "Where the automatic weapons were, and how many able men do you think there are," and so forth and so on. ... I was with him, I don't know, half-an-hour, maybe, and all of a sudden, he gets over and he starts to beat on the ground, beats table like that, and ... I knew, right off the bat, he was off his rocker. ... He kept saying, "I can't take it anymore. I can't take it anymore. I can't take it anymore." ... The company headquarters, all that consisted of the company headquarters, we had ... the communications sergeant and a runner, two of them. ... Anyway, I used that runner and I sent him back with Barone. I said, ... "He's of no use to me, at this point." So, he went back, and I get up, and, eventually, got ... riflemen put onto the machine guns. ... We got through the night all right. I mean, if the Germans had decided to ... counterattack, ... they'd have overrun us so easily, it would have been an easy game. But, they didn't. KP: What happened to the sergeant? JDZ: He wound up in a military police outfit. We bumped into him ... when we got to Naples to come back to the States, the word got around that Barone was in a MP outfit, and we got to see him. And, he was straightened out, but I'm sure, like everybody, everybody's got a breaking point, at some point. ... Well, anyway, ... the whole offensive, by November 10th or 15th, we were unable to reach the Po Valley; nobody could get to the Po Valley. On a clear day, we could see the Po Valley, and we had maybe one clear day out of a week, and you could actually look into the Po Valley from where we were. Now, this was not Mount Battaglia. I mean, ... we'd been pulled off-line and, you know, another area, and there were a lot of things that happened in-between. ... Our division fought on the east flank of the Fifth Army, most of the time, which meant that we had British Eighth Army on our immediate right. When we took Mount Battaglia, we were five thousand yards ahead of the British Tenth Army on our right. Not Tenth Army, British Eighth Army. ... You know, we kind of shared ... the American Fifth Army occupied about five-eighths to two-thirds of the peninsula, and then, ... the British Eighth Army from the Adriatic into contact with us. And, there were times when we were relieved ... by the Coldstream Guards, a British outfit. They relieved us on one occasion, we relieved them on occasion. ... One happy situation I will never forget. The word got around that the British were going to relieve us on the front. We were on Mount Grande. ... I was company commander, and we'd made our CP, command post, down off the ... crest of the hill, maybe thirty, forty yards, and we piled up stones, yea high, and we made an enclosure. ... That was our CP there. There were no houses, no farm houses, in that area, none of that, and we stretched tarps over top to give us protection from the elements, and this British company commander came up. ... Every British company commander I ever ran into, they all have what they called a batman. The batman ... was an enlisted man who carried their duffel. This was the way that ... the British got their reputation. Pardon. DB: Like a caddie? JDZ: Yes, like a caddie, exactly. Well, he came up anyway ... in the afternoon sometime, and the word was that we were going to move out late that night, and they were going to move in, which meant that I had to show him our positions. Well, I did that and that went off, and things were pretty quiet, and we went back. And then, the order got countermanded and it was to be delayed twenty-four hours. They weren't going to come up ... his company exec, second in command, was going to bring the company up. So, instead, he spent the night with us. And, we never had tea, I like tea, and they got a ration of tea. ... We sat there that night, in the CP, into the wee hours of the morning, the command group. You know, myself, and I didn't have a company exec. I only had one ... other officer at that point. There were ... probably six, eight enlisted men in there, all sitting around in the CP. ... He pulls out his tea. He's going to stay over-night now. He's decided, instead of him going back, he'd stay there. So, he stayed there and we're telling stories back and forth, and joking, and ... having a ball. ... He pulls out his bag of tea. He had one of these cloth bags, big cloth bag of tea. We ... boiled hot water, you know, and had the tea. All we had was coffee. We never had access to tea. So, ... the tea was a nice break. [laughter] ... I swear, we must have ... cut his bag in half before the night was over. But, that sticks in my memory. ... There are so many ... funny things that can happen. We were on the outskirts of Bologna. This was the last push now. In other words, we spent the whole winter in the mountains. I'm getting ahead of myself. Let me just tell you, in a nutshell, I started to suffer a lot of diarrhea, middle November, thereabouts, and I had a standing order with our supply sergeant to always send up long johns for me. I mean, I had diarrhea and I had it bad. And, I was not alone. There were others. Anyway, come Christmas Eve '44, I had yellow jaundice and hepatitis, and there were a lot of yellow jaundice hepatitis patients in Italy, a lot of them, matter-of-fact. So, I got sent to the rear, ambulance to Florence, and then, the C-47 hospital plane back to Naples, 300th General Hospital. So, that's how I spent Christmas Day of 1944, in a hospital plane. I get back to the 300th General Hospital, and the whole hospital is full of yellow jaundice, hepatitis patients in Naples. Spent six or seven weeks in the hospital, and then, you were sent out to a conditioning company, to get ... your legs back in shape, get you in condition again where you could act like an infantryman, after being in the hospital. We spent two weeks in the conditioning company, hiking, you know, for the most part, that kind of thing to build up ... your strength. And then, I got sent back up to the unit. Well, I wasn't sent in as a company commander. ... I'm still a first lieutenant, but I went back and took over what they call the intelligence and reconnaissance platoon. Every battalion has an I&R platoon. So, I took over that platoon. And then, ... from November 15th, roughly, until the spring push started, we were still in the mountains south of Bologna. ... When the final push started in the spring, ... April 3rd, I think, was the date we left the line of departure. ... Our battalion had to go up a gradual slope. ... Monterumici was the name of the mountain on one side, Mount Adone was the name of the other one, but there was a saddle in-between these two. ... It was probably one thousand yards from the line of departure, where your attack started, up to the saddle, and that was a tough thousand yards. There was one old farmhouse, ... all farmhouses over there were stone, ... in there and, of course, the Germans had all winter now to dig in, prepare. I mean, ... when we finally broke through in three days, they had rooms in there, I tell you, ... not unlike this room, dug into the reverse slope of the mountain. It's almost unbelievable, but that's the way and they were living pretty good. But, we had a hard job, getting up that thousand yards of saddle. One of the things the Germans did, ... in that situation, they have what's called a Schu, S-C-H-U, mine, and they looked like a small cigar box. ... When we left the line of departure, there was a lot of sort of sandy area, and they would plant, during the winter, ... these mines. You had a quarter of a pound of explosive in the mine, and the mine would get buried so that just the tip, like a top of a box, not closed, ... just barely sticking out the surface ... of the softer sand. And, all you had to do to trigger that, you know, you hit that box, the lid goes down, and a quarter of a pound of explosives goes off, and it knocks off your foot, or it knocks off the front of your foot. ... We had eleven guys, I think in the first twenty minutes, ... in the battalion, step on Schu mines and lose ... parts of feet. Fortunately, ... we were able to get some of them into ... this farmhouse that was there on that slope, moved them into the basement on the south-side. ... We got up there, ... we got there, and it was rather quick, and from that point on, ... now the hills are getting smaller, down into Bologna, and the Germans are in total retreat. Now, see, this is the spring of '45. The war's only got to go until May 7th or 8th, and it's over. ... KP: It must have seemed like a very strange war to you for someone who was used to taking a few hundred yards at a time. JDZ: That's right. Well, it was. It was so strange. ... First of all, we thought it was going to be a big problem getting across the Po River. Well, it wasn't a problem. Why the Germans didn't blow the bridges over the Po River? Not in our area of advance. KP: Oh, they didn't? JDZ: I've never read about speculation on why they didn't, but they didn't, and, as a result, we got across in a hurry. Now, you've got ... five infantry divisions in Fifth Army getting across the Po River, in the valley, and starting to sweep out, fan out, as fast as we could go. ... They brought the two and half ton trucks up, and they'd transport a platoon and a half, let's say, at a time, and they'd move them ahead, up the road, ... eight to ten miles, rushed the truck back, put another forty guys on, rush them up. Now, the Germans are in total, total chaos. I mean, they're trying to get back into ... Germany, or into Switzerland, anyway they could. I had a funny experience. ... So, they leap-frogged us like that and we had a situation where, one night, somewhere there in late April, ... we're in a convoy and it's a miserable night. It's raining, pouring rain, and so forth, and ... our truck convoy stops and German SS troops came in and grabbed a whole truck-load of guys, took them prisoner out of their truck, and nobody else in the convoy knew it. It actually happened. And, these ... men from our outfit, our battalion, were prisoners for a matter of, maybe, seven, eight days. And, by that time, the Germans let them go, because the war was ... almost over. But, they got back, and, oh, they were so grateful, because they were afraid SS troops were going to do them in. But, ... it was an interesting time. We got to a place, I remember a little town, Cavalese. Now, you're getting up into the Dolomites, and we get into this ... pretty, little mountain town, and there was a trout stream, ran down through the town. ... We had a sergeant by the name of LaFortune. He was a college guy and he and I would talk about fishing, once in a while. ... We knew we were going to be in there, ... in this little town, at least twenty-four hours, and it was just a beautiful mountain town with a trout stream. ... He comes and he says to me, "Hey, ... let's go trout fishing." "Damn, that sounds good to me. We'll go trout fishing." ... Scrounge up a couple of rods, well, we did. ... We went down, and we are fishing in this stream. I had my ... .45 caliber pistol with me. He didn't have any arm at that point. ... I mean, the war's almost over. ... Here's the stream and here's a mountain that goes up south of the stream, and I hear this crashing, like people coming down. ... You couldn't help but hear them coming down through the underbrush. My God, they come out, they were surprised as we were. Two German soldiers with ... the helmets slung on the muzzle of their rifles ... God knows where they came from. Their unit was in total disorder, ... and, again, they were trying to get back to Germany, one way or another. Well, ... I saw these guys, and down goes the rod, ... whipped the pistol out, and they saw us, you know, and, boy, the hands went up. [laughter] They were very happy, absolutely. ... We took them up to turn them over to the people who had the POW cage. The POW cage wasn't in that town. I don't know where it was, but we turned them over, 'cause we were taking a lot of prisoners at that point. KP: Was that your first encounter with taking someone prisoner, or had you taken someone prisoner before? JDZ: No, we'd taken prisoners before. ... As a matter-of-fact, the 88th Division took more prisoners than any other division over there in Italy, ... from the period that they were in combat, from February of '44 until May of '45. There was a lot of strong feeling about taking prisoners on the part of some people. I mean, there were Americans who would just as soon have killed them, you know because rumors would come back to us, I don't know. ... The kind of carnage that goes on is hard to reckon with sometimes. And, there were lots of stories, ... you know, you turn four prisoners over to ... someone had to accompany them back to the rear, and some of these guys said, "The hell with them. I'll take them down the hill and I'll shoot them." ... I can't attest that that was done. I never saw that done, and I wouldn't have done that myself. I just didn't have that kind of feeling. KP: But, you mention that your division had a strong feeling about taking prisoners. Why? JDZ: I have no idea. KP: I know people have said some units would kill their prisoners. JDZ: No, ... I can't read anything into that, no. Just fact. We took a lot of prisoners. DB: Was there a point in time that you sensed that the German morale was declining, or that their fighting was becoming less intense? JDZ: We knew that their numbers were becoming fewer and fewer. ... We were, supposedly, opposing, at one point, twenty-two German divisions. Well, hell, there wasn't a German division in Italy up to anything like full strength. They were lucky if they were at 40% full strength. So, you knew. They were trying to fight a war on the Eastern Front, war on the Western Front, and just trying to hold what they could, for as long as they could, in Italy. So, they were opposing tremendous numbers of people. DB: What about the Italians? What were their general attitudes or reactions to you, as well as the Germans? JDZ: Well, ... first of all, you saw damn few civilians. When you're fighting, the civilians are gone. They've retreated to a cave somewhere, or they've gone to the rear, and, of course, this is agricultural country, farmers. ... Interesting you should ask that, because I can remember we had a lot of kids in our outfit who could speak Italian. We had a lot of boys of Italian extraction. ... One of the enlisted men came up to me one day, he said, "I got a farmer back here, wants to talk to you." So, he brings him up, and I said, "Well, talk to him, what does he want?" So, he gets done this conversation, he says, "Lieutenant, ... you see that farmhouse over there, out there, oh, a half-mile or so? ... That's his home, he wants to go there." I said, "Tell him there are Germans in that farmhouse. We know damn well there are Germans in that farmhouse. Tell him, make sure he understands that." Well, that guy, he was reluctant to believe it. I mean, you could tell by his actions. ... What you had to watch for ... situations like where your front was not moving very fast. You'd get into a static position for a day, or two, or three. You had to watch the people like that weren't being funneled into your lines by the Germans, simply to learn more about your positions, and so forth. We knew this guy, there was not a Chinaman's chance in hell that he was going to be allowed to go up there to his farm. I mean, we could care less where his farm was, at that point. That didn't mean diddly-squat to us. But, you had situations like that. KP: You had a very strange experience, not unique to you, but, you were on the line, with combat that went on forever, and then, you were yanked out and sent to a nice hospital with clean sheets. What was that like? JDZ: Oh, God, that was like seventh heaven, even though I had yellow jaundice and hepatitis. ... I was in a room with two other guys in the hospital, and one of them, by the name of Peterson, I will never forget, because he was a Swede. The 34th Division, his outfit, had more combat time than any other division in any theater in World War II. They went into North Africa, the Red Bull Division. Now, they were National Guard from ... I think, North and South Dakota and Iowa, and ... he was being rotated. He was one of only two guys out of his original rifle company left, and he was being rotated, and he got back as far as his division CP, and he came down with yellow jaundice. ... He was one of the two guys. ... He had ... four hundred thirty-five days of on-line in combat. I thought, "Oh, my God." ... The rest of us were happy, but he wasn't happy, because he was being rotated. He wanted ... to get home. The rest of us were happy to be in those clean sheets. Oh, yeah. ... I could remember three guys came into the room almost every night to play cards, and we called them the Doughnut Brigade. These guys, while they were back there with yellow jaundice and hepatitis and recuperating, they'd had hemorrhoid problems, and they decided to have, if they could get it done, ... hemorrhoideftomies. And, we called them the Doughnut Brigade. I could see those three guys coming out of the room almost every night. ... Anything to, hey, prolong staying there. But, I was sitting there, it was six or seven weeks, and then, back up, as I said, to the conditioning, re-conditioning company. ... You were meeting guys in the hospital, you know, from every unit, share your experiences. I had one hundred forty-nine days on-line, and, fortunately, did not get hit. KP: But, you had a lot of close calls, it sounds like. JDZ: I don't know that I had a lot. ... I know of a couple that I had. KP: But, you were definitely in harm's way. JDZ: ... I thank my lucky stars with this guy Sgt. Barone and the slit trench, because we happened to be down at the time, and there was a mortar round came in. And, as true as I sit here, it landed about that far from the slit trench. Oh, God, what a roar, and, you know, throwing rocks on you and everything. But, fortunately, we were down. I think, had my head been up, or any part of my body been up above the surface of the ground, it would have been hit. KP: How scared were you in combat? JDZ: Oh, hell, now you sound like the doctor. You sound exactly like the doctor. You get to the hospital ... KP: And then, you were asked that? JDZ: And, the next day, yes, he comes around, and he's got his clipboard, and he doesn't say, "How scared?" he says, "Were you scared in combat?" "No, I'm a goddamned fool. I wasn't scared in combat, not a bit." Are you crazy? ... That's fact, believe me. [laughter] KP: The reason that I find it interesting for officers is that you have to lead these men, and, while a private could be more scared, he is really responsible for himself. You have to create this example for your men. How did you feel about that? JDZ: It felt very inadequate at times. Very inadequate. ... "Does my fear show through to these guys?" Come on, let's be honest. We all, we're in this situation together. "What do you feel?" "Well, I feel the same thing." ... KP: You mentioned one case of battle fatigue. Had you encountered other men in your units that could not make it? JDZ: ... Occasionally, we'd have something like that. None of them as stark as the situation where I was taking over a company, and the one guy in command was beating the ground, and just absolutely ... temporarily, certainly, out of his mind. He just ... reached it. Occasionally, we had it, but not really very many. Now, there were a lot of ... desertions in Italy. There were acknowledged desertions. Had a lot of ... guys of Italian extraction, and I don't mean to point to them and say, "Well, they were anymore ... vulnerable to that kind of thing," but there were some. KP: Did you have men from your unit go AWOL? JDZ: We had a couple of guys, yeah, just disappeared. DB: Where would they go? JDZ: ... Get off the uniform and fit into the ... populace as fast as you could, sure. You know, a lot of ... these guys, you know, in talking to them, you find out that ... their parents had come to this country, so they were new, in the sense that I'd call them, you know, first generation in America. They were first generation immigrants. ... You'd be surprised. I mean, you'd be in a certain area, you're talking about a certain town, and one of your men would pipe up and say, "Hey, my uncle's from ... there." I was grateful for the number of Italians we had in our unit. I know the 88th Division, when it was formed, came primarily from New England and the middle Atlantic states. -------------------------------------------END SIDE TWO TAPE TWO----------------------------------------- KP: This continues an interview with J. Domer Zerbe on November 16, 1994 at Rutgers University with Kurt Piehler ... DB: and David Brown. KP: I guess I want you to repeat that story. JDZ: Well, the story you're talking about, this was during the last push in the spring. ... We broke out of the mountains, we're in the south-side of Bologna, and we're stopped momentarily, for some reason or other, and I'm in this nice suburban house with a runner, and our battalion artillery liaison officer, Captain Cohen, and his radioman. ... A mortar round came in and hit the tile roof, and it makes quite ... a clatter. ... The radioman, very nonchalantly says to Captain Cohen, "Did you hear that, Captain?" ... Cohen turns to him indignantly and says to him "Did I hear it? Do you think I am deaf, you dumb son-of-a-bitch?" [laughter] Another thing I remember, south-side, ... now, this is war, and this may sound totally incongruous to you, but it happened. Our battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Yongue, comes walking down the road, in Bologna, with a bicycle, a brand new bicycle. Turns out that they got into one of these suburban homes and here was this lovely bicycle, and he was bound and determined that he was going to get that bicycle to the supply sergeant. You see, your supply sergeant was never up front with the company. He was going to get that to the supply sergeant, and get it sent home. I don't ever know if he got it sent home or not, but I'll tell you one more, along the same lines. During the last push, when we get up ... well into northern Italy, well above Trento, and before Bolzano, we got to a warehouse. It was a German supply warehouse and it must have been Luftwaffe controlled. Remember, Kesselring, at one point, had commanded the Luftwaffe. Anyway, on this warehouse, there were something like two hundred beautiful, gray, flight jackets, German flight jackets. And, there was a section of it that was nothing but liquor. And, there was another section where they had a bunch of ... drafting boards, stenographic supply, comptometers, okay. ... Our battalion commander, it, hell, happened our battalion, was the first to this place. When they uncovered what it was, our lieutenant colonel, the battalion commander, put a guard, he put a couple guards on it, and told regiment, right off the bat, what we had. ... Again, this was a place where we stopped, maybe, overnight, and don't you know the word got around, and the next thing you know, you had big brass, colonels, majors, and the like from rear echelon, showing up, because word got around that there was liquor in this warehouse. And, these guys, these enlisted men, took great pride, boy, in the fact, standing there at port arms, and saying, "Sorry, sir, you'll have to see Colonel Yongue." So, ... the big brass didn't get in. But, the upshot of it was that there must have been seventy or eighty of these, I'm calling them coptometers, adding machines, and, by then, ... the trucks had brought up duffel bags. ... The guys who got these adding machines put these in their duffel bags. ... We're still doing some leap-frogging ahead, remember I told you, in the trucks? ... Finally, and they hung onto these ... until the war was over. We were in the little town of Merano, M-E-R-A-N-O, the day the war ended. We were there the day before the war ended officially. ... There were German troops in that town, we were in the town. ... We were given the word that there was to be no hostility. The following day, the armistice would go into effect. ... I had, and a lot of us had, money that we had taken off prisoners. We called it wallpaper, ... big bills in size. ... I had a bunch of them, as well as all of our guys. ... There were some craft people in this small town, beautiful little town. If you ever get a chance to go there, go there. And, I went in, we decided, "Hey, if this money's going to be any good to us, we'd better spend it in a hurry." And, we did. ... The shopkeepers accepted it, and I have three or four wood carving pieces at home that I bought, and got safely to our supply sergeant, and got sent home. ... The following day, that currency was declared invalid. Invalid. ... No good. But, the interesting thing was, we got there the day before the armistice. I mean, we're on one side of the street and there are German troops sort of nonchalant on the other side of the street. Both of us knew that it was over the next day, officially. That was May 7th. KP: Did you take those Germans prisoners the next day? JDZ: No. You know, I can't answer that question, and I'm sorry that I can't. ... I think there ... had to be an agreement somewhere that they were to show up. I presume that they simply showed up as a group, somewhere, and became prisoners of war. The following weekend, the first weekend after the war was over, four of us got a jeep and we drove about forty miles up through beautiful mountain country to the Swiss border. A little town Nauders, N-A-U-D-E-R-S, and we got up there, and there's ... a Swiss guard, Swiss Army, and they wouldn't let us in. They were regarding their neutrality, as they should. ... He stood there and we were able to speak to him, and we said, "We'd just like to have some pictures taken. Can we step into Switzerland?" And, he let us step into Switzerland and we had pictures taken. Big deal. But, I remember sending pictures home, just black and whites, of the wild flowers that were growing on the ride up there. It was, you know, one of these treacherous kinds of roads, beautiful country. God, I'm glad we didn't have to fight through that. KP: Did you have any concern that you might be sent to Japan to fight against the Japanese? JDZ: Oh, yeah, sure. ... Absolutely. I didn't have quite enough points to stay in the 88th Division. They had a funny ruling and ... some of us who had gone over as replacements, in the same situation as I, got transferred to the 91st Division. I wound up with the 363rd Infantry Regiment, in the 91st Division. Now, they were over close to Trieste, in the town of Udine, U-D-I-N-E, and they confronted a situation with the Yugoslavians. Remember, Tito's Partisans had been very active, and the Yugoslavians lost land that was mandated to Italy after World War I, and Udine was located in that area, and the Yugoslavs thought that, rightfully, it was theirs. ... They were going to make it a point, now, while the iron was hot, to regain that territory. At least claim it, and then hope that the negotiators would allow it to hold up. So, what do they do but ... our regiment, the battalion I was in, took a company, and it happened to be the particular company I was in, I ... don't remember what happened to the other companies. But, anyway, there was a river that came running on down southerly, and the Allied Control Commission had decided that that would remain a boundary, at least for the time being. ... The regimental commander of the 363rd, just the previous day or two, and this was all in ... late May, or early June, of '45, he had to drive the Yugoslavs out of the town of Udine. ... He did it, he pulled tank destroyers, ... they were given the order. This town had a beautiful central park, and the Yugoslavs were given the order to vacate. They were in the municipal building of the town. ... They were given the order to leave, and they refused. The regimental commander of the 363rd infantry was ordered to drive them out. He got a hold of four TDs, tank destroyers, and he lined them up across the town square. Now, he says, "You get out, or I'm going to blow you out. I'll blow the building down around you." Well, they got out in the last minute, but, when they left, they crossed the Isonzo River, which runs roughly north-south, and the company I was assigned to gets the task of going up and guarding ... an electric generating sub station like, up the river from Udine, ... I'd have to guess at the miles, but a few miles. We're up there, I've got a platoon, and we're guarding this power plant against the possibility of the Yugoslavs taking some extreme action. ... The power plant's on the ... west side of the river, and it's a narrow river. It's not a big river, but a river that would drive turbines and create a lot of power. ... On the east side, they've got higher elevation than we, and we get up there and we knew that they were digging in. They were creating emplacements, gun emplacements, against the possibility of what? ... I'll tell you, we were uncomfortable. I mean, because we had a rifle company that was stretched out over ... a space of ... three or four miles. ... They'd bring the truck up with our hot food once a day, but, otherwise, you had radio communication from one platoon to another. ... Here these guys are on this bank overlooking us, and we're wondering to ourselves, "What the hell are they going to do? Wait till nightfall, and then, attack us?" ... It was uncomfortable. ... That lasted for just a few days, it wasn't too long, but it was uncomfortable. DB: Is there any chance that one of the reasons they told the Yugoslavs to get out was because they were Communists? JDZ: I have no idea. ... I always took the position that ... simply, at this point, there had to be a lot of delicate negotiations that were going to take place. But, they weren't about to let the Yugoslavs come in and, just by a power play, take over a particular area. ... I countered that with driving them out to where they, ... so-called, belong. [laughter] But, that didn't last too long. Incidentally, the men from the 88th who had the duffel bags with the adding machines, well, before I left the 88th, we came back to Lake Descenzano. ... We bivouacked there for several days, and the order came down from regiment, "Dispose of all the things that had been picked up in this warehouse." Well, you never saw such a sick bunch of guys. They let ... the first two hundred who got the flight jackets, they let them keep the flight jackets, as I recall, but the fellows who got the adding machines, and, you know, you'd pick up anything, they had to dispose of them and put them in a great big pile. Out they came from the duffel bags. ... We didn't have enough transport. ... We were picking the best trucks out of the German transport to ad to our own, and their transport, at this point, was not very reliable. I can remember, we had two or three German trucks that would move in our convoy, at that point. The war is over, now we're three, four weeks after the war, we're into late May, early June. KP: When did you embark for the United States? JDZ: The day Japan surrendered, August 14th. The 91st Division, who did not have the same amount of combat time in Italy that the 88th had, was destined to come back to the States, being brought up to strength, and go to the Pacific. And, they were going to meet at Camp Rucker, Alabama. So, I came back with them, the 363rd Infantry Regiment. It took four days, in a cattle car, from Udine to Naples. Narrow gauge railroad and a cattle car with a bunch of guys, ... a platoon or so. ... You could almost run as fast as a train went. Now, from Udine to Naples has to be ... four hundred miles, maybe. ... Every hour the train would stop and someone'd yell, "Piss call." You'd jump out and urinate, or whatever, and this was the way we got to Naples. And, somebody was telling me, the other day, I was with a bunch of my friends and we were talking about the venereal disease inspections, examinations that you had frequently. Well, the last thing we did before we got on the boat to go home, the order came down for all the troops to come out, dressed only in raincoats and boots. So, we are. And, that was at the pier in Naples. There was a medical team there, inspecting, to make sure they weren't putting anybody on board, you know, with VD. KP: What would happen if someone did have VD? JDZ: I don't know, ... they were yanked out. KP: So, you saw people that were yanked out? JDZ: Yeah, oh, yeah. ... There were a couple. There was a lot of VD in Italy, but I suspect it was everywhere. ... You had lectures and films on VD every so often, just to keep it foremost in your mind. [laughter] KP: What did you and your men think about this risk? Did it matter, seeing these films, and such, to your men? Were they less likely to go to a brothel if they were aware of the risk? JDZ: I guess that depended entirely upon the particular individual. I wouldn't have any part of it, but I guess ... that's the only way I know how to answer that. I am sure there were some who were very much inclined to, at the drop of a hat, and others wouldn't touch it with a ten foot pole. DB: All right, I have two questions. One, after the war was over and there were celebrations going on, was there any "partying" with the Italian women? JDZ: Oh, I'm sure there was. I don't carry ... any real, vivid memory of that. Remember what I told you. Now, for example, in the town of Merano, where we were the day before the war ended, there were damn few civilians around. Damn few. If we went through a village, while the war was going on, and you marched through a village, what few Italians that would be there would be out there offering you a bottle of wine, or an egg. You know, an egg was a delicacy. "Ova, Ova." ... And, every guy wouldn't get an egg. Maybe, every eighteenth guy would get an egg handed to him. Speaking of that, we had a guy in our outfit, ... I forget his name, but he was from Tennessee, and he was a butcher. ... We were K-ration, K-ration, K-ration, and, at some point, in, probably, early November, we ... were in a little static situation and somebody came back, they'd been on a little foray, and said, "Hey, there's a good-sized pig down there at that farm. Well, ... what do you think we ought to do?" I said, "What do you think you ought to do? Are you hungry?" So, they bring the pig, and they skin the pig, and we had a barbecue. I can see that, they put that pig on a spit, and we were in a situation where we could do it. ... We weren't right up on the very, very front, and we had pork, nothing ever tasted so good. Frequently, if we got a hot meal, the doggone meal would be lamb, ... mutton from New Zealand, and the damn mutton was 90% fat. Oh, God, it was miserable. It wasn't like good lamb, like you and I know, a leg of lamb. It was miserable. We were on the line one time for, I can't tell you exact number of days, but this is gospel truth, we were on line for the better part of a month, just with K-rations, given to you in three boxes. You tried to heat it, if you could, each one of the rations. Well, that had something to do with the yellow jaundice and hepatitis, too, the nutritional deficiency that resulted. Anyway, they pulled us off-line and told us we were gonna go back and get a hot meal. And, we started walking like ten o'clock at night and we walked back for two, three, hours, wee hours of the morning, ... as it turned out, right back close to where our 105mm howitzers were, ... one of our artillery battalions. They had a huge mound of straw there, huge mound of straw, and they had hot food. Well, if you want to see a bunch of guys ... dig into a meal and make pigs out of themselves, just gorge themselves, I amongst them. And, I'll bet you three-quarters of the guys in the outfit were sick that night. I can see the great, big hamburgers, greasy, but hamburgers, and catsup, you know, a luxury, catsup, and mashed potatoes and canned peas. And, after you had all you wanted, go over to the hay pile, and get yourself as much hay as you want, and bed down wherever you want. And, we were back close to a whole battery, a battery is four guns, 105mm howitzers. And, they fire, you know, boom, boom, boom, boom, like that, with maybe a little more spacing, but they all fire the same mission, ... within the same short time interval. And, I'll tell you, I bedded down like everybody else, and as God be my judge, those guns fired missions that night, and I never heard them. ... And, we all said in the morning, we were surprised to hear, they said, "Yeah, they fired missions during the night." You get to the point where you could walk in your sleep. ... Really, I'm not kidding you. You do, and there were situations like that. Well, the war ended in Merano, and then, we went to Descenzano. ... I wound up with the 91st Division over around Udine. And, came back and left Naples, 14th of August, after the VD inspection. ... DB: What did you think of Mark Clark? KP: What did you think of him at the time? JDZ: Well, don't forget now, retrospect is always easier. I just recently read a book. You want to read a good book on the Italian Campaign, read Circles of Hell by Eric Morris, who is a British writer. It'sCircles of Hell: The War In Italy, 1943-1945. Well, it drew me because that was just the period. I mean, I went over there in '44. I think the historians will, maybe, give him a ... C for his effort. But, I'm sure Mark Clark felt, in all honesty, and with justification, that he never had enough manpower to do what had to be done. I mean, there's a rule in warfare, or there was a rule at that time in warfare, that if you're gonna go into the attack, you ought to outnumber your opponent three to one. Three to one. And then, you stack up the kind of terrain we were in and you might say, "Well, maybe it ought to have been six to one." So, he never had enough. And, yet, ... some of the things that were done at his command, the 36th Division, the Texas outfit, had a terrible, terrible time at the Volturno River. I mean, read about the Italian Campaign. It's just terrible what they were asked to do, and the carnage that they suffered as the result of it. And, Cassino, my god, read about Cassino, attack, after attack, after attack, and the lives that were expended up there. And then, the effort that the Air Force made, the 15th Air Force, you know, bomb it into submission. They didn't bomb anything into submission, the guys just went deeper, and deeper, and deeper, and when the infantry came to attack up that hill, why, they were met with just as fierce opposition as ever. And, the only thing that ... brought down Cassino was, ... in effect, outflanking them. ... And, anytime you can do that, that's a gain. But, I think Clark, I don't think he was outstanding. I think he was a politician, that's for damned sure. He got in touch with Eisenhower, according to this book, ... as soon as Eisenhower was given command of SHAEF. Clark, who had gone to some schools with Eisenhower when they were both lieutenant colonels, he wrote to him right away. And, in his letter, he didn't ask for, ... almost as an equal, he suggested strongly to Eisenhower that he, Clark, should be given a big command under Eisenhower, but, I guess, not far under Eisenhower. I can't quote verbatim, but, you get the picture. Finally, you know, Rome was a big prize, finally got there the 6th of June, the day of the Normandy landing, and that was such a prize. And, he didn't want ... the British Eighth Army to get there ahead of him, and he said, "By God, if there are any Eighth Army people there ahead of us, shoot them." ... Now, I wasn't with him then, see. I joined him about seventy miles north of Rome. But, there were elements of the division that I joined, who went into a part of Rome. They didn't see any British troops, but Clark was just absolutely fanatic about it. These are prizes. You know, military leaders, hey, they are subjected to pushes and pulls and the ambitions, and, I'm afraid, many of them, as human beings, are not prone to regard life, as long as it's not their life. DB: Would you put that on the same level as the American and Russian race to Berlin? JDZ: Yeah. ... Sure, because after all, the politicos are the ones who, ... look at what Churchill wanted to do. I mean, Churchill fought like crazy to have us go into the Balkans, always in the Balkans, the soft underbelly. And, he was the one who wanted to have Eisenhower ... go all the way to Prague. "Get your tail across there so that the Russians don't bring that within their orbit." KP: You came home and you must have been delighted. If you had been with the 88th, you'd still be in Italy. JDZ: That's right. They went into occupation duty, and then, ... replacements went, it's interesting because, if you go to an 88th Division reunion, you could be with people who were with them from the very beginning or to people who were with them as late as 1955. Ten years after the war, they were still in occupation over in Italy and Austria. Now, we came home, and ... immediately, I never had any, I went to Rome on pass, I told you, with this Captain Roeder. He and I roomed together, as a matter-of-fact. But, I never had leave, as an officer, so I had ... accumulated thirty-two days leave. So, when I got home, of course, we were given ... two or three weeks, that didn't count as leave time. I mean, you were back from overseas. And then, ... this 91st Division was reassembling at Camp Rucker, Alabama, that's down the southeastern corner of Alabama, outside a little town called Ozark. So, now, my Chevy has been up on blocks while I'm overseas, in Mount Holly. So, I take it down off the blocks while I'm home from overseas. And, I've got five tires, such as they were, and you couldn't get, tires were rationed, and you had to have a mighty good reason to get a tire. So, anyway, two of the guys that I'd come home with on the boat, one from State College, Pennsylvania, and one from up in Maine, we were gonna reassemble at my home in Mount Holly. And, the three of us were gonna go down in my coupe to Rucker. So, we left. I don't know how many days we left ourselves. We, probably, left ourselves three days to get down there. And, I told these guys when we left, I said, "Hey, you can see the condition of these tires and I've tried to get tires while I'm home here ... to no avail, using the excuse that I had to get back to Camp Rucker, Alabama. And, the authorities in Mount Holly said, 'Well, hell, use the train. Go some other way.'" Because we were coming from everywhere, it wasn't the case of a whole unit coming. We started down Route 40, ... and before we got to Baltimore, I had a blow out, and ... I'll bet you we stopped twenty times. We put the spare on, now I've got four tires. I'll bet you we stopped twenty times, between where we had the flat north of Baltimore and Camp Rucker, Alabama, and we made it. ... And, by God, as true as I sit here, the next morning, I come out to the parking lot, down there, and I've got a flat tire. Now, I've got a real good excuse. Now, I'm on a military base and I've got to get home, and I have my vehicle there. And, I went to headquarters, and I had to see two or three different people and explain the circumstance. I got two certificates, and each one for a tire, and I went into Ozark, Alabama, and found a dealer ... and I got two new tires for the Chevrolet. Oh, dear. KP: Had you thought of staying in the Army? JDZ: No, absolutely not. I came home, in my hometown of Mount Holly, there was a National Guard company, 44th Division. And, when I came home, I hadn't been home a month, and a fellow I knew, a little younger than I, not a close friend, but an acquaintance, and he'd been a pilot. He'd been a pilot in the Eighth Air Force and he decided to stay in. So, when he came home, instead of staying in the Air Force, he saw this break that he could get running the National Guard company in Mount Holly. He came to me and he said, "Hey, you were in the infantry. This was an infantry outfit. ... Why don't you come on board? ... I can make you company exec, right off the bat." And, I said, "I don't want any part of it. I hope they've lost my records forever. I don't want any part of it. Absolutely none." And, he stayed in and draws the longevity pay, ... he had a nice business, too. But, that's what he wanted. Not me. KP: So, you had no thought of staying on and making it a career? JDZ: No, no way. I saw enough of the war and I saw the politicking that goes on in the service ... apple-polishing. It's bad enough in civilian life, but in the Army, I think it's rampant. And, that's probably unjustified, when you get down to a guy like Omar Bradley. A real, fine, apparently, everything you read about Bradley was fine, fine, fine, and he cared about his men, and was a good strategist, so, I don't mean to hold commanders in disrepute. After all, if you take the responsibility, what was it that Truman said, "If you can't stand the heat, get out of the kitchen." KP: When you left, you were married and had a young son. What was that like? JDZ: ... Oh, it was just great. I can remember coming home ... KP: How old was your son? JDZ: Well, ... what was he? I was over there June, and came back in August, so thirteen-months, fourteen-months. And, ... he was a joy, as was my wife. ... In the interim, she'd started living with my parents, who were only too glad to have her and a grandson with them during the war. ... About three months before I came home, she rented a house from her aunt. A little bungalow in Mount Holly that her aunt ... still owned. ... She's started to furnish it and so forth, so, when I came home, I came home to a nice, small home. Yeah, it was a real homecoming. It was. KP: I read in the Rutgers Alumni Magazine that you were very lucky to have a home, because you had to do quite a bit of commuting, you wrote once, between your first job and ... JDZ: Oh, for a year ... the first year with DuPont. ... I come out of the service, and, of course, didn't want to do anything for a couple of months. ... I had thirty-two days of leave time to begin with and, "Well, I'll start looking for a job come November, into December, of '45." I went to DuPont, and I went to Armstrong Cork Co., I went to Scott Paper, looking for a marketing job. ... The war changed my attitude completely about this aspiration I thought I'd had earlier about the State Department and fluency in a couple of languages. I'd already been overseas and ... it dissuaded me completely from wanting to pursue that. ... I say the war, I guess it was the war. ... All I know is that I came home, now I've got a wife and a son. I thought, "I could get into marketing." ... When I got to DuPont, boy, the thing that intrigued me was nylon. Nylon was new. Nylon was invented, well, brought into the commercial picture in 1938, right before the war. Boy, it intrigued me. And, when they sent me ... I went down and talked to personnel, and then, they sent me over to talk to a sales manager in the Fiber Department. Oh, boy, this is where I wanted to be. But, I was offered a job by Armstrong Cork. Scott Paper, I went for an interview, but I never made the follow up. But, I'm glad I went with DuPont. That nylon was intriguing, and, of course, it was only the forerunner of a hell of a lot more fiber chemistry. KP: And, you stayed with DuPont for the bulk of your career? JDZ: Yeah, I was with DuPont until '85. And, I left about a year and a half before I would have wanted to. I had thirty-nine years and four months. We had an early retirement opportunity. ... At that point, DuPont was very smart, if you look at when they started to go into down-sizing, compared to when some of these did, they started quite early. When they had this early retirement opportunity, I had enough service and age. It was a combination of age and service, and I looked at what my responsibility was going to continue to be. I sat down with the man who was going to be my new boss and saw what he expected. And, he was being thrust into responsibilities that he had very little knowledge of. ... I got involved in waste fiber management, waste fiber development. That's another story, but it was a very, very small task force. There were very few people in the company knew, really, what, and paid much attention to what we did, and still, we started to make a lot of money. And then, the company got very excited. But, I decided, at that point, that I was gonna wind up frustrated, that after thirty-nine years and four months, to stay on another year and a half, no way. ... I don't want to finish my career that way, so I bowed out. The company wanted to drop 6500, at that point. This was in April of 1985, and 11,220 took retirement, and it left DuPont in a real manpower crunch for the better part of two years, really did, from '85 into '87, because ... they had not forecasted accurately about how many people would take the early retirement opportunity. But, ... since then, they've had, ... at least, three additional downsizings. You're done. ... I've got to go, as a matter-of-fact. ... KP: Is there anything we forgot to ask? JDZ: If there is, I can't think of what it would be. I'm afraid, I mean, looking at my watch we've been too long. KP: Well, thank you very much. ... -------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 6/21/99 Edited by Sandra Stewart Holyoak 6/27/99 Edited by J. Domer Zerbe 7/99

Zeliff, Robert H.

Jared Kosch:  This begins an interview with Robert H. Zeliff, Class of 1943, on May 17, 2003.  Mr. Zeliff, I would like to thank you for partaking in this interview.  I will begin by asking if you can tell me a little bit about your father. Robert Zeliff:  Yes.  My father never went to college and, of course, during his age, not too many people did.  He was a 1908 graduate of Hackensack High School, and then, he was, though a small man in stature, ... probably as fine an athlete for somebody his size that I think I've ever seen, ... with baseball being his primary sport, though he participated in several others, and every one that he did, he did well.  He was the catcher on the Hackensack High School team and went on to play what amounts to, today, [what] you would call semi-pro baseball, but this was in the day before Major League Baseball had farm teams.  ... He was almost good enough to make it to the big leagues, but, because of his size, he wasn't a good enough hitter, but he enjoyed it and played for several years after high school.  ... As a career, he was a title searcher, real estate title searcher, all his life, and that was pretty much his life.  He was very dedicated to his work and a fine, understated man. JK:  Did your father ever talk to you about his participation in World War I? RZ:  He was in World War I, I think, for all of three or four months.  ... They were married in 1917 and, of course, [since] he was married, they weren't taking married people right away, but, finally, ... I think in June or July of 1918, he was finally conscripted and spent four months down in Fort Dix, as a company clerk, and then, the war ended and that was it.  [laughter] That was the extent of his military career. JK:  He was never in Europe.  He never saw any action. RZ:  No, no.  As I said, he never left Fort Dix, New Jersey. JK:  Okay.  I would like to know a little bit about yourself, your younger years, where you grew up and your schooling prior to Rutgers University. RZ:  Yes.  Well, I'm also a 1939 graduate of Hackensack High School, and very happy and proud of that fact, because I think Hackensack High School, certainly in those days, was, academically, one of the preeminent schools in the state.  Physically, we didn't have too great a plant, but we made it up with the excellence of the academic program, and I feel very happy and honored to have had a chance to go to a public school system that was as good as Hackensack was in those days, and I entered the college preparatory course.  ... In just talking to my wife a few minutes ago, [I noted] that, in those days, the school was sort of split between those who ... had ideas of going to college or the other ones that didn't, ... so that we had a college prep and a commercial course and it was like having two different schools under one roof.  You had no association out of those two groups.  So, there's a lot of people in my high school class, and it turned out to be [true as well] here in Rutgers, that I had no association with either, because they were in a set of curricula that was not common with me.  ... Of course, we never took any of the same courses and, unless you were maybe on some special outside event [together], you never had any contact with these people.  ... So, when I see these names now, I think, "I have no idea who they were," [laughter] because I had very little idea who they were when we were in school, and that applied a lot to Rutgers, too, being an engineering student down here.  The engineers sort of led a life by themselves from a lot of the other [students], and I imagine that might be the same today, too. JK:  Had your father's military service affected you in any way?  Did you have a drive to be in the military? RZ:  No, no.  As I said, his military service was so incidental and is almost non-existent.  [laughter] JK:  I would like to move on a little bit into your experience at Rutgers University, beginning with your fondest memories or maybe a professor you remember? RZ:  Yes.  Well, [I recall] a lot of them; we had a small group.  There were only six of us that were electrical engineers, and I think one of them never even graduated.  I think it was only five of us that graduated.  In addition to electrical engineering, at that time, there was mechanical engineering and civil engineering and I would say about at least two-thirds of all the engineering students were mechanical engineers, the next was civil and just a small group of us were electrical.  Then, Professor [James L.] Potter, who was the head of the Electrical Department of the School of Engineering in those days, was, I think, everybody's favorite professor, and certainly was mine.  I came here and the question is, "How did you come to Rutgers?"  Well, it was very simple.  I got a State Scholarship, because this is in the days when the Depression was in full swing and, without the benefit of that State Scholarship, which is a full four-year tuition scholarship, I wouldn't have gone to any college, let alone Rutgers. JK:  Had the Depression hit your family hard? RZ:  Oh, yes, yes.  It hit everybody [hard], but we're able to keep together and we led a very simple life, but a very happy life.  I think [if] you talk to anybody that was part of our generation, and though they had very little material, I think very few people said that ... they felt they had led an underprivileged life, but, when you look back at it against today's background and the economic life that we've had, particularly since World War II, it's hard to relate between the two of them, but I said that I think that, if anything, it was a benefit, I think.  ... I think you'll find all of us in that category, too, having gone through the experience of the financial Depression years, and then, followed up by World War II, which really was, in those days, could've been, a war of survival, though it didn't turn out to be that way.  ... I think that shaped us into, as [television journalist and author of The Greatest Generation] Tom Brokaw said, "A very special generation."  I agree with that and that's because of the times that we lived in. JK:  I think you brought up an interesting point.  Instead of maybe focusing on the negative aspects of the Depression, can you remember some fond memories of the good things that the Depression brought out in people, or in yourself or in your family? RZ:  Well, that, you said "family," that's the key word.  There were very little material things that you had to you, to backstop you.  There was nothing like television.  Radio was our medium in those days and, ... as I said, there were few other diversions.  So, you depended very much on your family life and I just had myself and my brother, but, as I said, we lived a very simple, but, I think, a very fulfilling life.  ... I almost feel sorry for some people in your generation, ... not having the opportunity to have that experience, because, as I said before, it created a character background that you just can't get unless you live it. JK:  Moving ahead a little bit, let us go into how you entered the military during World War II, because it is a little different than many other accounts that I have heard of. RZ:  Yes, that's right.  ... During the early days of the war in particular, the military, both the Army and the Navy, were trying to build up their fledging radar programs.  So, they were heavily recruiting, all across the country, electrical engineering students to come into their respective programs and I ended up joining the one that the [Army initiated], the Army program.  As a result of this, I think all the engineering students went through an accelerated senior year.  We did the first semester in the Summer of '42, second semester in the fall, so that we all graduated, the engineering [students], not all students, but ... certainly the ones who went through the accelerated program, graduated in January of '43, and, also, we had to take certain prescribed courses to qualify for this program.  ... As a result of this and a successful, you know, completion of a degree, we in this program were awarded direct commissions in the Army Signal Corps as second lieutenants.  So, on St. Patrick's Day in 1943, I reported for active duty at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, and went through about a two-month period of just fundamental training, officer training, and then, after that, went through radar training up in Harvard and MIT in Boston, down at Camp Murphy in Florida, and, finally, specific training on the radar that I came to be associated with for the rest of the war in Fort Monroe, Virginia.  ... At that time, after the training was over, they activated, and this was, again, in several different areas of the country, what has been called signal radar maintenance units.  ... That was the unit that was prescribed to be attached to outfits that operated radar sets, to provide maintenance for them, technical maintenance to keep these sets running and stuff like that, and it [was] comprised of one officer, and all the [officers], initially, they were all second lieutenants, one second lieutenant and three enlisted men.  So, in, I guess it was May of '44, I was activated, [with] the 302nd Signal Radar Maintenance Unit, and I was the CO [commanding officer] and the only "O" [laughter] and, within less than two months, we were on our way overseas. We left on [June 6, 1944]; Normandy, D-Day, was sort of our "D-Day," because we left Fort Monroe for heading toward the San Francisco Port of Embarkation.  ... Within a few days later, we were on a ship, hitting what eventually ended up to be in New Guinea, in Finschhafen, New Guinea, but, as I stated in the [Rutgers Oral History Archives pre-interview] survey, it's typical of the Army, we ended up, essentially, just having too many of these signal radar maintenance units to have assignments for them all, because there weren't that many using radars around ... that required this.  So, I would say I wouldn't be a bit surprised if there were any more than about half of the SRMUs [that] ended up being assigned to the job that they were supposed to be, and the rest of us ended up doing some form of signal depot work, and that's what I did.  I did end up, specifically, in my particular case, doing a lot of, what [it] amounts to is instruction, on two radars in particular, the SCR-682, which was the one I trained on at Fort Monroe, which was a radar that was used to track surface ships.  ... Of course, the idea was to set up in someplace where, you know, our fleet might be in danger ... by some enemy attack, to be able to, you know, catch enemy ships on the way in, but, by the time we got overseas, in the Southwest Pacific Theater in particular, except for an occasional Japanese submarine, we had complete control of the seas around that area.  So, even the ones that were deployed weren't deployed in the type of activity that they had anticipated that they would be, because just due to lack of enemy action.  ... I did go to the Admiralty Islands, which was about three hundred miles north of New Guinea, which was a big staging area for the Philippine landings several months later, and there was the 54th Coast Artillery Surface Warning Battery there.  ... They are the ones that operated [the SCR]-682, but, as I said, there was no enemy shipping, but they did work with the port director in there and [were] spotting any ships coming in, letting them know that, you know, the ships were about to come in and, also, it turned out, ... this radar could be used for a little weather reporting, because it was an early ten-centimeter radar, [a more accurate radar system that did not require as large of an antenna], that did a fairly good job of picking up rain clouds.  So, if there's any weather problems, ... they had, also, a connection with the airstrip there, to let them know if there's any weather fronts [that] were coming in.  [laughter] So, that wasn't exactly what they had in mind for the radar, but that's typical of adjustments you have to make according to conditions.  There's one slight, little story that I get a kick out of telling.  When I was in Finschhafen, as I said, this was pretty much of a rear area.  It was, again, also a staging area for some of the [landings], ... but this was in the northeast section of New Guinea, which is now part ofPapua New Guinea.  The western half of New Guinea and all to the west of it was, in those days, part of the Dutch East Indies.  It is now Indonesia.  ... That sort of set the stage a little bit, but, one day, our bivouac [temporary camp] area was right at the entrance to the main harbor in Finschhafen.  ... One day, at night, it was before we went out to supper, I can remember very vividly, then, a good-sized ocean liner came in and, of course, there's no real reason for [why] that should be there.  Well, it turned out, the next day, we found out what it was.  ... In that period, if you went to Hawaii before the war, the Matson Line was the way you got there, by ship, and there were two ocean liners, the Matsonia and the Lurline, that were the two ships that carried passengers through, like the airlines do now, carry passengers to Hawaii, and they were both converted into troopships during the war. [Editor's Note:  There were four passenger liners, the SS Matsonia, the SS Lurline, the SS Mariposa and the SSMonterey.]  ... It turns out that the one that we saw come in was the Matsonia, [the USAT Etolin during the war], and the reason why it came in was that they had one of the early Navy radars onboard.  ... I think it was the SO-8 and, on this particular ship, the radar had broken down and the Captain, who was, ... incidentally, the civilian captain before the war, most of the ones in that category either had absolute faith in radar or they wouldn't trust it worth a nickel, because it was so new, but this was one of the captains who had faith in radar, ... particularly due to the [fact that the] charts that he had of those waters were very sketchy and, you know, ... weren't very dependable.  So, ... his radar broke down and he just headed for the nearest port that he was [near] and he happened to be right outside of our area, [laughter] and he told the authorities there that he wasn't going to move that ship another six inches until somebody fixed his radar for him.  So, they cast around and they found out that we had this little radar sub-depot there.  So, we got on there and we fixed this.  To make a long story longer, we fixed his radar for him.  Well, the grapevine worked and the next thing we knew, the word was out, "If you're anywheres near Finschhafen, the Army's got somebody that can fix your radar."  [laughter] So, we had several other activities of fixing various types [of radars] of LSTs [landing ship, tanks], coastal freighters.  They were the sorts of things that would show up and we took advantage of it, because we were then [in] a rear, rear area and, when you get in a situation like that, you sort of become the almost forgotten people.  So, we weren't living ... too high on the hog, as far as food was concerned, but any Navy ship, even the smallest ones, had refrigerators.  So, they would have fresh eggs and fresh milk and stuff like [that].  So, when we got a call to go down to work on a ship, at first, it was [the case that] everybody wanted to do it.  So, we had to take [draw] lots to get up a repair crew, and the first thing we'd do [was], when we'd get on the ship and we'd sort of case the situation, try to, you know, figure out, ... to begin with, "Could we fix it or not?"  Most times, we could, but, then, we'd sort of stall, so [that] we could get at least one or maybe two meals out it.  [laughter] That's why the job was so attractive; we could get some fresh food for the first time [that] we've had in, sometimes, ... almost a year's time.  So, that's about [it].  I was not in any type of active combat.  I was in a combat zone on Morotai Island for two days, but that was a quick in-and-out, but, so, I was not [in] any experience as some of the other fellows that were in the infantry [were], and I just had so many recollections of so many of our class that [died], particularly all the fellows that were in the Advanced ROTC. They all went in [as] second lieutenants in the infantry and I would venture to say at least three-quarters of them never left France, one of my dear fraternity brothers, Emil Potzer, [Jr.], being one of them.  So, I'd like to dedicate a little bit of this to his memory.  Incidentally, ... here, I was a "Teke," TKE [Tau Kappa Epsilon] in Rutgers.  JK:  Could you tell me a little more about your fraternity days at Rutgers? RZ:  Well, I was sort of a legacy, I guess.  I had a ... cousin that graduated.  He graduated, as he was leavingRutgers, I came in, and he was a TKE.  So, I had sort of an introduction to them and it was a group that seemed to be rather compatible.  So, that's how I got hooked up with them.  I lived in Hegeman Hall, in the Quad, and the Quad, in those days, incidentally, was only three-quarters built.  The last building, what I guess is Demarest, is it now?  Is that the [building]?  Yes, that wasn't there.  JK:  It was not, yes. RZ:  [laughter] So, there was an opening in the [Quad].  The Quad was all like a three-quarters of a quad, but I lived in Hegeman.  Then, the remaining ... time, I lived in the Teke House, and I was active in the fraternity.  ... My senior year, I was the vice-president.  That'd be Epiprytanis, they call it, in that fraternity, but, interestingly enough, before the war, Teke was one of the smaller fraternities in the country.  I don't think there were over about thirty chapters, but, after the war, when they [restarted]; you know, then, they all shut down during the war, almost universally, but, when they reactivated, somebody got going and they went completely ape.  ... I don't know where it stands now, but, within fifteen years after the war, I think they ... had the greatest number of undergraduate chapters in the country, [laughter] and they activated chapters in every [laughter] type of school that you can think of.  ... I've got a feeling that maybe not all of them have survived over the years, but, again, ... I was active in the Alumni Control Board for a few years after the war, but, since then, I've lost pretty much all contact with the [fraternity], with not only this chapter, but the national fraternity as well. JK:  Could you tell me a little bit about, maybe, a fond memory of a fraternity event?  Whenever we look at this period, it seems that Rutgers was very socially active in that period. RZ:  Yes.  Well, yes, my fond recollections are with this young lady over here.  [laughter] ... By that time, we were going together pretty steadily.  ... The dances, the Soph Hop and the Junior Prom and the Military Ball were the three big dances during the year, and, of course, that would be on a Saturday night.  ... Usually, almost all on the Friday nights before, I don't know whether they do that anymore or not, [laughter] but the fraternity used to have your fraternity dances, too, in their houses.  So, most of the girls would come down, ... and a lot of them, my wife included, had some friends that lived over in Douglass, which was, in those days, was NJC [New Jersey College for Women, now Rutgers University's Douglass Residential College].  I don't know, do you still call it the "Coop?" [laughter] JK:  I do not know that, sir.  It might be.  [laughter] RZ:  Well, it was known as the "Coop" in those days, and so, she would come down and stay over there with, you know, some friends for the weekend and that came in rather convenient.  ... That's a very fond memory.  So, I have, you know, fond memories.  Our house was not one of the more affluent houses, as far as financial underpinnings are concerned, but we had a few interesting scholars in our class.  In fact, one fellow, I guess nobody knows about him now, but he went on to be, for about, I would say, a good ten, fifteen years after World War II, one of the most recognized science fiction authors. JK:  What was his name? RZ:  James Blish [(1921-1975), Rutgers College Class of 1942, a prominent author of science fiction novels], and I don't know, if you're a science fiction aficionado, you might still find some of his work or novels in the libraries or in print.  ... He, as I said, became one of the [big names].  He was doing that in college.  He was making a little bit of money on that and sold some of the stuff, just enough to get his foot in the door, but he made it big time.  In fact, he ended up, his life and his career, over in London.  ... We had a few other people that were good scholars, but I don't think [they] attained any national stature, that I'm aware of, but, as I said, ... I think Emil Potzer was probably the only one in our group that was in the Advanced ROTC.  ... I was just talking with somebody today, that they said that they heard that he was killed either the first or the second day after he landed in France and never got by two or three days, and, of course, we had [many classmates killed in the war]; one of many, many young fine men [lost] then.  [Editor's Note: Emil Potzer, Jr., was killed-in-action in Normandy on June 15, 1944.]  The fellow that was the [ROTC] cadet colonel, you know, Mal [Malcolm A.] Schweiker, [Jr.], was one of them, yes.  JK:  Staying with this period of time that we are talking about right now, can you give me a little bit of an idea of the thoughts and feelings in the pre-Pearl Harbor Rutgers community?  What was the feeling like about the war around here?  How did the people react to what was going on in Europe? RZ:  Well, I think everybody here, and I think which was sort of the mood of the country, to a degree, [is] that we just sort of hoped that we weren't going to get involved, all right, and, of course, overnight, that changed, and, of course, as we know now, in getting some of the background, FDR had other thoughts in mind.  One way or another, he was going to get us involved in that war and, of course, we were.  One of the major things [was], we had this lend-lease program, ... before the war started, where we provided a lot of significant help to Britain, but, of course, there were a lot of active pacifists.  [Charles A.] Lindbergh, essentially, is a classic example of those, but a lot of other people who weren't, you know, active, and the common citizenry just sort of hoped that it wasn't going to happen, you know, but, as I said, ... just like somebody turned on a switch, we had Pearl Harbor and that, you know, that was it.  Oh, yes, yes, I have to tell you this story, yes.  When I was in radar training up in Boston, in the Harvard and MIT [program], we had just gotten married and we had a little apartment just off the law school campus, which [was] where we did our radar training and is now back as the law school campus at Harvard.  One Friday night, I came back to our apartment.  I told her, I said, "Well, they told us this afternoon there's going to be a special formation the next morning," Saturday morning, which was not normally the case, and that we had to show up at the Harvard Yard, in front of the chapel in the Harvard Yard. JK:  This is in 1943. RZ:  This is in '44. JK:  1944? RZ:  No, '43, '43, yes, [laughter] [I have] to think myself, ... yes, '43, and, at night, we're listening to the news and the news program said that Winston Churchill was going to receive an honorary degree at an eastern university.  Of course, in those days, you didn't divulge where anybody went.  Well, it wasn't hard to put two-and-two together, you know, that that's [Harvard]; [laughter] guess where he's going to be?  So, while we were there, I told her, you know, "Try to get over in the area," as close as she could.  Well, she couldn't get in the Yard, but she could get right outside of the Yard.  In fact, she went out on the sidewalk where there was a small gate entrance into the back of the chapel, Harvard Chapel, and I guess I have to tell this story, but she ought to do it.  While she was waiting there, a car pulls up, stops right next to her and out gets Winston Churchill, and I guess; yes, he did.  [To his wife, Marjorie Zeliff] What? Marjorie Zeliff:  ... The window was right up to my ... RZ:  Yes, but he had to get out.  He got out and walked into the yard.  [Editor's Note: Marjorie Zeliff explains that Prime Minister Churchill did not get out of the car.  The audio was inaudible.]  Beg your pardon, but she was right next to him, and then, she ... JK:  He was just in the car.  The story is the same.  He did not get out. RZ:  Yes.  She said if he [had] rolled the window down, she could have taken the derby off his head.  [laughter] So, that was an interesting experience during the war that we sort of both could share.  Of course, then, ... he addressed the assembled troops a little later, from the steps of the Harvard Chapel, and gave one of his typical rousing speeches that he was famous for. JK:  Going back to another topic that came up, I would just like to know about your feelings in general towards FDR.  We touched on the Depression earlier, then, World War II; did you have a set opinion?  Did your opinion change with time? RZ:  Well, that's somewhat interesting, because my family was pretty much a rock-ribbed Republican family and when he, I guess it was for his third, oh, no, I guess his last term, ... after the election, when was that, '42?  [Editor's Note: President Roosevelt was elected for his third term in 1940 and his fourth and final term in 1944.]  Well, in any event, the war had started, of course, in those days and I, you know, reported to my family and friends that I had voted for him, and I remember, [laughter] my friends and family friends almost kicked me out of the family. "You voted for him?" ... though my inclinations were basically Republican, too, but I said, "Under the circumstances, I could not see changing leaders of the country right in the middle of a war for survival," and I think, again, he did a lot of things that no Republican would have had the guts to do, and I think in a time when radicalism had to be the case to save the country, because we just couldn't go on continuing down the same road.  Lord knows how we would've come out of it.  Of course, there's a lot of people [who] claim that the war had a lot to do with the end of the Depression, and it did, because, [as] soon as you started pumping money into the war industry, everybody, you know, got a [job], had a job, which they didn't have before, and so, that sort of very quickly ended the Depression, too.  ... It just shows you what you can do when you start playing macro economical, [laughter] ... but, as I said, no, I have, generally, pretty good feelings about him, because I think he provided the tone and the leadership that we needed.  Now, whether or not his making sure that we got involved in the war [was good], I really don't know how that would have played out if it hadn't been for him.  I think, eventually, we would've had it. Well, certainly, [we] would have had it if [Pearl Harbor was attacked], you know, what the Japanese did, but I think even without that, I think that, sooner or later, we might have gotten into it, but, if it had been much later, it might have been too late, as far as the War in Europe was concerned, because England could not have, you know, lasted without our help.  ... Nobody questions that, and they didn't have much longer to go, I think, if we didn't step in, and the job that this country did in arming itself, and you take a look at some of the statistics, at the number of airplanes, the number of tanks, ... [laughter] it just boggles the mind, you know, and they're almost, like, from scratch, you know.  They did it within a year's time.  They had the war effort geared up, both militarily and the civilian thing, and a tremendous organizational job, in addition to the actual just physical accomplishments.  You just have to think about it a little bit to realize that, "How in the world did we do it so quickly?"  [laughter] JK:  Prior to the war, during the Great Depression, what were your feelings towards FDR and New Deal policies? RZ:  Oh, well, see, most of the time, I was a teenager, you know, and then, teenagers didn't have too much, really. JK:  No New Deal policies really affected you. RZ:  Well, it affected me, but secondarily, you know.  ... Sure, it had [an impact]; it developed a certain level of economy, but, though, it wasn't much.  It might have not even have been that good.  So, you know, as a byproduct of it, we were impacted, but, again, you know, like during the [Roosevelt Administration], when he came into office, I was ten years old, 1932, and, of course, as I said, things, you were more interested in, you know, seeing what you're going to do for your [next meal], family's going to do for your next meal, and one thing or another. Like, for instance, my father owned a house, but they had a mortgage and he wouldn't have been able to keep the house if [not for] the fact that the mortgage holder, the man who ran the company, was an old high school friend of his and he allowed him to just pay the interest on the mortgage, without having to pay any of the principal, and, because of that, we were able to stay in our house.  So, you know, things like that, you know, it got to be pretty basic. JK:  You felt positive about some aspects of it and negative about others. RZ:  Well, positive about some aspects, but leery about; not so much [laughter] negative, as leery and somewhat worrisome, as to, you know, what was going to happen, and I guess that, and, again, that, I think that's very typical.  There's nothing unusual about that.  You could hear that story all across the country. JK:  One topic that we have not really touched on is December 7, 1941, the attack on Pearl Harbor.  Could you give me an idea of where you were and the thoughts that went through your head at that time? RZ:  Oh, I know exactly where I was.  I was sitting in my, not my room, in our room, but the room next to us, where a fellow had a radio; we didn't have one in our room.  We listened to the New York Giants football game and they, in the middle of the game, ... came on [with] the announcement that Pearl Harbor had been bombed. [Editor's Note: The New York Giants played the Brooklyn Dodgers football team on December 7, 1941.]  ... Of course, I don't know, because we were all in some state of shock, and "shock-and-awe," you might say, but another incident, ... a little sidelight of that.  We had convocations in those days, [I do not know] whether that still goes on or not, but where I think about twice a year, we would have some speaker of note [who] would come down, and the old [College Avenue] Gym was where they [held it], you know.  We'd get [in there] and they'd, you know, give a talk of some interest and I believe it was [that] we had one, you know, scheduled, long in advance, of course, and this one, I think, was for December 12th and we had as the speaker, H. V. Kaltenborn, a name that is unknown to this generation, but, from my generation, we remember him very well.  He was a very prominent news commentator.  There's a man that had a clipped British accent, but, ... when you saw him physically, he was the very personification of what his name sounded like.  He had a German name, he was an immense man and looked very much like he might be a German, but he had a very high-pitched but very recognizable voice, and he was, as I said, one of the most respected news commentators of that age.  Well, he came down and that convocation, which was just five days after Pearl Harbor, and he gave, the contents of which I can't do, but it was such a rousing speech that I've always claimed that if the Armed Forces had recruiting out in the lobby of the gymnasium, they could have signed up the entire student body in one fell swoop, [laughter] but, yes, so, that's [it].  Oh, everybody had little stories like that. [TAPE PAUSED] JK:  What were your feelings on being involved in radar in its early days and its use in World War II?  Can you give me a little background as to how radar came into being in this time and its significance, possibly, in the attack on Pearl Harbor, as well as its significance generally throughout the war? RZ:  No, I'm hardly an expert on that, but the radar really, in its practical infancy, was developed in England, and all of our people that got into radar, in their early training, had to go to England to get it, because that's where the knowledge was.  So, what we picked up to get our radar program starting just grew out of the development that was really going on in England.  ... To my knowledge, the first two radars that were developed that were put into, you know, mass use by our forces were the SCR-268 and the SCR-270.  SCR, incidentally, it was "Signal Corps Radio;" they didn't even have a name for it, and so, ... they had numbers, just like a radio did, but it was [radar].  ... The 268 was a searchlight-control radar, because that was the first application, was to try to help to steer searchlights, and the SCR-270 was the first long-range search radar and that was the one that was employed in Oahu at the time of Pearl Harbor, but, again, this was such a new device that the "old guard" officer corps had no real confidence in it at all and they just thought it was a new toy that they were playing with, I think.  I think that's pretty much the story.  I'm not, of course, conversant on anything first-hand, but ... there's no question about it, that the radar was active that morning and did pick up the Japanese flight coming in, but, essentially, what it amounts to is, they couldn't get anybody to believe that, you know, what it could possibly have been, and, again, I guess, because nobody had really understood, you know, the tactical significance of this new toy.  Of course, the things quickly changed and, like everything else, the radar program blossomed very quickly after, after World War II [developed] and special radars were developed for the Navy, which were different than the ones that developed for the Army.  I'd mentioned the SCR-584, which is the other one I was trained on and did some instructing [on]. Now, that was a radar that was used for gun laying, for directing fire of antiaircraft artillery.  ... 584 was used extensively during the war and was used for, I've seen them in the field in other countries, because we gave some of them, I think, to the Russians and, somehow or another, some of them got in Chinese hands, and I think I've seen them used, like, thirty, forty years after the war was over.  It was a very successful radar.  It was ten-centimeter radar, shortwave radar, that had a long life, yes, and, as I say, radar today, I would hesitate even to talk about it, because it has advanced way beyond any experience I had with it.  So, it's not the same animal, but a derivative from the same technology.  I mean, you can see that, you know, if you follow the development of radar, how it was an evolutionary process and started out from one common base.  Interesting little story about this; the English developed [a system that] had their radars where the operator would sit on the pedestal that the antenna was on. So, if it was an antenna that was a rotating antenna, ... to track aircraft, the operating hood, that would rotate around with the antenna.  ... When we first started to develop our rotating ones, we had, we called it "slip rings," where we could make electrical contact with the radar, but with the operator staying fixed.  ... Again, the English were one of the first ones that developed automatic tracking radars, where you could lock on to a target and, without the operator doing anything, ... you could get it to follow the radar, I mean, the radar to follow, track, the target, but, in the early ones they developed over there, and, of course, they had the same business where they would go around with the antenna; ... they started off, they put one of their first prototypes in Hyde Park in London.  ... --------------------------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE ONE-------------------------------------- RZ:  When they first picked up a flight of incoming [aircraft], a German flight, they'd be about a hundred miles out and, at that distance, a group of planes just looked like one target, but, as they got closer, then, you could start to see the individual airplanes would start to show up on the screen.  ... Of course, this device, attempting to lock on a target, couldn't figure out which one, when they start [breaking up], one started to become many, which one to lock on.  So, these [radar], this antenna would bounce around [laughter] and the operators in it would be bouncing around, they'd be flying off the walls, until they figured out, ... for that, they had to figure out a little different way [of] how to handle that problem.  I think that probably [is] what got the development of the slip rings going, I guess, [laughter] when they started bouncing operators off the wall ... on these automatic tracking radars, but, oh, I would venture to say there are probably a thousand stories, you know, semi-comical, ... in the early days of many inventions, as that one always, always made me laugh. JK:  Radar developed quite a bit during the war, that would be fair to say. RZ:  Oh, yes.  Well, you know, wartime engenders technology like crazy.  I mean, the same thing happened in all the wars.  Vietnam is a classical situation.  They developed a lot of things and, you know, particularly the use of the helicopter was, you know, almost a Vietnam development, at least the effective use of it, and what got started with the First Gulf War and what showed up in spades ... in the recent one [Operation: IRAQI FREEDOM, beginning in 2003] is another indication of how quickly things get going when ... a crying need shows up. JK:  I would like to shift gears a little bit.  You said earlier that you really started to get going around the same time as the D-Day landings.  Could you talk about the kind of thoughts you had at that time, when the war was really getting into full swing, if you were apprehensive about going to the Pacific? RZ:  Well, I'll tell you a little story about that.  As I said, we left Fort Monroe, Virginia, and we got up that morning, we're packing up to get on the train to head out to San Francisco, and we had the radio on and got the news of theNormandy landings.  We said, "Well, we've got our long, little, private type of situation like that," [laughter] but, one, two days later, when we left San Francisco on the ship, from the Oakland Army Base, [we] sailed under the Golden Gate Bridge, a morning that was so foggy that you couldn't see the bridge.  ... Of course, we said, "Well, when are we going to come home?" and, of course, ... the slogan at those days, you know, this was in 1944, it was, "You are [will be back] at the Golden Gate in '48."  It turns out it wasn't '48, came back in '46, anyway, but that, you know, [indicated we] had no idea of, you know, what we're headed for and how long it was going to last and, of course, that was the nature of things.  Even the big planners had no idea [laughter] how things were going to go, how well, how quickly or not so quickly, but, in that regard, I have a great admiration for my theater commander, who was [US Army General Douglas] MacArthur, in the way he fought that campaign where he'd attack one base, occupy it, then, skip over three or four others and go hundreds of miles on.  ... In fact, I flew over one of the bases, this Wewak-Aitape, and a couple times, [at] about six thousand feet, in a C-47 [Skytrain, a military transport aircraft], and you could see the Japanese on the ground underneath.  They were completely militarily ineffective.  They were living off the ground.  They were ... cut off from all supplies, but they were able to, you know, live off the ground and they would just sit there.  There was thousands of them and just doing nothing. [laughter] [TAPE PAUSED] RZ:  Yes, one little thought comes to mind, on my way overseas.  We got into San Francisco Port of Embarkation and we had a little trouble, train trouble, getting across the country.  So, we were already a day late from when we were supposed to be there and they were looking for us.  [laughter] They had a delegation, met the train when we came in, to see whether we were on it or not, because, the next day, we were on alert, which meant you were within two days before [shipping out], and then, ... as a result of that, you were cut off from the outside world. [We were] within two days of, you know, getting on the ship and going, but I received a telegram, right after I got there, that our first daughter was born, back in Hackensack.  So, I had to go down to base office and practically get on my hands and knees to get them to allow me to send a telegram back in response, to let them know that at least I had heard about it, you know, and so, it was almost two years later before I finally saw her, ... but that was a little personal sidelight. JK:  How was that homecoming?  Was it amazing?  RZ:  Oh, yes.  Well, it was somewhat amazing.  ... I was essentially discharged from active duty down at Fort Dixand got the train, picked up the train in Trenton, up to Newark, where my wife and my mother and father met me on the train.  ... My wife was living with her father at the time, in Teaneck, and with our daughter.  So, we got home, I don't know, at around eleven o'clock at night or something like that, [got] back in, and we woke our daughter up.  ... My wife told her to go over and give Daddy a kiss, and she went over and kissed my photograph, because that's who Daddy was to her.  Now, that's, I'll never forget that. JK:  At the time, especially when you were in the Pacific, how did you see your personal role in the war?  What was your feeling about it? RZ:  I thought of my personal role then, and even now, looking back on it, [laughter] as about as insignificant as it could possibly be, and, you know, I was, as I said, ... a rear area soldier for almost all the time and you wonder, you know, what the heck you were doing back there.  So, you weren't exactly in the mainstream of things, but you made do.  So, no, I don't have any heroic war stories to tell, I'm afraid.  [laughter] JK:  Everybody does their job. RZ:  Yes, yes, well, that's it.  You have to assume that, somehow or another, but you begin to wonder about the worth of it, sometimes, when you saw the rather insignificant things you were doing at the time, compared to what other people were experiencing. JK:  I think that concludes the interview.  Is there anything else you would like to say, anything that comes to mind? RZ:  No, just that, after the war, I worked for one company, ITT [International Telephone & Telegraph], for thirty-seven years, until I retired, and, again, ending up in the division of ITT that was in military electronics.  ... Fundamentally, our company was involved in airborne electronic countermeasures equipment, and so, I still had a second-hand association with the military, for at least the last half of my career anyhow, because of having either the Air Force or the Navy or, also, of course, we had some equipment on those Army helicopters, too, as well, ... but our work was just for the military.  So, I ended up sort of having a military connection even in my civilian job. JK:  I would just like to thank you for a very informative interview. RZ:  [laughter] I hope it was.  Thank you, Jared. JK:  Thank you. --------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Maria Juliano 2/3/10 Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 2/13/10 Reviewed by Robert Zeliff 2/26/10

Zapf, Martin L.

Shaun Illingworth:  This begins an interview with Martin L. Zapf on October 26, 2005, in Yardley, Pennsylvania, with Shaun Illingworth and … Michael Mink:  Mike Mink. SI:  Mr. Zapf, thank you very much for having us here today in your home. Martin Zapf:  I'm happy to have you here. SI:  Thank you.  I will let Mike ask the first question. MM:  We generally begin our interviews by asking a few questions about your parents.  Where were they from? MZ:  Well, my parents were immigrants, immigrating to the United States after World War I.  In fact, my paternal grandfather also immigrated to the United States about the same time, from Germany, I should say. SI:  Was their immigration directly related to the war?  Were they trying to get away from the war before it started? Was it in the aftermath of the war? MZ:  Well, … I don't know the reasons, except, one can assume, they left because they wanted to find a better place to live.  They came from East Germany, from Thuringia, and immigrated to the United States for a better life, I presume. MM:  Where did they come to in the United States? MZ:  They came through Ellis Island, like many immigrants during that time.  You will find my grandparents and parents and uncles [in the records], a big family.  Actually, my grandfather came with seven children in 1916 and one of the children he brought with him was my father. SI:  After Ellis Island, where did they settle, initially? MZ:  They settled in Kingston, New Jersey.  I believe the reason for that was, there was a relative of my grandmother, who lived … near Kingston, who were their sponsors.  They sponsored my grandfather and his family coming to the United States and, therefore, they settled in Kingston and most of them went to work for the Princeton Nurseries, which, at that time, was one of the largest nurseries in the country.  They all worked there. My grandfather and his children, many of them worked for Princeton Nurseries, when they first arrived in theUnited States.  SI:  Where and when were you born? MZ:  I was born in Princeton on November 20, 1925.  SI:  Did your mother's family also settle in the Princeton area? MZ:  … My mother's mother and father did not immigrate.  My mother had a sister who immigrated and a younger brother who immigrated.  They all came to this New Jersey area.  SI:  Do you know how your parents met? MZ:  Not really.  I don't know that. SI:  Did you grow up in Princeton? MZ:  Yes, I did.  …  SI:  What was Princeton like when you were growing up? MZ:  Well, it's much the same as it is today.  … Princeton proper doesn't really change very much, because of the dominance of the university, so that the Borough of Princeton doesn't change very much in my lifetime, in eighty years.  But the outskirts, Princeton Township and the neighboring township, is where all the expansion has taken place.  It's primarily residential, by a long shot.  There is some industry, but it's primarily a residential area. SI:  What about your neighborhood?  Your family had emigrated from Germany.  Were there other German immigrants in the area?  Was there a mixture of different groups? MZ:  … I really don't know that.  There was family.  … As I say, a lot of my family immigrated, Grandfather first, and then, my mother and her sister and her husband, and then, the members of the family immigrated, following the grandfather, which was not unusual in those days.  So, most of … my knowledge of other Germans were mostly family, family members of the Zapf family and the Latterman family.  That was my mother's maiden name.  She had a sister and a brother here, also. SI:  Were most of your activities during your childhood centered around your family? MZ:  Very much so, very much so, which was rather standard procedure, I guess, in those days.  We associated with members of the family more so than we do today. SI:  Were you involved in any aspect of the community through a church or a community group? MZ:  Belonged to a Dutch Reformed Church in Blawenburg, New Jersey.  My family was, as they say in German,Evangelisch, Protestant, all right, non-Catholic, and the only church near where I lived was the little church in Blawenburg.  It's still there, called, I don't think they say Dutch Reformed Church anymore, it's just called a Reformed Church, for whatever reason that is.  … That's the church that I attended when I was growing up, for Sunday school on Sundays. SI:  Where did you go to school? MZ:  I went to the local township school in Montgomery Township, outside of Princeton, adjoining Princeton Township, … through eighth grade, and then, in high school, to Princeton High School.  We bussed to Princeton for the four years.  SI:  What did you think of the education you received in Montgomery and Princeton? MZ:  I think it was very good.  Looking back to those days, I think it was a good education and, certainly, I felt at the time that we were fortunate to be bussed to Princeton, because, before I went to high school, most students from our area were bussed to Somerville, New Jersey, and due to whatever reason, capacity or something, the township changed from Somerville to Princeton High School and that was a fortunate thing for me, because it was a better high school. MM:  Did you take part in any sports or extracurricular activities in high school? MZ:  Not very much.  I lost my father when I was three years old, so, I really didn't know my father.  So, my mother went to work to support me.  … I grew up with my uncle and aunt instead.  So, when I became old enough to work and earn some money, I usually did that, and that includes in high school, after high school, days and weekends.  I usually worked, to try to take the burden off my mother. MM:  What type of jobs did you hold? MZ:  I worked in a hardware store, I worked in a grocery store, drove a delivery truck in Princeton, that sort of thing.  Of course, that was only a short period of time, because my senior high school year was 1943, which was in the middle of the war.  … In fact, the last six months of my senior year, we dropped all of our regular classes and we're given what they called pre-induction classes, because everyone, unless you had some handicap, was certain to … enter the service.  In fact, I was only seventeen when I graduated.  There were some colleagues who were eighteen who actually missed the last six months of their high school year, because they were drafted when they were eighteen. SI:  Can you elaborate on these induction classes a bit more?  What did they entail? MZ:  Induction? SI:  Pre-induction classes. MZ:  Oh, well, the major one, which had an impact on me when I went into the service, was, they assigned a naval officer to the school who taught us Morse code and semaphore.  Do you know what semaphore is? with flags, yes.  [Editor's Note:  Mr. Zapf is referring to communication with signal flags.]  As it turns out, when … I entered [the] service, I did apply for and get into the Army Air Corps.  There wasn't any Air Force in those days and, even though I wanted to learn to be a pilot, it didn't work, because … I entered too late.  I didn't go in until 1944 and they had more pilots than they knew what to do with.  So, they sent me to radio school.  So, the Morse code that I learned in high school came in handy, as it turned out.  SI:  Do you remember some of the other subjects that came up in these courses? MZ:  I only remember the naval officer who was assigned to our high school.  No, I don't remember what the other courses were. SI:  Were these courses in addition to normal classes, like science, math and history classes? MZ:  Right.  I think things like math and history, they continued, because, obviously, they had something to do with pre-induction.  SI:  Did you notice other things being cut back at your school, like social activities or sports programs, because of the war? MZ:  Oh, yes.  For example, it was a tradition at the high school for the senior class to go to Washington on a day trip or a two-day trip.  Things like that were cancelled.  We spent a lot of time collecting things for the war effort. There was a big pile of junk in the back of the school where we collected [laughter] metals and various things for the war effort.  We were all conscious, obviously, of the war. SI:  Before Pearl Harbor, what did you know about what was happening overseas, in Europe and Asia, in the late 1930s and early 1940s? MZ:  I don't remember exactly.  I was aware, certainly, of what was happening in Germany, because [I was] of German origin.  I went to Germany twice during my youth, once when I was five years old, in 1930, and once when I was ten years old, in 1935, and I can recall the Nazi Movement, not necessarily anyone that I remember in my family, but there were lots of parades, which, as a young boy, I really enjoyed.  The Germans could do a fantastic parade, with bugles and drums and horses.  … I do remember that and I was aware of Nazism, although I'm not sure I had any … knowledge of what the impact really was, of what was going on from that political standpoint.  … In the Pacific, I don't remember anything there until the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor, … which was '41.  … That would have made me sixteen years old.  I was at a neighbor's farm.  I think it was on a Sunday, as a matter-of-fact.  I remember that quite vividly, … the farmer telling me the news that just had come over the radio and I getting on my bicycle and riding home to tell my family that the Japanese had bombed Pearl Harbor. MM:  How were you received in Germany, as an American, visiting there in the 1930s?  Did you talk to many of the locals? MZ:  Sure we did.  Again, probably mostly family, but, obviously, other people as well and we were well-received.  I have only happy recollections of those days, although it's so many, many years ago, but I remember doing that.  We didn't fly.  We took a passenger ship from New York to Germany, … which was an exciting thing, once as a five-year-old and once as a ten-year-old.  I remember having a great time and there was family left over there.  They didn't all immigrate.  So, we spent the months that I was there in the summer visiting family, visiting and staying with family. SI:  Which areas did you stay in and visit? MZ:  Well, one was Hamburg, where there was an aunt and uncle who lived there.  They were farmers and the rest of them were in Thuringia, [in] what was known, after World War II, as East Germany.  That's where my family came from.  … SI:  You were there for a number of months, a summer visit. MZ:  Probably a couple of months, both times.  I don't remember, but my family used to tell the story that, when I was five years old and went to Germany for two months, that when I came home, I had forgotten how to speak English.  I don't remember that, but they used to tell that story, because I was, you know, immersed in German and, of course, at that age, one learns a language rather rapidly, … but one also forgets the original language.   SI:  Were you raised to speak both German and English? MZ:  We spoke mostly English, because my family was trying to learn to speak English, but, obviously, they spoke German when we were all alone. SI:  They did not adhere to the notion that, "We are in America now, we are going to ignore our past." MZ:  No. SI:  Were German traditions kept up in your household, other than the language? MZ:  Pretty much, pretty much so, yes. SI:  Holiday celebrations, that sort of thing. MZ:  Well, but they're pretty much the same as American holidays, the exceptions being, like, the Fourth of July, … but, certainly, Christmas and Easter were the same in both countries. SI:  Just before Pearl Harbor, do you remember any discussions, either in your family, in your community or among your friends, about whether America should or should not get involved in overseas conflicts? MZ:  I'm sure there were those discussions, but I don't really remember that.  I don't really remember taking part in anything like that, or hearing it even, when it was discussed.  There was certainly concern before the US entered the war, from the German standpoint, because Germany was at war, right, going back to 1939.  So, there was concern within my family, obviously, for family reasons, right. SI:  Were they corresponding with their relatives in Germany after the war broke out? MZ:  Oh, yes, as much as they could. SI:  What were they hearing? MZ:  Oh, I don't know what they were hearing.  That's too long ago. SI:  When Pearl Harbor happened, did you think that you would eventually be involved or did you think that it would be over in a few months?  You were sixteen then. MZ:  Well, I'm not sure what I thought at that time.  … No, I probably didn't know that I was going to be involved. I didn't know how long the war was going to last or anything like that.  I don't think I thought about that at that time, but it didn't take very long before it became a thing that I did think about, because of age and people being drafted, young men being drafted, … some enlisting at seventeen and some being drafted at eighteen.  So, I knew, I was sixteen when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor, that, two years later, I was about to go.  Initially, I guess, I didn't think about it.  MM:  Did you have older friends who entered the service before you, while you were still at home? MZ:  Yes.  One of my best friends was the son of the farmer who lived next door to where I lived, the Hegaman family.  … He was about three years older than I and he left, I don't remember exactly which year, but, probably in 1942. MM:  Did you hear from him at all during that time? MZ:  Yes, I did, as a matter-of-fact.  … By luck or coincidence, when we were being liberated from Japan, from the POW [camp], we flew through … Guam.  I was in the hospital on Guam for a short period of time, on the way back, and I asked one of the nurses if they could locate my friend by the name of Bob Hegaman.  All I knew was that he was in the Marines in the Pacific somewhere and she found him, on Guam.  … It was an amazing reunion we had, … probably in September 1945.  The war was over and he happened to be in Guam, on his way home, as I was, but we didn't know each other was there until this nurse was able to find him. SI:  That is pretty amazing, in the whole war. MZ:  Yes, two little country boys from New Jersey having a reunion.  It was unique.  SI:  After Pearl Harbor, how soon did your community begin to change, in terms of rationing, blackouts, things like that?  Do you remember those aspects? MZ:  I can remember rationing, because of various things.  I worked in a grocery store in Princeton, a supermarket. I think it was called the A&P in those days.  Things like butter and coffee were rationed, I remember that. Gasoline was rationed.  … In my senior year of high school, I was fortunate in one regard, my stepfather had entered the Army and left his car home for me to use.  So, I was a pretty classy senior in high school, with my own car.  Back in those days, it was unique for that to happen; today, perhaps not so much.  So, I was faced with the rationing problem.  I remember that, for the few months that I was home and had [the] ability to drive a car. SI:  What happened to your stepfather in the service? MZ:  He didn't go overseas.  He served in various places in the United States.  He was in the Army.  I don't remember specifically what he did, some branch of the Army somewhere. SI:  I want to ask you a few questions about living in Princeton.  Was there any kind of relationship between you, the townspeople, and the university?    MZ:  Not really. SI:  Would you go to sporting events? MZ:  Oh, I used to spend any spare time I had going to sporting events at Princeton.  I would usher at football games, for example.  It was a non-paying job, but I could get to see the football game, at the old stadium.  I can't even remember the name of the stadium now. SI:  Palmer Stadium? MZ:  Palmer Stadium, right, and there were lots of other sporting events that one could see for free of charge, like the university wrestling team and swimming team.  I spent a lot of time at the university, in my spare time, at those kinds of events. SI:  In 1938, the War of the Worlds broadcast caused a lot of hysteria in the Princeton/Princeton Junction area. Do you remember that at all? MZ:  I'm trying to remember the man who did that. SI:  Orson Wells. MZ:  Right, Orson Wells.  I have a recollection of that, I don't think first-hand, but I remember it happening.   SI:  I was wondering if people actually felt that way, because it alarmed people in the area where it the story took place. MZ:  I don't know. SI:  Okay.  Most kids in high school, towards the end, are thinking about what they are going to do afterwards, whether they will be going to college or getting a job.  However, being in high school during the war, did you only think about going into the service? MZ:  Yes, I had no career plans.  I was not scheduled to go to a university or college.  In those days, it was totally the reverse of what it is today.  The majority of students in high school did not attend college.  There was only a select group of students who took academic courses in preparation for college.  There was no plan for me to attend a college while I was going to high school. SI:  Did you give any thought to what career you might pursue or was it all on hold? MZ:  Everything was sort of on hold.  I didn't know what in the world was going to [happen], what I was going to do.  I had no plan, because, you know, we were going to be inducted and we were going in the military, and that's all we really thought about during the latter years in high school. SI:  Can you take us through the process of being inducted and actually getting into the military?  How soon after graduation did you go in? MZ:  We had to register at age eighteen, register for the draft, and I was eighteen in November.  I really wanted to join the Navy, because I didn't know how to swim, and I knew [that] everybody who joined the Navy was taught to swim and I wanted to join the Navy.  … I needed a parent's signature.  My mother didn't agree with me and she said, I'm going to be drafted anyway, "You might as well wait."  So, I lost that argument, and then, at eighteen, in November, I registered for the draft and it didn't take very long after that before I was called.  In January, I was called to Somerville for physical examination, etc., and all the draft boards in the area came to this place inSomerville.  Our draft board was late that day, so, we were one of the last ones going through and I remember, at the end, there were three officers sitting there, one representing the Army, one Navy and one the Marines, and I walked up there and the man stamped my papers, "US Army," and I said, "I'm sorry, I'm going in the Navy," and he said, "I'm sorry, son, the quota is filled for today."  They obviously couldn't let everybody make their own decision, and had I been early that day, maybe I could have gotten in the Navy, but I couldn't and I was heartbroken.  I went home.  I don't think I cried, but I was very upset, because I had my heart set on joining the Navy.  So, I wound up in the Army.  We had this physical in January and, in February, I reported for active duty, at Fort Dix, New Jersey.  At Fort Dix, I applied then for Army Air Corps and pilot training and I passed the initial tests and they sent me to an Air Force basic training camp.  … I've forgotten where, in North Carolina or somewhere down there, and, as I said earlier, I took some more tests for becoming a pilot, but, at the end, they used the term, "We've been washed out," because they had too many pilots.  … So, there was no more pilot training available and they sent me to radio school.  That's how that all came about. SI:  Was it difficult to make the transition from civilian to inductee in the military? MZ:  I don't think it was.  It's certainly a big change, but I don't think I found it difficult.  … I don't think I was homesick.  I didn't have any of those kinds of problems. SI:  Had you spent much time away from home before that? MZ:  No, not really, no, but we were all young men entering the service and it was an interesting experience, all parts of it.  I have no regrets about having served. SI:  What about traveling down South to what I guess was a classification center in North Carolina? MZ:  Basic training. SI:  It was basic training, in North Carolina.  It was Air Corps basic training, not Army basic training. MZ:  Yes.  It was an Air Corps basic training. SI:  What was an average day like in basic training? MZ:  We did many things in basic training, most of it learning to march and obey orders and physical training, a lot of physical training, to make sure we're in good shape.  … That's about it.  That's my recollection. MM:  Did you meet a lot of new people in basic training? MZ:  Of course. MM:  Were they from other parts of the country? MZ:  Of course.  There were no friends with me.  No high school friends were in the same group or anything, so, everybody was new, but that was not a problem.  … We're all in the same boat, really.  … It was not a problem. SI:  Do any of your drill instructors stand out in your memory? MZ:  No, I don't remember [any] specifically. SI:  They were not like characters you would see in the movies. MZ:  At my age, … memory fades.  No, I can't be specific about those things.  SI:  Where did you go after basic training? MZ:  After basic training, they sent me to radio school.  The other option was gunnery school.  I was an enlisted man.  The other option would have been engineering school, but I'd really had no engineering type of background. So, they sent me to radio school in Scott Field, Illinois, which is near St. Louis.  I don't even remember how long we were there, but we were there quite a long time.  It was rather an extensive training program, not only learning to send and receive Morse code, but the mechanics of a radio.  We'd build a radio set.  It was good training. SI:  Were you taught how to repair equipment? MZ:  Yes, which was probably a waste of time, because, when you're on an airplane, flying bombing missions, you don't have any time to repair a radio anyway, but they did teach us that.  … SI:  Were you taught radio navigation at that point? MZ:  Yes.  I don't remember the terminology anymore, but we could, by sending radio beams, do navigational work, if the pilot requested that.  Of course, in my actual flying, we had a navigator who did most of that kind of work, but had it been necessary, I could assist in that, also. SI:  You mentioned that it was a very long training course, but how intense was it?  Did many men wash out? MZ:  I think there were some.  In radio school, I think there were some washouts, but not very many, a small percentage who … couldn't do Morse code.  It's not an easy thing to listen to [the] "dit-dot" sort of thing and write it down, that's really what the job entailed.  SI:  Did you have to get faster and faster, record more words, each week? MZ:  Yes.  That was the objective, to make you proficient in sending and receiving. SI:  Do you remember going on leave, either in Illinois or North Carolina, and visiting any local cities or towns? MZ:  I don't really remember.  I'm sure that, from time-to-time, we were given a pass to go into the city.  Certainly, in Scott Field, I went to St. Louis on occasion, on a weekend.  We were very close to St. Louis and that was a major city.  So, on weekends, to get away from the base, whenever it was possible, I certainly went to St. Louis a few times.  I don't remember the North Carolina thing.  I don't think we had passes in basic training.  SI:  Where were you sent after Scott Field? MZ:  I was sent to Lincoln, Nebraska, to an Army Air Corps base, which was a staging area for crew members. They assembled everybody there, I think, including the pilots, co-pilots, navigators, bombardiers, gunners, radiomen.  They created crews from that batch of people.  That's where we were crewed.  We were there, let's say in Lincoln, probably no more than a week or two, doing nothing, waiting to be crewed and [for our] next orders, and, when they came through, we were sent to Alamogordo, New Mexico.  … On the train down, we met our crew members.  We met each other, which was rather interesting.  I'm not sure all of them, but most of them; the gunners were on the same train and some of the officers, bombardiers, navigators.  We found out who our crew members were going to be.  In the B-29 program, the pilot was called [the] airplane commander, the co-pilot was called the pilot, which is confusing to some people when we talk about that.  Our airplane commander was a man by the name of George Keller.  So, we were members of Keller's Crew.  There were eleven of us, he and ten more, and we flew in Alamogordo, while he was learning to fly a B-29.  He had a pilot's license and he could fly large airplanes, but he had never flown a B-29, nor the co-pilot, or the pilot.  So, it was a boring time, because all we did was take-off and land, take-off and land, all day long, while he's learning to fly the B-29.  … We were there, like, three or four months for that training and, of course, all of us did training on whatever our responsibilities were.  The bombardier, the navigator, we would go on trips; when … the pilot knew how to fly it, we'd go on trips where the navigator would have to plan the route and we made trial bombing runs for the bombardier's sake and the gunners practiced and that sort of thing and I, of course, did, too. MM:  We hear stories of men being anxious, while they are in training, to get into combat.  Is that the way you and your crew felt? MZ:  Yes.  We were anxious about when we were going and where we were going.  The B-29s were new to the Air Force, had not been used anywhere, except in the Pacific, and they had only begun being used in 1944.  So, I volunteered for the B-29 only because of the excitement of [flying in] a new airplane.  When I finished radio school and they gave us an option, … I put my hand up for that, because I wanted to fly in something new and it was unique, because we had pressurized cabins, for example.  … We didn't have to wear a lot of heavy underwear and coats and jackets.  So, it was thrilling excitement, a lot of excitement about joining the B-29 group. SI:  Before you got into bombers, were you aware of the casualty rate, how dangerous it actually was in the bomber force? MZ:  Yes, … we read the newspapers.  We knew, for example, in Europe, we suffered many casualties in bombing Europe, B-17s and B-24s.  So, we knew there was a lot of danger involved and we assumed the Pacific would be no different than it was in Europe.  The Japanese had pretty capable flyers, pilots, as well. MM:  When you were down there, did you know which theater of operations you would be sent to? MZ:  Which theater?  When we were down in New Mexico?  Yes, because the B-29s only went to the Pacific. We knew we were going to the Pacific and we had three choices, Guam, Saipan or Tinian.  That was it, and we wound up on Tinian, which, at that time, was the biggest airport in the world.  It was an unbelievable thing.  There were four runways, side-by-side, and, on mission days, it was a sight to behold.  There were hundreds of B-29s lined up, ready to take-off, and four of them would go down the runway side-by-side, taking off.  … You don't see that anywhere in the world today.  It was quite a thing to see and we were happy [that] we got to Tinian, because it was the biggest base. SI:  Was this the first combat tour for all of the members of your crew or had some of them had experience on other types of aircraft?   MZ:  … The airplane commander and pilot, they had flown, during training, other kinds of airplanes, but the rest of us had not flown anything.  I flew on some airplanes during training, but not very often.  It was really a first time for most of us. SI:  You had gone on flights, say, at Scott Field. MZ:  Yes, Scott Field.  … I flew on some training mission, a few times, not often.  So, when we got to Alamogordo, it was the first time that I did any extensive flying. SI:  While you were in training, did you have any exposure to anybody who had been in combat earlier in the war, anybody that had transitioned from B-17s or B-24s? MZ:  In training, there were some instructors who had … returned from the European Theater, had completed their missions and … had become instructors, for example, in the radio school.  What I knew about the European Theater was what I read in the paper.  … There was no television in those days [laughter] and there was newsreels … when you went to a movie.  It was customary to see news before the main feature started.  They would show a little blip of current news. SI:  Nobody said, "When you get into combat, you are going to face this and you can deal with it this way?" MZ:  We knew something about that.  We'd seen pictures and movies of dogfights in Europe and B-24s and B-17s being shot down. SI:  I have interviewed more B-17 and B-24 veterans than I have B-29 veterans.  I know that on the other aircraft, the radio operator would double as a gunner.  Was there a similar arrangement on the B-29? MZ:  No.  On the B-29, it was all done by remote gun sights.  … There were gun turrets, but no man in the gun turret.  There was a tail gunner who sat in the tail and had a machine gun and a cannon.  … So, he was at a gun, but the other gunners, it was remotely-controlled by the central fire control man, who sat in a little dome in the middle of the airplane.  He had control of all the guns.  There were four turrets, two up front, top and bottom, and two in the middle, top and bottom, and he could fire all four of them … or he could give the ability to fire all four of those to any of the gunners by using a gun sight that was remotely-controlled.  So, it was totally different than the B-17, B-24. SI:  In flight, you concentrated solely on your radio operating work. MZ:  Yes. SI:  Were there any other tasks that you had to attend to? MZ:  No, it was a terrible job, [laughter] because the radio operator position was behind the front gun turret, in a little corner, and I had no window.  I couldn't look out, except, when we were over a target.  I sat next to the front bomb bay and there was a little, round door, with a small window.  Over a target, when the bomb bay doors were open, I could look out that hole and see … [the] bombs dropping.  That's the only time I could see anything.  So, it was a terrible job, being radioman. SI:  How long were you stationed at Alamogordo? MZ:  … I'm going to guess like three months.  I don't remember exactly, but about three months, maybe four. From there, we flew to Kansas, to pick up a pretty, new airplane at the Boeing factory, and we flew that to Sacramento to Hawaii to Kwajalein to Tinian.  We didn't know where we were going until we left Sacramento.  … The airplane commander was given orders and he didn't know where we were going until we left the States.  So, he could open the orders after we'd left the United States and he announced over the intercom where we were going, Tinian.  … We were excited about that, because it was the biggest base, where they had the largest number of B-29s. SI:  There has been a lot written about the relationships within bomber crews.  In films, crews are often depicted as becoming very close-knit.  What was the case with your crew?  Were you a tight-knit crew? MZ:  I'd say no.  There was not a lot of interaction between the commissioned officers and the non-coms.  … That was the tradition.  The officers were trained to keep it that way.  So, if you separate the two groups, we flew together, but we didn't … associate much together, other than the time we flew.  There were … five officers and six non-coms.  The six non-coms were very close together.  We lived together and bunked together and all that sort of thing.  The fact that we were separated by the military procedure, we never became very close to the commissioned officer group.  We liked Keller very much.  He was a good airplane commander and a nice guy, so, we liked him, but we didn't associate with him.  Interesting enough, he didn't even associate with the other four officers, because he was kept with the airplane commanders.  They separated the airplane commanders from the other commissioned officers and, of course, non-coms were even further away.  So, we were not a close crew.  I think, as opposed to some other crews, where the officers made the crew closer, Keller didn't do that. SI:  Did you see that level of association among other crews that you came in contact with? MZ:  It depended on the airplane commander to create whatever relationship existed and I think, by and large, most of them were like our crew.  We were not close. SI:  However, the enlisted men were close. MZ:  Oh, yes, because we barracked together.  We ate at the same mess hall and so forth, but … everything else was separate.  The commissioned officers were separate from the non-coms. ---------------------------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE ONE------------------------------------- SI:  There were five officers, the airplane commander, the pilot, the navigator, the bombardier and … MZ:  The radar officer.  SI:  Okay.  Were you assigned to a bomb group and squadron when you arrived on Tinian or had you already been assigned to one? MZ:  No, when we got to Tinian, we … learned that we were in the Fifth Squadron of the Ninth Bomb Group and, interestingly enough, we lost our pretty, new airplane.  They took it away from us.  [laughter] They gave it to somebody else and we wound up with an old B-29, which we named The Sad Tomato.  It was a problem airplane, always had engine problems or some kind of mechanical problem.  We had to miss flights some times because of the airplane, but that's standard procedure.  Someone who outranked our airplane commander, he took it away from us and we wound up with another one. SI:  Going back to your training, from what I have read, the casualties in aerial training due to accidents were nearly as high as casualties in combat, during certain phases of the war.  Did you see many accidents, particularly when you were in Alamogordo? MZ:  It certainly was not as bad as it was in combat.  There were some accidents, but I honestly don't remember anyone being killed, but there were some B-29s that crashed, during training.  … SI:  Did your crew have any close calls in training? MZ:  No, I don't remember any close calls.  It was, sometimes, bouncy trips, because … the airplane commander's learning how to fly, right, [laughter] and he wasn't always smooth.  He would bounce on the runway a few times and that sort of thing.  … That was all part of our training. SI:  Do you remember the names of the men in your crew? MZ:  Yes, pretty much so. SI:  Yes, and which positions they filled. MZ:  Do you want me to [list them]?  … SI:  Yes. MZ:  The airplane commander was George Keller, the pilot was Carl Holden, bombardier, Walter Ross, the navigator was Gene Correll, and, up front, the flight engineer was Shelby Fowler.  He was the ranking non-com, because he was an older man.  I think he was a tech or master sergeant and myself, as radio operator; we were the ones who were up front.  Then, in the rear compartment, there were four gunners, Gene Conley, who was the central fire-control man, who had control over the guns.  He was a cop from Chicago.  Gerry Blake, he was another young kid, like myself.  I think I was the youngest, but he was born the same year as me.  He was the left gunner.  Travers Harman was the right gunner.  He was an … older man.  I think he was, maybe, [in his] early forties, unusual, and then, the tail gunner was Chris Nikitas and the radar officer in the back was Sandy Levine. That's it.  You see, I remember those names.  I will never forget them, I guess, because of our time together and, certainly, our experience made us closer.  … We became more close, even the officer portion, long after the war ended, during reunions. SI:  Were they from all over the country? MZ:  Yes.  I'm not sure I can repeat where they're all from.  Airplane Commander Keller was from Indiana; I'm not sure what city.  If you really want to know, we'd have to go downstairs. SI:  I was just wondering if you were meeting people from all over the country. MZ:  They were from all over the country.  … The pilot was from Massachusetts, the Boston area.  The bombardier was from Philadelphia.  The navigator was from North or South Carolina, as I remember.  As I mentioned, Conley was a Chicago cop.  Travers Harman was a cop in Washington, DC, another gunner.  Gerry Blake was from Upper New York State somewhere, I think, and Chris Nikitas was from Fitchburg,Massachusetts.  That's clear in my mind, because he's in the New England Cable News film.  If you have time, I'd like to show you that.  It's only a twelve-minute bit.  So, he was from Fitchburg and I think that covers everybody, right.  Oh, Stan Levine was from Pennsylvania somewhere, Western Pennsylvania, near Pittsburgh.  … SI:  What were your living conditions on Tinian like when you first got there? MZ:  We lived in the Quonset huts.  Interesting enough, everybody lived in Quonset huts.  Everything was done in Quonset huts, some big and some small.  On my trip there last August, it was interesting to see, the Japanese built concrete buildings and they're still there, in ruins, right, but all of our stuff is gone.  I mean, they took the Quonset huts down, or somebody did.  There's nothing there anymore, but you can see the remains of many Japanese buildings on the island, as opposed to the Americans, who built Quonset huts.  Everything was done in Quonset huts, … big ones and small ones. SI:  By the time you got there, it was a well-established base. MZ:  Yes.  We were a replacement crew.  We got there, like, in April of '45 and they had been there since late '44 and some crews had already completed their missions.  In our case, our tour of duty was thirty-five missions.  If you made thirty-five missions, you could go home.  So, we were a replacement crew for some crews that had completed their missions and some crews that had lost their lives or lost, you know, the crew. MM:  Could you see a difference between your crew and some of the crews that had been there for longer periods of time? MZ:  Any difference?  No, only experience-wise; … we're all the same caliber people.  The crews were all very similar to each other.  Everybody had the same kind of make-up of the crew and the only difference was the ages of some and maybe, in some cases, the experience of some.  There were some who had flown many missions when we got there.  So, we used to look to them for experience and knowledge and that sort of thing. SI:  What do you remember about your first mission? MZ:  I don't remember specifically anything about it, except it was very exciting, to see us drop bombs.  We carried a lot of bombs and … some of them were high explosives and, sometimes, they were incendiary bombs, … which we used to burn up the various cities that we went over.  We certainly destroyed a lot of Japanese cities with those bombs.  It was a unique experience, a very exciting one, and, certainly, there was some anxiety and fear involved.  To be over a target with the bomb bay doors open and you watch those things going down, … it's quite an experience. SI:  Can you take us through what you, at your radio operator's post, did during a mission? MZ:  I just sat there and wrote down what came over the radio.  We were given assigned frequencies that we should listen to and, of course, you can only listen to one at a time and I usually remember tuning in one frequency and only changing it if the signal got weak.  We had to keep a log of what you heard and it's a boring job.  I would hate to have to do it today.  These are long missions.  They were anywhere from twelve to sixteen-hour missions, from Tinian to Japan and back again, and to sit there and write down in the log what you're hearing, one letter at a time, [was boring], you know.  … Fortunately, that sort of thing doesn't exist anymore, [laughter] but, at that time, that was my job. SI:  What kind of messages were you receiving?  Were they, say, course corrections? MZ:  I don't remember specifically.  Primarily, I guess, we were listening for trouble spots, an airplane in trouble or something like that.  Specifically, I don't remember what kind of messages we were listening to.  … The rest of the crew had a major advantage.  They would ask me to tune in … an AM station, where they could listen to American music.  I couldn't do that.  I had to sit there, [laughter] listen to that damn Morse code for eight hours up and eight hours back again, that sort of thing, that's the way it was.  MM:  Was it a continuous stream of messages or was there down time, where you did not hear anything? MZ:  Yes, there was times when you didn't hear anything, but you had to sit with your earphones on and listen for something. SI:  Did you ever transmit messages? MZ:  Send them?  I had no reason to.  … When we were shot down, we had a fire and there was no need for me to send a message … about our condition, because we had two planes from our squadron who buddied us down and stayed with us.  They were, of course, radioing our position and what was happening. SI:  When your squadron flew a mission against Japan, would you fly in formation?  How did that go? MZ:  For the daylight missions, we would meet somewhere, the squadron would meet somewhere, … off the coast of Japan and fly in formation over the bomb [target] and drop bombs.  Night missions, we would go in one at a time, too hard to fly formation at nighttime, and the same thing with mining missions.  We flew a few missions dropping mines in the Shimonoseki Straits.  We would do that alone.  Each plane'd … make a single run, to drop your bombs or mines.  On the day that we were shot down, it was a daylight mission, so, we were flying in formation that day.  … Our airplane commander, Keller, had a problem with our airplane, that we lost power, and he had difficulty staying within the formation and … we dropped out of the formation.  We got hit … because we were out of the formation.  It was antiaircraft fire that hit us, but it could have been a fighter plane also, because … there were fighters around during that episode, … and then, we had all sorts of problems.  … You want to talk about that now? SI:  Sure, if you would like. MZ:  We had the problem of losing power in one of the engines.  So, he had difficulty staying in the formation and, therefore, we dropped back and the next thing I heard was somebody in the back reporting a fire in the number three engine, which, of course, I paid attention to, because it came over … the speaker, the channel where everybody could hear, and that certainly caught my attention.  … Then, I listened to what was going on amongst ourselves onboard.  The pilot put the plane in a dive, to see if he could blow out the fire.  As it turns out, it was not an engine fire.  It was [that] we got hit in the gas tank and the gasoline was burning.  … So, he could not blow out the fire and the next thing I heard was, he said, "Prepare for ditching."  I got up in the astrodome that the navigator used to shoot the stars or whatever.  I crawled up there and had a look out and I saw the fire and I thought, "My God, we have to get out of here."  It was a bad fire.  It was longer than the airplane.  It was out beyond the tail of the airplane.  … I thought it could blow up any minute.  So, he said, "Prepare for ditching," but, then, we had bombs that hung up, two or three bombs hung up.  The bombardier went out to kick those loose.  He couldn't get the bomb bay doors closed.  So, he said, … "We can't ditch."  He finally said, "Jump," and all of us [jumped].  I don't know how many minutes it took, but it was an exciting period of time, let me tell you, mainly because he had flown out over the water.  We'd bombed a city called Yawata, which is on the coast of Kyushu, the southern island, near Shimonoseki.  Straits, and he flew out over the Sea of Japan, so that we could jump into the water or ditch into the water, whichever, and so, we were over the Sea of Japan.  … When we jumped, finally, my concern was, I couldn't swim.  … Anyway, I managed everything.  I had on a Mae West and I had a one-man life raft and I did everything right.  So, I wound up okay in the water, but that was certainly a concern of mine when I heard the final thing, he said, "Bail out," to the crew.  … Certainly, I was frightened and worried, … but I had no trouble jumping, because of that fire.  I knew I had to get out of there.  … He didn't survive, the airplane commander.  … We think he jumped too late and his chute didn't open, or the plane hit him on the way down, I don't know.  The plane exploded, eventually.  I thought it exploded when it hit the water, but there are some people [who dispute that].  I just came back from a reunion of our Ninth Bomb Group, up in Connecticut, two weeks ago and there was a gunner there from one of the crews that buddied us down and he seemed to think that the plane exploded before it hit the water and that it exploded when Keller jumped.  He was killed by the explosion, … but we don't know. He didn't survive, that's the important thing.  SI:  Did anyone else not survive? MZ:  No, no, ten of us survived.  I've told the story many times recently, so, I'm pretty good at it now.  You want to hear it? SI:  Sure. MZ:  [laughter] It was a beautiful, calm day.  The sun was shining, the sea was calm and we all accumulated together.  We didn't land far apart.  We could get together.  Unfortunately, some of our crew were not wearing their … one-man life rafts, so, we were short.  I'm going to guess, maybe, … [only] five of us had our one-man life rafts on.  I had mine, certainly, and the two planes that buddied us down, they dropped us a few more.  So, we wound up with eight life rafts for ten people.  So, four of us had to double up and, unfortunately, in those days, I was a little guy.  I only weighed about 160 pounds and I was one of the guys that had to double up.  So, it was like two men sitting in a bathtub, if you can imagine that.  It's about as long as a bathtub.  Your feet are at the end of the raft.  So, the other guy was sitting on the feet or between the legs.  … It wasn't very comfortable, but we survived. … Except that we [had] lost Keller, we were in a good mood.  We were happy … that we survived, the ten of us, and we were optimistic that we were going to be picked up.  … There were two Air-Sea Rescue possibilities, a submarine, we had submarines up there, doing Air-Sea Rescue to crews like ourselves, and, also, PBYs.  They were flying boats, out of Okinawa.  … These two guys were flying over us, radioing our position, and we thought, "We'll be picked up soon," but, as time went by, it didn't happen.  We learned later … that there was a submarine around, but he couldn't come, because we were sitting in … a mined area, probably our own mines that we had previously dropped.  [laughter] The submarine couldn't come pick us up and, what happened to the PBYs fromOkinawa, we really don't know.  They didn't find us.  So, after two or three days of optimism, it suddenly turned to pessimism, because we had no food.  We had only candy, Charms; you remember what those are? SI:  Suckers? MZ:  Right.  It's like a Lifesaver without a hole in the middle.  It was a little, square thing, and a few pints of water. I don't think we each had a pint, so, we were sharing what little water we had, but, after, let's say, three days, everything's getting low and we decided, "We have to do something."  We couldn't see land.  We were out in theSea of Japan somewhere.  So, we knew where Japan was, … because it had to be east of us, so, we started paddling east.  There were little paddles in the life raft that you strapped to your arms and you sat in there and paddled.  It took us another three-plus days before we got to land and Japanese fishermen came and picked us up.  So, we were in life rafts for almost a week, six-and-a-half days, really, from August 8th to the 14th.  … I'll continue that story, if you want me to, whenever. SI:  Can we go through the whole story, then, go back and ask questions?  Would that be okay? MZ:  Okay, whatever you want. SI:  Okay.  You were picked up by Japanese fishermen. MZ:  Fishermen.  … Until this year, I never knew what the name of the village was, but I found out this year, when we were back in Japan for this documentary film.  The film company had found the village, it was called Masuda, on the Sea of Japan, on Honshu, … the major island of Japan.  So, we must have drifted, although I've not measured it, but I would guess somewhere between a hundred and two hundred miles, I think, from where we bombed Yawata, or where we bailed out, because we were much farther north, on Honshu.  So, anyway, they picked us up and took us to their village.  They didn't treat us very well.  They hit us with things, bamboos, and the kids threw stones at us and spit on us, until the military came.  First, the policemen came, and then, the military came and they took us away and they blindfolded us, had our hands tied and, except for when we were walking, our feet were tied.  So, we don't know where we were.  … We rode on trucks and, sometimes, we rode on trains.  … I have to re-track dates.  We were picked up by the fishermen on the 14th.  The next day was the day that the Emperor announced the end of the war, on the 15th.  That's when we left the fishing village.  We arrived, then, in a city on the 16th.  We didn't know where we were or the name of the city, but it turned out to beHiroshima.  At the time, we didn't know the war was over and they didn't tell us the war was over.  They actually took us to Hiroshima to execute us, because of the dropping of the bomb, etc., because it's only ten days later. There was still a lot of hate and bitterness, because we killed a hundred thousand-plus people in Hiroshima.  A Japanese officer, by the name of Lieutenant (Fukui?), came to our rescue.  He debated the subject of execution with his commanding officer, reminding him of the Geneva Convention and he won the argument, fortunately for us. … We didn't know all of this at the time.  We were sitting in Hiroshima, at a military camp, and we were laying on the ground, again, with our hands and feet tied and blindfolded.  … One night, this officer came and said, in English, that he was going to take us away the next day.  We were startled to hear someone speak English for the first time. He did come and take us away and took us through the city and, thus, we saw Hiroshima, ten days after the bomb was dropped.  He drove us through the city, took our blindfolds off and he scolded us [for] what we had done, not meaning us, but what the Americans had done.  … We still didn't know about an atomic bomb.  We did not know anything about that, but we saw the city and … there was nothing there and, as you're going to hear on the film, you'll hear me say that it smelled like flesh, burnt flesh, like if you fringe, scald your hair on your arm.  … It still smelled like burnt flesh or something, I remember that.  He put us in a civilian jail for a couple of days.  We met two Americans in the jail who had been … POWs in Hiroshima when the bomb was dropped.  Actually, there were twelve Americans in Hiroshima and all of them were killed.  These two boys survived.  One was a B-24 gunner from Okinawa and the other was a Navy flyer of some kind, I think, also, a gunner.  They both died while we were with them for a couple of days, because they were, [it is] difficult to describe what they looked like.  They had pus running out of their mouth and ears and nose and they were in agony.  They wanted to die.  It was terrible and we, of course, couldn't do anything for them.  We didn't know what had caused their appearance.  It was terrible. Anyway, those two boys died while we were there.  We reported that, of course, to our officials when we were repatriated in the US.  … Lieutenant Fukui disappeared.  We didn't see him anymore, but he did feed us for the first time and gave us water.  In fact, he even gave us a shot of whiskey, or sake or something.  So, even though he scolded us, he really did save our lives.  Another Japanese officer and a group of soldiers took us away and took us to the POW camp.  I don't remember how we did that.  We rode on a truck and buses or trains or something and, outside the camp, outside the POW camp; we were reconciled to spending a couple of years in the POW camp, you know.  Outside the camp, he called us to attention, the ten of us, and told us the war was over.  You can't believe the feeling we had at that time.  It was just amazing.  In the camp, there were a hundred Americans that had been captured in the Philippines in 1942 and … about a hundred British captives who had been captured in the Singapore area.  … We were treated like heroes, because we were the first [Americans to come in].  They knew the war was over.  The guards at the POW camp had disappeared, because there was some retribution that took place when they found out the war was over.  The guards hadn't treated the POWs very well.  So, the POWs, when they heard the war was over, took action against some of the bad guards and they all disappeared. We were free in the POW camp.  We had to wait there until someone came to get us, because we couldn't really leave on our own, but it was a happy experience in the camp, really.  The area, it was on a little island called Mukaishima and the peasants and the farmers in the area, they hadn't been bombed, so, they were reasonably friendly.  Some of us even got invited to their homes for a meal or something like that, you know.  We spent … at least a month there, waiting to be liberated.  … Finally, near mid or late September, we were sent back home.  … SI:  Before having to bail out, had you had any training on what to do in that kind of situation? MZ:  No.  We had some training about inflating our life rafts and the Mae West.  While we were on Tinian, they took us out in the water, on a barge and made us jump in the water and inflate both things and learn to climb in the life raft.  That's all, no training about jumping.  I hadn't jumped before, nor since.  I don't think any of us had. SI:  You had not gone through any survival training at any point. MZ:  No, nothing really.  We were always taught that if you become a prisoner, all you had to do is give them your name, rank and serial number.  We were interrogated by the Japanese, somewhere after the fishing village. Interesting enough, the war was over, but they didn't tell us that.  So, we had no idea what they were doing or why they were asking questions.  They would ask us about how many people were on the airplane and that sort of insignificant sort of stuff.  I guess they felt they were just fulfilling their duties.  It didn't amount to very much.  There wasn't any harm being wrought on us during the interrogation or anything like that.  We questioned the man who told us the war was over [about] why they had kept us tied and blindfolded during the time we were [held captive], because the war was over.  He had a very logical answer, that made sense to me, anyway.  He said, "We did that for your own benefit, because we were traveling through severely bombed areas," Hiroshima was the best example, "where the population was not very receptive to seeing you walking around with big smiles on your faces.  You would have been laughing and been happy to know the war was over and the population was in no mood to see you guys celebrating."  … That's what he said to us and it made a lot of sense.  So, that's why, he said, they kept us blindfolded and tied, because we were traveling on public transportation sometimes.  … Imagine [being] blindfolded; you can peek out down here, sometimes.  I would try to do that sometimes and a guard would clobber me with a rifle butt, when he saw me peeking, and all of us did the same thing and we got hit with the damn rifle butt.  … So, we stopped peeking. SI:  Did you have a preconceived notion of what it would be like to be a prisoner of the Japanese? MZ:  Well, we've heard a lot of bad stories, even back then, about how the Japanese treated POWs.  So, we were certainly fretful about that. SI:  The Doolittle Raiders are an example that comes up often, that they were publicly beheaded. MZ:  We'd heard those kinds of stories.  We were fortunate … that this man Fukui came to bat for us.  There are some people who are negative about everything and say he was protecting his own ass.  He knew the war was over and he knew that, if they beheaded us, we would have found out about it, we meaning the US forces, and [he would] be tried as a war criminal.  So, maybe he wasn't being such a good guy.  But I take a different attitude, because he had been associated with a missionary from New Hampshire, from Dartmouth College, by the name of Professor (Bartlett?), who perhaps had converted him to becoming a Christian.  He claimed to be a Christian. After the war, we communicated with Mr. Fukui through Mrs. Bartlett.  He would write to her.  She made copies of his letter and she would distribute it to the ten of us, the ten survivors.  We would do the same thing responding to him.  So, I believe the man acted in good faith on our behalf.  I don't think he was protecting his own backside. I think he was doing what was proper.  I met this man and eventually moved to Japan with my family and we had many meetings.  We met in Hiroshima many years after the fact.  … So, I feel rather [good about him]. Unfortunately, the man died in 1987. SI:  Did you ever find out about his background, such as how he came to speak English? MZ:  He studied English in school and won a scholarship for some months in a US college or university.  He came to the US.  There's some question about whether it was in Chicago or [it] was at Dartmouth.  We've never been able to really clarify that.  Even his children, who we met this past August, weren't sure about that, because they weren't born yet.  He, apparently, won a scholarship because of his English.  He was the star pupil, English pupil. He didn't speak it that well, though.  The point is, he had little or no practice and, after a while, the language disappears.  SI:  While all ten of you were together on the rafts, was anybody injured?  MZ:  No, nothing serious.  I think Holden, our pilot, bumped his head when he jumped.  So, he had a black eye or a cut up here or something like that, but nothing serious, … no serious injuries.  We were all in pretty good shape. … After a week, we had saltwater sores from sitting [in the water].  No matter how you tried, you couldn't help but have saltwater [in the raft] and the salt in the saltwater created saltwater sores.  I had them on my feet and on my arms, … but they cleared up very quickly after we got out of the water, … nothing serious. SI:  Were there any other dangers, like heatstroke or sharks? MZ:  I don't think we saw any sharks.  We all carried side arms, a .45-caliber gun, … tried to shoot a seagull, but none of us ever hit anything.  [laughter] I don't know what we would have done with it if we had killed one, but, no, … no dangers.  … The first night in the water, we probably could have been picked up by a Japanese fishing boat. A pretty good-sized one went by us rather closely and we actually hid.  We covered up and hunched down and didn't want to be caught, thinking we were going to be picked up by our people the next day.  They had music playing and we could hear the people talking.  They were that close to us and the sea was calm.  They were just, probably, going back to port and they were relaxing and didn't see us.  I don't know what would have happened if they did see us, whether they would have picked us up or what would have happened.  I don't think … we would have been smart enough for an attempt to commandeer [the boat], even if they had picked us up.  I don't think we would have.  … MM:  Did rank hold up while you were on the water or did everyone become equal in the group? MZ:  Rank?  … We were all together and we tied the boats together, so, we were obviously pretty close, but the end result was, we did separate and we separated according to rank, with one exception.  That was our flight engineer, that master sergeant, Fowler.  He traveled with the four officers.  There were only four left now.  So, we had five in one group and five, … the non-coms, in the other.  When we were paddling for shore, it was a tough job paddling and there was a little sail in the raft, a little sail about this big.  We used that, too.  There was some bickering going on, who was supposed to be in charge?  We had a unique thing in [that] the bombardier was a first lieutenant and all the other officers were second lieutenants.  Now, the airplane commander, when he was alive, he was in charge.  There was no doubt about that, but he was gone.  So, then, the bombardier, Walter Ross, he was the ranking officer.  By our means, we think the pilot was the next one in command.  So, there was a little bit of debate going on and argument going on among our officer group, about what we should do and what we shouldn't do.  … We eventually separated, meaning the non-coms, the five of us, and the officer corps, with the one non-com.  We're tired the first night we … saw the shore.  We slept during the night, woke up in the morning and the coast was gone.  We had drifted back out again.  So, the next day, we made up our minds, "We've got to get there."  So, we really worked our ass off, paddling.  We separated and we must have been at least a mile or so ahead of the officer group, because they weren't paddling as much as we were paddling.  We were picked up at least a half-hour, by the first fisherman who came out, before they got to the officer guys, because they were much further out.  … So, there was that little problem.  I don't think it was a serious one, but there was that problem. Lieutenant Ross was originally in the infantry and he'd been in longer and had been promoted … to first lieutenant when he joined our crew as a bombardier.  He outranked the airplane commander.  He was a bit of a rank conscious [guy], because he outranked the other guys.  We had no such thing within the non-com group.  Fowler, … he was the ranking … non-com of us, he … outranked us.  We were only buck sergeants.  He was either a tech or a master sergeant, but he didn't pull rank.  He was one of us.  But that's all sort of history now.  I don't have any bad recollections of that.  It was just something that was going on within our ten-member group. SI:  Was it unanimously accepted that you should paddle towards Japan, after a while? MZ:  East, oh, yes.  I don't remember any discussion about that.  We knew that was our closest land, had to beJapan, so, we needed to paddle east and it was the right decision.  [laughter] Since we … weren't going to be picked up, it was certainly the right decision, even though we had some problems when we were picked up, but we did survive that, thanks to Fukui. SI:  What was going through your mind when you were first picked up by the villagers and they began abusing you and spitting on you?  How long did that last?  Was it hours or days? MZ:  Oh, no, no, the first night.  We were picked up [in the] late afternoon, as I recall, still daylight, but at dusk.  It became dark and they had us lined up on the beach in a row and there was fear.  "What are they going to do next?"  They did give us water, the fishermen.  There's a great sequel to that story, this August, because the documentary company making this film took us to this village … where we were picked up.  … I wasn't quite sure that this was the same village where we were picked up.  I don't remember it that well and I said to my wife, "I hope this is the village."  When we arrived there, there was a group of twenty-five or thirty people outside.  … They applauded us when I walked down the street and they bowed, in old, traditional Japanese fashion, and we had a nice association.  But I still was skeptical.  During the course of the discussion with these people and recognizing that some of them were the children, sixty years ago, who spit on us and hit us with bamboo poles, I asked them questions about where we were, and they showed us and they remembered something that happened that solidified in my mind that we were in the right place.  When we were on the beach the first time, everybody had been picked up and we were lined up on the beach, they brought us water, out of a bucket, and a dipper and the first man they offered it to was this guy Bob Conley, the cop from Chicago, and he refused the water.  I don't know why he did that, but he did and the rest of us took water.  So, Conley then said, "I'll have water, too," and the Japanese went over to him and bopped him on the head with the dipper and these people that we met this August, they remembered that.  They told the story [laughter] and I knew it.  I said to my wife, "Now we know we're in the right place, because they told the story, not me."  I remembered it so clearly, that Bob refused to take the water, initially, … eventually, they gave him some, but they bopped him on the head, because he'd been so adamant in refusing it the first time around.  They also remembered him because he was an Irishman with a very dark, heavy, black beard and they described him also, "It was the man with the black beard."  [laughter] So, they remembered him and it proved to me we were in the right village.  … --------------------------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE TWO------------------------------------- SI:  This continues an interview with Mr. Martin L. Zapf on October 26, 2005, in Yardley, Pennsylvania, with Shaun Illingworth and … MM:  Mike Mink.  From the time you were picked up to the time you learned that the war was over, were the ten of you able to communicate with each other often or were you banned from talking with each other? MZ:  No, we talked to each other.  That was permissible.  I don't think anybody objected to our talking to each other.  We were, most times, guessing about what was going on and worrying about what was going on, because there were a lot of strange things [that we heard], hearing people just speak Japanese and they can be very abrupt in their speech when they talk, sometimes, all of which was nerve-wracking.  You couldn't see them and that's all you heard.  Sometimes, they would do chants, or it sounded like a chant, and it probably was something like that, because we were in military camps and so forth. MM:  Did you do anything to keep your spirits up, Army songs, anything like that? MZ:  No, no, we didn't sing.  Is that what you mean?  We didn't say a lot to each other, but we would speculate on something we thought was going on.  … It was a worrisome thing, what was going. SI:  Would you say you had low morale at that point? MZ:  Probably so.  I don't remember to say that, but I know we were worried and we were scared of what was going to happen and … being tied and blindfolded is a terrible thing.  You try it some time.  [laughter] It's difficult. SI:  You were beaten when these villagers got a hold of you and hit when you tried to peek out of your blindfold. Were there any other times that this kind of abuse happened? MZ:  No, I don't think so, no.  We would be nudged, once in a while, because we were too slow walking.  It was difficult, because the fishermen had taken our shoes.  … I think all of us were without shoes, so, it was difficult to walk on stones, and being blindfolded even adds to the dilemma of walking.  So, those few days were difficult days and, obviously, caused us to be very concerned about our future. SI:  Before you were shot down, how many missions had you flown? MZ:  I think this was our seventeenth mission.  We had flown sixteen previously and this was the seventeenth. Interesting enough, the city we were shot down over was Yawata.  It was a naval base and also famous for a steel mill, the Yawata Steel Mill even existed after the war.  When we arrived on Tinian, we had heard of Yawata having been bombed earlier, when the B-29s were flying out of China, and that they had received extensive damage, good antiaircraft by the Japanese, and had lost a lot of airplanes.  So, our tail gunner, … Chris Nikitas, constantly worried about Yawata.  He would always … be the first one up at the mess hall, where they would post when there was going to be a mission and where the mission was going to.  It's ironic that he came back on August the 8th, our day, and said, "It's Yawata."  It's ironic that that's where it happened to us, great, great story, really.  He had it embedded in his mind that it was a dangerous place to be and it actually happened to us. SI:  Many airmen mention superstitions associated with flying, such as carrying rabbits' feet with them.  Did you see any of those in action? MZ:  I don't remember that.  I don't remember anybody on our crew having those kind of superstitions.  There may have been.  … Chris Nikitas' worry about Yawata was one that turned out to be true, but that's all I remember.  … We didn't fly very often, at most, two or three times a week.  So, we had a lot of free time together on the island, in the Quonset hut.  The only thing there was to do on Tinian was to go to a movie in the evening.  There was an outdoor movie that we could go to.  That was the only outside entertainment we had.  We played a lot of cards, poker.  I learned to play chess.  When we left the United States, one of the service organizations gave us a box of things to do, like playing cards, and there was a chess set in there and somebody on our crew knew how to play chess and taught the rest of us.  We spent a lot of time playing chess, which was a good diversification; [laughter] at least I enjoyed it. SI:  How often would you come under either antiaircraft fire or fighter attack? MZ:  Most missions, there would be antiaircraft fire.  The exception would be, maybe, mining missions, where we flew over water, usually in and around the Inland Sea and the Shimonoseki Straits, where I don't remember that we saw any antiaircraft.  We would go over [and] we would drop our mines one at a time, one airplane at a time.  … I don't remember that we saw any antiaircraft during those kind of missions.  The others … where we were dropping bombs, either incendiary or daylight high explosives, there was always antiaircraft fire and some times fighter planes.  But we were more fortunate than they were in Europe, because we … also had fighter cover out of Iwo Jima, by the time we got there.  We were lucky.  We were a replacement crew, so, we missed not having Iwo Jima.  We landed there several times on the way back, because of fuel problems or mechanical problems.  They'd lost a lot of airplanes before Iwo Jima was taken.  The poor Marines lost a lot of men when they took Iwo Jima. … They had heavy, heavy losses, but it certainly was important to us.  We had some Marines at our commemoration affair on Tinian in August this year.  We invited several Marines who were involved in having taken Tinian.  That was a very important island to us, saved a lot of B-29s and B-29 crews.  SI:  How often did your squadron lose crews to either enemy fire or other mishaps? MZ:  I don't know how to answer that question. SI:  Was it frequent?  Would you say it was heavy? MZ:  No.  I think our losses were quite heavy, but I don't know how to express it in numbers, because there is a history book of the Ninth Bomb Group, which lists every mission, and I was dumbfounded to see how many planes went on a mission sometimes.  We weren't aware of how many were on a mission.  If it was a daylight mission and we flew in a squadron, you would see maybe twenty planes in the squadron, but that's all.  It may have been two hundred on the mission.  … We also were not aware of all the losses that occurred.  We would only know those in our squadron or our bomb group, I guess.  … It didn't seem to me to be so bad, but, when I look at the history book and see how many we lost, I think the number of B-29s lost is in the thousands, either for mechanical reasons or ran out of fuel, before Iwo Jima was available, or were shot down.  They lost a lot of airplanes.  I don't remember seeing that, being aware that we had such heavy losses.  I saw some, for example, planes having problems taking off, a bad one, one day, where the plane lost power on one side and the plane catapulted down the runway with these mines onboard and the mines … went off one at a time.  They lost the whole crew, except the tail gunner.  It blew the tail off the airplane and he survived.  I mean, that was an awesome thing to see, because … we were standing there, watching, and, all of a sudden, [there was] all this shrapnel flying all over our heads and we had to duck.  We were watching the explosions when we realized what was happening.  SI:  In another interview, a 20th Air Force B-29 veteran noted that it was demoralizing to take-off from, perhaps it was Saipan instead of Tinian, because the wreckage from crashed B-29s littered the end of their runway.  It always reminded him of how vulnerable he was.  Was that something that you had to contend with?  Did you have to build up your confidence every time you went on a mission? MZ:  I'm not aware of that.  No, I don't remember anybody talking about that … on our crew.  As far as I'm concerned, I couldn't see anything anyway.  [laughter] MM:  The war in Europe ended while you were overseas.  How did you feel about that?  When did you hear that the war in Europe had ended? MZ:  I suppose we heard it on the day it happened.  I'm sure … we received news.  I'm not sure now; I know it was early 1945, March or April.  I don't remember the date. SI:  May. MZ:  Was it May? MM:  What was the general feeling around the base when you heard that news? MZ:  Well, happiness, optimism that maybe the war in the Pacific was going to come to an end, too.  We recognized that the Japanese were losing, because there wasn't that much fighter [cover] up there chasing us anymore.  We thought we were going to end the war, no doubt about that, but when, of course, we had no idea. … Certainly, there was optimism, because things were going basically … well, flying a lot of missions and dropping a lot of bombs and seeing fewer and fewer fighter planes from the Japanese.  … I learned, another little side story, … late last year, through the Internet and corresponding with some of my former Ninth Bomb Group people, of a Japanese book that had been written that features Japanese ace fighter pilots in which one Japanese fighter pilot is given credit for having rammed our airplane.  It's written by a Japanese-American, here in the US, and a Japanese man in Japan, highlighting their fighter pilots.  There's a picture of our crew and it states clearly that this man, I don't remember his name, rammed our airplane and he's made a hero there for it.  [laughter] So, I got on the Internet and communicated with everybody I could find, including the … co-author, saying, "It's not true.  [laughter] Nobody rammed our airplane."  We were shot down, but we were not rammed.  … On August the 8th, … there were several hundred airplanes up there and, like, four or five planes were lost.  Ours was one of them.  So, he may have been a kamikaze on one of those, but it wasn't our plane.  The name of the book is Genda's Blade and [Minoru] Genda is a Japanese admiral or a general, who is given credit for having planned Pearl Harbor.  It's about him and his fighter pilots, how they trained them.  They were all young kids, too, at least during the end of the war.  They were young, sixteen, seventeen-year-old pilots. MM:  What happened to you after the end of the war?  How did you return home?  When did that come about? MZ:  I don't remember the exact date, 1945, early October of 1945.  When I came home, I came throughLetterman General Hospital in San Francisco.  … As former POWs, we were given special treatment, even though we hadn't been a POW very long.  We had lost weight.  We were malnutrition cases.  We spent a week or two in the hospital in San Francisco, and then, we were sent home.  … My orders were to go to Fort Dix, presumably to be discharged.  So, I came home and the orders were sort of open kind of orders.  I didn't go directly to Fort Dix. I went home to see my family, … which was quite emotional.  After a few days home, I went to Fort Dix and they gave me 104 days leave.  So, I went back home again, for 104 days, that's over three months.  When I went back, I got another long leave, POW leave or something like that.  So, I didn't get out until, I don't remember the exact month anymore, almost mid-1946, and I took advantage of the GI Bill.  I think you alluded to that somewhere early on.  … It certainly was the important thing for me, because I had, as I said earlier, … no plans to attend college for any sort of training.  I took advantage of the GI Bill and I went back to school.  I went to Rider College, now called Rider University, … and got a BS degree, which certainly was a great benefit.  The GI Bill was … great.  It changed everything, didn't it, in the United States.  It changed the outlook all you young people have.  You all went to a university, right, no doubt, and that certainly wasn't true in my day.  … The GI Bill changed that.  It was certainly a great benefit for us who had served. SI:  What year did you enter Rider? MZ:  … I entered in '46 and I went through four semesters every year.  So, I finished in three years and graduated in 1949, yes.  SI:  Had you applied while you were still in the Army Air Force? MZ:  No, I don't think so.  We all knew about the GI Bill, but really hadn't made any plans in that line, until we knew what that was all about, but certainly learned about it when I was discharged and took advantage of it. SI:  Why did you choose Rider, as opposed to another university? MZ:  I guess the major reason was that I was married when I got home and wanted to stay near home.  [It is] difficult to exist on the GI Bill when you're going to school and married.  My wife at that time was also employed as a secretary somewhere and we got 110 dollars a month.  I don't remember exactly.  I think it was about that.  So, I wanted to stay near home and Rider was close by.  At that time, it was in the middle of Trenton.  It was not out in the suburbs, where it is now.  … You know where it is?  It's in Lawrenceville.  It's a very nice campus now.  In my day, it was not, didn't have a real campus.  It was in the middle of Trenton.  SI:  Did you go full-time? MZ:  Yes, yes, and worked after school, so, [it was] somewhat like high school.  I really didn't participate in any extracurricular activities at the school, because I was working, almost every day, after school.  When the classes were over, I would go to work somewhere and I did a lot of various things, primarily, working for a hardware store in Princeton, my old hometown, and I knew the man who owned the hardware store and he was always very kind to me.  … Any time I had free time, he would employ me.  So, it was pretty nice. MM:  Was your class made up of a lot of people on the GI Bill? MZ:  Yes, yes, it was full of GIs, really. SI:  How do you think that impacted the classroom situation?  Many of the men we interview are GI Bill eraRutgers alumni.  They have said that the GIs were more upfront with the professors and the professors treated them more like adults than students.  Did you notice that in the classroom? MZ:  Oh, at the time, I don't think I noticed that, but you're probably right.  I think we were different than you were when you finished high school.  We were a little bit older maybe and we [were] certainly a little bit more mature, because of our war experience.  That certainly matures one faster.  I would think that would have made a difference, yes, and we had a very good relationship with the faculty, I seem to recall.  So, it was a good time and everybody was grateful for having the [opportunity].  I think most of the people were in the same boat that I was in. Probably, most of them had had no real plan to attend undergraduate school, I suppose, and were grateful, as I was, to have the opportunity to do so. SI:  What did you study?  What did you get your degree in? MZ:  A BS in commerce, with a major in accounting. SI:  Was there any particular reason why you chose that course? MZ:  Well, the objective was to go into public accounting.  That was my objective.  I had taken a commercial course in high school, … which included accounting courses, and I was pretty good at that and I thought that … might be a career for me.  So, when Rider came along as an option, I majored in accounting, with the objective of becoming a CPA but didn't, because, … when I finished in 1949, there were many people graduating with accounting majors, so that the primary, major CPA firms, like Price Waterhouse and all those, did not really offer good opportunities.  They were not even full-time job opportunities.  They were seasonal kind of jobs and the pay wasn't very good, because there were so many people opting for these jobs.  So, I, through the family, met someone who was a branch manager of Burroughs Corporation in Trenton.  Burroughs, at that time, was called Burroughs Adding Machine Company.  It was pre-computer time and they sold adding machines and calculators and bookkeeping and accounting machines and I went to interview there, not knowing whether I was a salesman or not, but was given the opportunity and I opted for them.  Burroughs offered me sixty dollars a week, which equated to more than two hundred dollars, with the opportunity to earn a commission, if you sold something.  So, I opted for that and it was a good choice for me, because I stayed there for thirty-some years and did quite well and had a happy career and no regrets.  All of my colleagues pooh-poohed me because … they thought I should be a CPA, but I had no regrets, because the accounting background was very useful in selling the machines that I sold. SI:  Had you met your wife before the war? MZ:  Oh, yes, we were high school friends. SI:  Did you correspond throughout the war? MZ:  Well, somewhat.  However, that marriage ended in divorce, eventually, so, it was a bad idea.  [laughter] It produced two children, but, … in my opinion, looking back on it, we were too young.  I shouldn't have gotten married when I got out of the service.  I mean, we really shouldn't have done that, but we did.  … SI:  It seems like there was a lot of societal pressure for people to get married and return to normal. MZ:  It seems like everybody was getting married.  [laughter] Everybody coming home was getting married, for whatever reason, not necessarily good reasons, sometimes.  SI:  Did you have any trouble readjusting to civilian life? MZ:  No, not really, no. SI:  It is interesting that you later went to Japan while you were with Burroughs.  MZ:  Yes. SI:  Why did they send you? MZ:  Why did they send me? SI:  Yes.  Were you selling machines in Japan? MZ:  Well, no, no, the company … eventually changed considerably.  It became, also, a computer company.  They bought a company called Elecetro Data in California and that's how Burroughs became a computer company.  I started in the United States and had had a couple of promotions, was in Detroit, the home office, on a staff kind of assignment, marketing staff kind of job, and they offered me an opportunity to go to Germany, because of my German background.  They had a subsidiary in Germany.  I spent four years there, liked that very much, and then, came back to the US, to the home office again.  They were going to move me … back to the US organization and I said I didn't really want to do that.  I wanted to stay in international and they gave me a temporary assignment in the Far East area as marketing manager.  I traveled from Detroit to the Far East, mainly Japan.  We had a distributor there, and to Hong Kong and the Philippines and Singapore and Bangkok and those kinds of countries. They were my territory and, in 1965, I made my first trip and I went to Japan.  That's twenty years later and it was really a coincidence.  I didn't ask for that.  I was happy they offered me that opportunity, but it was a coincidence. … I found Mr. Fukui in Tokyo that January of 1965.  He was working for Hitachi, in the elevator division.  So, I did that for about three years, and then, I kept insisting I wanted to be a general manager somewhere and they finally gave me that opportunity in Norway.  It was a little, smaller subsidiary, but they gave me that opportunity and, from there, I went to Mexico.  During all this time, Burroughs was negotiating with our distributor in Japan to form a joint venture and, while I was in Mexico for three years, that joint venture came into being and they picked me to go back to Japan as VP of marketing, reporting to a Japanese president, and I moved there with my family then.  That was in 1973.  So, we lived in Japan.  We had several reunions with Mr. Fukui and his wife, … primarily in Hiroshima.  We had a branch in Hiroshima.  … So, the joint venture was sort of rough, not happy, and, after one year, Burroughs bought the other half of the joint venture and it became a subsidiary, a wholly-owned subsidiary, and I became the president.  … That was a good break for me, because it was our largest subsidiary then.  We had about three thousand employees, all Japanese, except for the financial guy and one engineering person.  They were Americans.  So, three of us were running this company and it was a great, happy experience.  The Japanese, contrary to what we remember from the war, [laughter] our employees were loyal, hardworking, dedicated and smart, intelligent, and I can't say anything but nice things about them.  So, it was a very happy experience for me. SI:  Was it strange at first? MZ:  No.  I had gotten to know them quite well during my trips there as a marketing manager from Detroit.  I would go to Japan about eight times a year.  On each trip, I would go to Japan at the beginning [and] at the end, four times a year.  So, I got to know the people very well and they all came with us in the joint venture and they eventually came with us, with me, into the wholly-owned subsidiary.  … They were very happy years for me. SI:  Did you find that you had to conform more to their business culture or did they try to become more Americanized in the way they did business?  Did you have to learn about how the Japanese did business? MZ:  Well, I found that they became very loyal employees.  They were loyal to the company, and to me, as their president, but, at the same time, I would try to follow Japanese tradition, things that they felt were important. Sometimes, it was some silly, little things.  [To] cite an example, one of our customers was Isuzu Car and Truck Company, which is partly-owned by General Motors.  They used one of our large systems, in addition to others, some Japanese makes as well.  On occasion, once or twice a year, General Motors would send some of their technicians over to meet with Isuzu people about data processing and what system they would use.  Within the company, our company, we had several company automobiles.  One of them was an Isuzu automobile and the only reason I had that was, when they went to visit Isuzu, they always went in that car.  They wouldn't go there in a Toyota or a Nissan and, when I went, I would make a traditional, high-level call, once or twice a year, we'd take my car to a couple of blocks away from the Isuzu office, get out of my car and get in the Isuzu, to go to visit them. [laughter] That's a silly tradition, but, to the Japanese, it's very important.  I can't imagine that anybody would be angry if you arrived there in a Toyota or a Nissan, but that's an example.  … They have these funny, little traditions and I would follow their tradition and let them have their own way, even though it seems silly to me, … and I think they respect that, I mean, that they were allowed to do that.  At the same time, they would do anything they can to try to comply and satisfy Burroughs management, too, because they were loyal to the company.  SI:  At any point, did you have hard feelings towards the Japanese? MZ:  No, no.  We hated them during high school, "Those damn Japs or Nips," and I've never used that word anymore.  When I went back there the first time, twenty years later, I held no animosity towards anybody and, of course, … we never discussed World War II, either.  I never discussed my experience and I'm sure the people in the company became aware of it, although I didn't talk about it, because I met with Mr. Fukui and I had to have help [from] some of our staff to find him, right.  … He must have explained … our association, so, they must have known, but nobody ever talked about it.  … Everybody in the company was post-World War II.  There were no World War II veterans in the company.  They were all younger people.  So, I didn't hold any animosity to them, as bad as they were.  They did some horrible things, some of them.  … SI:  I wanted to ask you about the two airmen that you met in Hiroshima.  Do you remember their names?  Did you ever find out their names? MZ:  Yes, Brisette and [Ralph J.] Neal.  Neal was … the one that's on the B-24 and Brisette was the Navy man, Norman Brisette and I don't remember Neil's first name, but I do remember their names, always remember their names, because of the circumstances involved.  … Of course, you guys are also somewhat lucky, too, because I've been doing a lot of talking about this in recent months, so, … a lot of things are fresh in my mind.  I spoke last week at the Nassau Club in Princeton.  One of the members asked me to speak at a luncheon there and I was told to keep it within thirty minutes, which I had no problem doing, but … I was there almost for an hour, because, after my little talk, the people asked so many questions.  So, I've been doing a lot of this lately.  That's why I say you guys are lucky.  Everything is sort of fresh in my mind. MM:  Obviously, you are very comfortable with telling your story, but did it take you a while to be able to talk about these experiences?  Were you just as forthcoming when you first got back from the war? MZ:  Well, I talked about it when I first came back.  Obviously, my family wanted to know what happened, because of the circumstances.  It was the end of the war and, as you're going to hear in this little film, my mother gets a telegram near the end of August.  … They were celebrating the end of the war and waiting to hear from me when I'm coming home.  She gets a telegram saying I'm missing-in-action.  So, that's in this film, too.  … So, when I came home, I certainly talked about it, but I didn't talk … much more than that.  It sort of disappeared.  It was lost and I'm really not one to talk a lot about it, except recently.  I don't know, the sixtieth anniversary has brought everything back out again.  There was a little bit of that twenty-two years ago, because, … with TV Asahi, I appeared on their television program called The Big News Show.  They came to my home in Yardley and did an interview.  It's a program something like 60 Minutes and the point of the program was the fact that the United States did not acknowledge that some Americans were killed in Hiroshima.  That was the feature of the program and I appeared on that ten years ago, … also with TV Asahi.  The Japanese made a big deal about that, for whatever reason, that some Americans were killed.  It's true.  We knew that in 1945 and we certainly reported it when we came home, but there was no acknowledgement of that, nationally, until I don't know when.  It's now public knowledge, but it wasn't for many years after the war ended. SI:  When you say it was not acknowledged, do you mean that it just was not publicized or that it was denied? MZ:  I don't know if it was denied, but it wasn't publicized, right, and the families; in that film they made ten years ago, they interviewed not only me, but they interviewed … a relative of Brisette and, … I think, Neal's sister and, in the film, she says … they only had word that he was killed-in-action.  They did not know how he was he killed or where he was killed-in-action and it was verified in the film.  The Asahi people actually went to Washington and talked to somebody in, I don't know, the Department of Defense or Veterans Affairs, I don't know who.  There's an interview with a man in Washington who acknowledges that it was not publicized that Americans had been killed and I think … we pretty well know now that there were twelve Americans in Hiroshima.  Most of them were the B-24 crew. SI:  That must have been frightening and disconcerting, to see these two guys and only have limited knowledge of what had happened.  Today, we know it was dangerous for you to be there, because of the radiation, even after the fact, but did you have any concerns at the time that you might end up in that kind of condition or did you know that that was because they were there at the actual time of the bombing? MZ:  I don't remember exactly what we thought.  As I said earlier, we really did not know anything about an atomic bomb.  We did not know anything about radiation.  These two men were in terrible agony and they looked terrible, but we could only guess as to what had caused that and I don't think we guessed that it was radiation.  We didn't know anything about radiation, so, I don't know.  Strange, strange circumstance, that it occurred the way it did occur.  We could talk with them long enough to know their names and where they were from and which branch of the service they were from.  Neal was on an airplane which was called The Lonesome Lady.  We always named our airplanes with something, sometimes put nose art on them.  … When I was in Japan this past August, in the area where Mr. Fukui and his family lived, they took us to a monument to The Lonesome Lady, because it crashed in that area.  It was near Hiroshima, but it's called Yanai City.  … They bailed out and the plane crashed after they bailed out and they built a monument to that crew in that little, country town.  There's a monument to The Lonesome Lady.  Now, the interesting thing is, the pilot of that airplane, The Lonesome Lady, survived, because they took him away from Hiroshima, took him to Tokyo for interrogation.  So, he missed the bomb.  His name is Cartwright, I know that.  I've never met the man, but he survived.  His crew is all gone.  I'm not sure if the whole crew survived the bailout, but many members of the crew were in Hiroshima and were killed by the bomb, but Cartwright survived.  He apparently was in Japan last year when they built this monument and he was there for the dedication and so forth. SI:  Is there anything else you would like to put on the tape? MZ:  At the moment, I can't think of anything. SI:  Is there anything we may have skipped over or not covered in depth? MZ:  No.  The important thing is, if you want a copy of this little movie I'm going to show you, I'll have to have one made and mailed to you.  I'm going to have DVDs made, or is a tape better? SI:  Is it a DVD now? MZ:  It's a tape now.  I'm not going to give you one today.  I'll mail it to you. --------------------------------------END OF TAPE TWO, SIDE ONE------------------------------------- SI:  Please, continue.    MZ:  I just wanted to highlight the fact that this little tape was broadcast by New England Cable News in August of this year, 2005, on or about the end of the war in the Pacific, August 15th, and was prepared by a news anchor at New England Cable News, Mike Nikitas, who is the son of our tail gunner and it's a tribute to his father, who died early in life, at age forty-six, of cancer, which, conceivably, could have been contracted in Hiroshima, … and myself, because I'm the only member of the crew that's alive.  So, he included me in the film and I think it's very well done and I hope you'll enjoy it and I would like to contribute a copy of that to your files, when I have some DVDs made. SI:  Does it have a title? MZ:  Yes, "From Fitchburg to Hiroshima."  … I don't know whether you can download it.  I can give you the address; it's still available on the Internet. SI:  Okay.   MZ:  Do you have e-mail? SI:  Yes.  MZ:  Why don't you give me your e-mail and I'll send it to you?  Give me something that has your address on it. SI:  Sure. MZ:  Before you leave.  I just wanted to get that on your tape, so that you know something more about it. SI:  Thank you very much for having us here today.  This will conclude the taped portion of our visit. MZ:  Well, I want to say thank you very much.  You've been two nice young gentlemen and I enjoyed talking with you as well and to reminisce, once again, about my experience in 1945. SI:  We appreciate your sharing it again.  We are probably the dozenth group to ask you to recall these experiences in this anniversary year. MZ:  Right, thank you. --------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Michael Mink 11/25/05 Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 12/27/05 Reviewed by Martin L. Zapf 1/16/06

Zanzalari, Henry J.

Shaun Illingworth:  This begins an interview with Dr. Joseph Henry Zanzalari.  He goes by J. Henry Zanzalari.  This is Shaun Illingworth conducting the interview.  The date is August 11, 2008, and we are in Edison, New Jersey. Thank you very much for having me here today. HZ:  Glad to be here.  SI:  Okay.  To begin, can you tell me where and when you were born? HZ:  I was born August the 20th, 1923, in Perth Amboy, New Jersey, Perth Amboy General Hospital.  SI:  What was your father's name? HZ:  My father's name was Henry Zanzalari, of course.  My mother's name was Josephine.   SI:  Your father was originally from New York City. HZ:  My father was born in New York City, and I suspect most of his life was in Perth Amboy.  SI:  Okay. HZ:  The family moved ... from New York to Perth Amboy.  His descendants [ancestors] came from Italy, both his mother and father.  So, my grandparents on my father's side were Italian.  My mother's grandparents, they came from Poland, both the mother and father.  So, on my mother's side, I'm Polish.  My name is Italian.  I look more Polish than Italian, and so forth, ... but that's the history so far.  My mother was born in Perth Amboy, by the way, and they grew up pretty much in Perth Amboy.  My father was a Navy veteran.  He had served in the United States Navy during World War I.  I suspect he, from my memory, ... was probably in there for about four years. He didn't graduate high school.  He went to Perth Amboy High School for about a year or so, and then, he decided to join the Navy.  I suspect he probably lied about his age to get in there, but, anyhow, he served on the United States [USS] Nebraska [(BB-14)], a battleship, and, during World War I, he conveyed the troops from the United States over to Europe.  ... After discharge, he became a policeman and he served as a policeman in Perth Amboy for the [next], oh, I suspect, about forty years, as I remember, where he retired.  He had won the Garretson Medal for Bravery and, in the Perth Amboy Police Department, if you ever visit there, you will see the plaque with his name on there, and so forth, and, unfortunately, about ten years ago, my father died, or maybe even longer than that, probably about fifteen years ago.  He died of cancer, ... but he had served the City of Perth Amboy well and, as I say, he was a veteran from the United States Navy.  He always wanted me to join the Navy, always wanted me to go to Annapolis, but I wasn't particularly interested in that, not that I didn't like the Navy or anything.  It's just that I wasn't interested in the military.  I wanted to go to Rutgers and finish my education.  My mother was pretty much a housewife.  ... Perth Amboy was well-known for its cigar-making, and my mother worked in a cigar factory, as most of the young Polish girls did during that time, and then, when [she was] married to my father, she did not work.  She was probably considered a housewife.  You know, when I was a counselor over at the vocational school, I'd interview some of the kids and I'd say, ... "Does your mother work?" and they would say, "No, my mother never worked.  She's a housewife," and then, that always amused me, because housewives always work, but, anyhow, that's the basic history of my mother and father and my grandparents.  SI:  Did you ever get to know your grandparents who had immigrated to the United States? HZ:  Yes, oh, sure, yes.  I knew my father's mother and father ... and I knew my mother's mother and father, because I grew up in the Polish section, and they lived upstairs in the house and we lived downstairs, and it's interesting, I had grandparents, all four of them, for the longest time, and then, in 1941, all three of them died, three of the four died.  ... So, I remember the year, of course, 1941, and I lost all three, three of them, and so, sure, ... I knew all four of them. SI:  Did they ever tell you any stories about what life had been like in Italy or Poland? HZ:  My grandmother pretty much was the only one.  My grandfather, I don't recall too much, although, you know, as I say, I was in high school, a senior in high school, when he died, but he was never one that was close to me, and so forth; he worked most of the time, that's why.  My grandmother came over from Poland with two older sisters.  Her older sister came over from what they call Warszawa, which is Warsaw, and they were farmers, and, at the time, she told me that there just was not enough work to do, and so forth, and so, they looked towards America as a place where there was opportunity, not only for jobs, but for husbands as well.  So, the first older sister came over and found a person that she married.  Then, she brought over the second sister and she, too, married, and then, they brought over my grandmother, and my grandmother was the youngest of the three, and so, she lived with the second sister for awhile and found my grandfather and they were married, and so forth, and then, of course, they had children.  Oh, God, let's see, ... they had about six children, which was really a small amount during those days, because most of the families that I [had] experienced with had six, seven children, and so forth. So, that's pretty much what they [related].  They didn't talk too much about Poland.  They spoke Polish, and then, they learned English here.  Education-wise, I just don't think there was that much education involved.  I don't remember my grandmother working at all.  My grandfather worked for the St. Stephen's Church in Perth Amboy, and, as a janitor, ... I would say.  I'd classify him now as custodian, ... but I don't remember my grandmother working at all.  We lived in Perth Amboy, on Hall Avenue and Cortlandt Street, and my other [grand]parents, I don't remember them working at all, for some reason.  I don't recall.  Oh, I know, my grandfather on my father's side worked in what was called terra cotta.  ... Perth Amboy was famous for terra cotta.  I don't know whether you know what terra cotta is.  It's like the brickwork, and so forth.    SI:  Yes. HZ:  And I don't think they do that very much more anymore, but he worked in terra cotta.  In fact, before my father became a policeman, he worked in terra cotta.  Everybody in Perth Amboy worked in terra cotta, for some reason.  So, that's pretty much what I can remember about them.  Now, talking about [their homeland], I don't recall my father's parents talking about Italy, not at all, and I don't recall too much about my grandmother and grandfather on my mother's side talking about Poland.  As I grew up, I was too small, really, you know, from zero, age zero until fourteen, and we never just got involved in anything like that, about the past history in Europe.  ... SI:  You said that the area where your house was in was a Polish section. HZ:  Yes, I grew up in the Polish section, yes, ... on Cortlandt Street, right.  I can remember the streets being unpaved and I can remember the streetcars going down State Street in Perth Amboy and how horrible it was going to be, because, now, they're going to use buses and take away the trolleys, and how everybody was upset, and so forth, with [that decision], because we liked the trolleys.  You know, you could hear the "ding, ding" on the trolley as it was going down State Street.  So, they removed those and they put busses in, but I do remember that.  I remember, in the City of Perth Amboy, we did have five theaters, for instance, and I do remember going to the theaters with my mother and you'd get a piece of kitchenware.  They'd have those nights, and so forth.  Is this what you want me to talk about? SI:  Yes, absolutely. HZ:  Yes, and I do remember that.  I remember the kids, we all played on the street.  Once they paved the streets, and so forth, we all played in the streets.  It depended upon the season.  Football season, we played touch football.  ... In the basketball season, we'd have the pole and we'd put a little rim around it and we'd have a little, some sort of a ball, or a rag that looks like a ball, and we'd play basketball, and then, we'd play stickball, always on the street, and so forth.  An occasional car would come, and then, we'd have to stop, you know, and let the cars go by, and so forth, but I do remember all the kids going out there, and I'm talking about fifteen, twenty kids [laughter] always out in the street, and so forth.  I don't remember anybody being accused of robbery or using knives and guns; everybody was friendly.  There was rivalry amongst the kids, you know, and so forth, but everything was pretty much [civil].  The kids were pretty honest, and so forth, and there was no "riches-ness" in there.  Everybody was relatively poor, relatively from families similar to the one I described about my own, and so forth.  So, I do remember that.  I remember, we were right next to a lumberyard and, because of that, there were, oh, I don't know how to call them, rats and mice, and so forth, that were always in the lumberyard, I remember that, and we always kept cats and a dog.  We always had animals, to protect ourselves from that sort of thing, and so forth.  I can remember, in the house in Perth Amboy, that we were using oil lamps.  We didn't have electricity. We were using oil lamps, and the one thing you'd learn fast, never to grasp the glass part of the lamp, because you'd burn your hand pretty good, and so forth, but it took a lesson to find out, and so forth.  So, at night, you know, my mother and father would come in and turn down the light, and so forth.  ... Being Polish, you, in the wintertime, ... had what they call a pierzyna.  A pierzyna is a big feather bed, a cover, and so forth.  So, I do remember that, and then, of course, we got electricity put into the house, probably when I was in about second, third grade, or something like that, and then, of course, you had the lights in the street and everything else, and so forth.  So, I do remember that part. SI:  Was it just your house that did not have electricity, or was it the whole street?  HZ:  No, all of them pretty much didn't, didn't have electricity, and then, one by one, you know, they put the electricity in, and so forth, but it was all pretty much the same idea.  You used the lamps, the oil lamps, and refrigeration, there was no refrigeration.  I can remember what they called the icebox.  What you would do [was], you'd go down to the corner and my mother or father, they'd buy a piece of ice and you'd put it in your icebox, and the thing was, you'd put a pan underneath because the dripping of the water would come down.  ... The idea was to make sure you were home when that pan was full, because, ... occasionally, I can remember, my mother and father [saying], "Oh, my God, we forgot about that," and you'd come home and there'd be water all over the floor, and so forth.  So, there was none of that.  The stove, I can remember, ... the heat from there was all coal.  Coal was delivered to your house.  The coal man would come in and come in with bags of coal and you'd sit there in the window and you'd count the guy bringing in the bags of coal, to make sure that his count was your count, because there's always a tendency to kind of, you know, if you wanted twenty bags of coal, sometimes, the guy would give you nineteen.  So, you wanted to be careful that you got your twenty, and so forth.  So, I can remember helping my grandmother and my mother counting the bags of coal, and so forth, as they brought that in.  That's what you used to heat your house, and so forth.  We had no central heating and, with the pierzyna, that kept you warm, and so forth.  I grew up, pretty much, with Polish cooking, pierogies and stuffed cabbages, and stuff like that.  ... The times that you would have recreation, as a youngster, was mostly out in the street.  We had what they called "The Lumberyard" there in Perth Amboy, and it was a big field, a big, open field, and then, we'd go out there when we had baseball games with other sections of town, and so forth.  So, I do remember that.  There was plenty of opportunity.  There was a cement works that I remember, and that had burnt down by the time I can remember things, and so, in back of that, ... there was a big area of terra cotta, pieces that I guess they didn't want anymore, and so forth.  So, you'd go out there and you'd make caves, and so forth, out of that, but we played other teams, as we grew up, and so forth.  So, that's some of the things that I can remember.  I went to Number Five School, just down the street, and we walked, it wasn't that far, really, and then, from there, I went over to the Samuel E. Shull School, for grades seven, eight and nine.  During the year that I was going to high school, the Perth Amboy High School was so crowded that the ninth year was over at the Shull School, and I did graduate there.  I can remember, I was the manager of the basketball team and I was always into sports.  My father was in sports, and so forth.  Unfortunately for me, my father was a Yankee fan and he'd take me over and we saw Babe Ruth and Lou Gehrig and all the others, but, unfortunately, I say, because I became a Giant fan, for some reason.  ... He'd constantly take me to the Yankee game and I'd say, "I want to go see the Giants play," and he was so much of a Yankee ... [fan], it was either [that or nothing].  ... Occasionally, he'd kind of say, "Oh, okay, we'll go over there," and I loved Mel Ott and Carl Hubbell and Bill Terry, and so forth, and Mel Ott would lift up his leg and hit homeruns, and so forth.  So, we kind of compromised.  What we would do [was], we would go downtown, to the ferry, the ferry from Perth Amboy to Tottenville, and it was probably about a ten-minute ride, and so forth, and, from there, we would take the Staten Island Transit.  ... The Transit would take us to St. George and, in St. George, we would get on the ferry and go from St. George ferry to Battery Park, and then, we would get on the elevator [elevated train] and, depending upon if we went to the Giants' stadium, the Polo Grounds, we would go by elevator and, sometimes, I don't remember with my father going by elevator, but we might have, but I remember going with the subway to Yankee Stadium.  So, I do remember doing that with my father.  ... SI:  Were most of the kids in your neighborhood Giants fans or Yankee fans? HZ:  No, I don't remember too much of that sort of thing there.  I had a friend, Henry Johnson, and he was a Giants fan and, once I was able to, and I wasn't that old, really, probably in my freshman year, I could go to New York ... to the Polo Grounds with Henry and I by ourselves.  We didn't even need my mother and father, or especially my father.  My mother was a baseball enthusiast, but, during those days, ... you didn't do something like that.  I don't remember anybody else in our neighborhood doing that, going to the games, just Henry and I went there.  ... I can also remember going to see the football Giants playing at the Polo Grounds, and we did the same thing, was just Henry and I.  I don't remember anybody else doing that, at the time, but you have to remember that, in Perth Amboy, they had city leagues.  They had city leagues in basketball and we always had a team.  I grew up as the boy who carried the basketball and the uniforms, and so forth, uniforms we had, ... because they were all older than I was by a good five, six years.  So, we just hung along, and so forth.  So, you'd always have recreation to go to.  Baseball had leagues, and so forth.  So, the entire city would go over to the parks, and so forth, and see these games.  They were free, and then, every Sunday, they'd have a baseball game against a local team.  There were two teams in particular I can remember, the Clovers and the Meadowbrooks.  The Clovers were the Italian group and the Meadowbrooks were what they called the "square heads," because they were all Danish, and so forth, from Denmark, and so forth.  They called them "square heads" and they would play the New York Yankees, the House of David, on Sundays, and, there, you'd have to pay.  ... So, there was so much activity there for people who wanted to, and going to a baseball game with the Yankees or the Giants was, you know, something that most people couldn't afford.  You paid a dollar, ten cents; you could go to the game for two dollars, transportation and the ticket.  I remember, the ticket cost a dollar, ten cents, and it would cost you ninety cents, with all these ferries, and so forth, and, by the way, the transit, that route, was the route for kids to play hooky from high school.  If you've ever played hooky from high school, and I won't tell you whether I played hooky or not, but you use your own imagination on that, but, ... knowing the route, there must have been something behind that, but, anyhow, you'd get on the ferry and you'd go all the way to New York, to Battery Park, and they used to have the aqueduct was there, ... for the fish, what do you call it?  ... SI:  Aquarium? HZ:  Aquarium, ... and, at Battery Park, you'd go there, to the aquarium, or you'd go to the shows, and, when you got older, they used to have the burlesque shows, and this, I remember some of the kids going, when you were a little older, in high school, and so forth.  See, that was popular.  In fact, all the adults would go to Newark, to Minsky's, and so forth.  They did the burlesque shows, and that wasn't considered any [risqué thing], because, see, there was very little in the way of raw flesh, and so forth.  That was a kind of entertainment.  SI:  Did they have those in Perth Amboy, too? HZ:  Yes.  I can remember my mother and father talking about that in Perth Amboy, well-known shows.  In fact, where I grew up, they tell me, on Hall Avenue, that they started there before they went into downtown, in Smith Street.  ... Yes, my mother and father would talk about vaudeville.  I do remember seeing vaudeville, but not [silent films]; when I was going to pictures, it was mostly moving, talking pictures, and most of the entertainment at night was by radio.  You know, there was, of course, no television, and you could remember Just Plain Bill, Jack Armstrong, [the All-American Boy] was a very famous, popular rather, radio [program], Uncle Don for the kids, but everything that you did was pretty much with radio, and I would listen to the games that I didn't go see in New York.  I'd listened to the radio, the Giants were on radio all the time, and then, the Yankees were, too, and so, you spent a lot of time on that.  Most of the games that you played were, like, hopscotch, you'd draw stuff on sidewalks, because they always had sidewalks and you'd mark the ball with the little ball, I remember, and you'd name fruits, you'd name vegetables, and each one of them had a block and you'd roll the ball, and so forth, and whatever you landed on, you know, you'd have to do.  I remember the jackknife with, you put your knife in your hand and you'd go up and down with it, and then, different ways.  I remember playing marbles.  I remember taking baseball tickets; oh, you saved baseball tickets.  They didn't save football tickets, because football wasn't that popular during that time, but baseball was the sport, and boxing, and you'd kind of allow the cards to leave your hand and it'd either come up heads or tails.  Now, if you had five cards and three ended up heads and two tails, you would have to match that.  If you didn't match it, you lost all your five, and so forth.  So, I do remember games like that, but, you see, there was always something to do, you know.  ... I was kind of a bookworm, and so, I did a lot of reading when I was home, and I could read and listen to the radio at the same time, and I used to do that. My father, as a policeman, was on shift work.  So, sometimes, I disturbed him with my radio.  I can remember him saying, "I've got to go to work there.  You have to turn down the radio," and so forth.  So, that's some of the stuff that I can remember. SI:  You mentioned that there was a lot of Polish cooking in the household.  Were there other Polish traditions, or Italian traditions, that were kept up in your household? HZ:  No, [to] tell you [the truth], I didn't have any relationship to the Italian, quite frankly, but the Polish traditions were, like, Easter, Christmas.  I remember, for Easter, my grandmother always had bread.  She made bread, right from scratch, and so forth, and she'd always make me one of the little pieces of bread, and so forth, and we always would have a lamb made of butter.  ... We would always have a table for Easter, usually between Good Friday and Easter, normally on a Saturday, and the priest would come around to all the homes, from St. Stephen's, and he'd bless the food, and I always remember, you'd have to have some money on the table.  ... The kids used to say that, "Oh, the priest would come and bless it quick, and then, take the money," you know, and so forth.  We always had a little joke about that, and so forth, ... but, every Easter, that would happen, and, of course, Christmas, we always celebrated Christmas with some sort of a meal.  My mother was a very good cook, a Polish cook, and I would say our Christmases were mostly American foods.  You know, Thanksgiving Day and Christmas was probably turkey and, you know, the vegetables, potatoes and string beans and peas and stuff like that, rather than the Polish, but, for Easter, I remember going to all the Catholic churches, and there were five, for Good Friday.  My aunt and I, and then, later on, my cousin and I, we would go to all the churches in Perth Amboy, starting with the Hungarian church, then, we went over to the Slavish church, which was; Hungarian was our Lady of Hungary, ... the Slovak church was Holy Trinity, and then, over to the Italian church, I don't recall what that name was, and then, over to St. Mary's, and then, finally, to our church.  St. Mary's was the Irish, and then, the St. Stephen's was the Polish. We'd end up there, and you'd go over there and the manger was there, you know; no, that was Christmas, [not] the manger, the cross.  The cross was there and you'd go there and, you know, you'd kneel and you'd say your prayers, every time, and so forth.  So, I remember doing that every year.  SI:  Would they act out the Stations of the Cross in any of the churches? HZ:  Yes, yes, but we would end up in St. Stephen's for the Stations of the Cross.  We would only do that the one time, ... but just visit the other churches, and so forth.  So, that was a tradition.  Of course, Christmastime, you know, you'd have your [presents], you go to sleep and you'd wake up.  We'd always have a Christmas tree.  I had the electric trains, the Lionel trains.  In fact, my son has all my electric trains.  So, they would be, you know, eighty years old by now.  I'm going to be eighty-five in a couple of weeks.  August the 20th, I'll be eighty-five.  So, I had them when I was five years old, so, they're eighty years old, and he has them running, he and his son.  His son graduated Pittsburgh University, as an engineer, so, they take care of that.  So, I remember the electric train going around the tree, and so forth, and, I don't know, I think I'm running out of [things to say].  SI:  You mentioned the traditions around the holidays.  In general, was the Church important in your life growing up? HZ:  Yes.  You see what happened, ... as I think back, what happened, as the people came over from Europe, they tended to live in sections.  Now, the Budapest section of Perth Amboy was, see, that would be the Hungarians, and the Irish section, they would call it Dublin.  I don't recall whether we had a section or not, [what] that was called, and so forth, but what happened [was], anyhow, the Irish had settled with the Irish, and the Danish, and so forth.  I'm just trying to think; well, anyhow, ... see, when they came over, they had family and the family could not speak English very well.  They were just learning the English language, but, when they came over, like my grandmother, she didn't know how to speak English, so, the family, if they had a problem, whether it be with the family, whether it be with getting a job, whether getting married, who would they go to but their priest?  You see, the priest became very important.  The priest in the St. Stephen's, the Polish priest, became important to them, because they helped solve the problems, and the same thing over at [the] Slovak [church] and, ... you know, the Irish [church], and so forth, and so, that's the way it became.  The priest became very important to them, and so forth.  ... I can remember, as you talk, and so forth, the idea was, if you married, you didn't dare marry an Irish Catholic or a Slovak Catholic; you had to marry a Polish Catholic, and so forth, and, "Oh, my goodness, wasn't it terrible that this girl married outside of the Polish Catholic faith?  She married a Slovak," and so forth, that sort of thing, and then, after awhile, it didn't matter, it was [fine].  Then, of course, the Protestant and the Catholic bit, and so forth, and you dare not marry a Protestant if you were Catholic, and so forth, and all these traditions were broken down and it didn't matter whether you married anybody, as long as you were Catholic, and then, it didn't matter whether you married a Protestant, and this type of thing, as long you raised the children in the Church, and so forth, and so, there was all these things that were happening, and so forth.  I can tell you that the vocational schools were a very important part of people who were not going to high school, and the vocational schools played a very, very important part during that time.  ... Many of the kids, ... the European kids, went over into vocational school and they learned their trades and became a very integral part [of the economy], but, you see, you had, also, big industries in Perth Amboy, like General Cable, National Lead, I don't remember Chevron, yes, Chevron, and Copper Works, Copper Works was big there, and so forth, Anaconda, the dry dock.  These were all industries ... and all the kids that graduated from the vo-techs always had jobs, whether [as] machinists or carpenters or painters.  Whatever they were, they all had jobs when they were finished, and the thing that was peculiar [was], we had what they called special needs kids now, who are slow, and so forth, but there were always jobs for these slow kids in these industries, somewhere along the line, maybe in the supply houses, and so forth, and so, I don't recall any of the special needs programs that we have now.  There's not that much opportunity for them as there were during the era.  So, at graduation, sheet metalworkers, I was thinking of, too, there was always jobs for these kids, and so forth, and they played a very, very integral part in Perth Amboy, but what also happened was that they'd become the leaders in some of the unions, whether [it was the] electrical union or the carpentry union, painting union, whatever, plumbing, and so forth.  A lot of the graduates became very important in the unions and they helped kids from the vocational schools [in] getting into these unions, and so forth.  So, that was a part of what happened, and so forth.  Education-wise, a lot of the kids that I grew up with went into the vocational school.  I went into the Perth Amboy High School and I graduated in 1941.  I took the classical course.  I remember coming out number nine, in a graduating class of 440.  The one, we had some very, very important people, my friend that I knew, who sat next to me most of the time, was Warren Wilentz and Warren Wilentz's father was [New Jersey Attorney General] Attorney Wilentz. SI:  Yes, David Wilentz.  [Editor's Note: David T. Wilentz served as New Jersey Attorney General from 1934 to 1944 and gained international prominence as the prosecutor in the trail of Bruno Hauptmann for kidnapping Charles and Anne Morrow Lindbergh's son.  His son, Warren W. Wilentz, became a prominent attorney and Democratic politician in New Jersey.] HZ:  David Wilentz, and I grew up in a Democratic town, and the story [was], later on, when we talk about ... my military career, I remember going into camp and, somewhere along the line, ... somebody says, "How are you going to vote, Republican [or] Democrat?" and I looked at him strangely and he said, "Well, what's the matter?"  I said, "What's a Republican?"  I said, ... "I only know the Democrats."  [laughter] That's all we ever had in Perth Amboy. By the way, my mother worked for the Democrats, by cooking.  She did the cooking for the parties.  They used to have a lot of parties, and so forth, especially on election night.  She did a lot of cooking for them, and I really didn't [know anything else], and, truthfully, [it was] the same thing with another story I can remember, being in the service, and so forth.  I said to this fellow, ... somehow, I said to him, "What's that ring?  That's a nice, little ring that you have," and he laughed at me.  He says, "Are you Catholic?" and I said, "Well, yes."  He says, "Well, this is a Mason's ring," and I said, "What's a Mason?" [laughter] and then, he explained to me what the Masonic Lodge was, and so forth, but I had no idea what that was, but, see, you lived a sheltered life, I guess, and then, you didn't realize that, you know, there was such a thing as a Masonic Lodge.  We knew the Knights of Columbus, and so forth.  The other thing I can remember there; I joined the YMCA.  I can remember joining the YMCA, because my two uncles, my father's brothers, they were very good athletes and they belonged to the YMCA and I remember where ... some of the Catholic priests, people--I wouldn't say the priest, necessarily--would say, "No, you can't go to the YMCA.  You have to go to the CYO, the Catholic Youth Organization," and so, there was this little bit of, what would you call it? prejudice or bias or whatever you might say, not openly, and so forth, but, you know, you weren't supposed to go to the YMCA, but I was always a YMCA person.  ... In fact, later on in life, I belonged to the Y's Men's Club.  So, you know, as we go along, I think about some of these things, and so forth.  So, I went to high school and I graduated high school [in] 1941, June 1941, and I applied for Rutgers, for the School of Education.  ... I remember taking the group of us, I remember driving the car, it must have been three or four of us, oh, John Andreco was another fellow there, John and I, and there may be some other people, I don't recall, but I used my father's car and we went up to New Brunswick to take the entrance exams.  ... We took those, and then, we finally got accepted, and so forth, into Rutgers.  ... SI:  How did you hear about Rutgers? HZ:  Well, we had the counselors, the guidance counselors.  They would talk about the different schools, and so forth, and I remember them asking, "Anybody interested in Rutgers?" and I was.  ... I was told how to go about applying, and I remember having to have three teachers sending in recommendations, which ... they did for me, and that's, basically, I think, ... how I got it, was through the ... guidance counselors.  I had a good experience in Perth Amboy High School.  It was always a good school, the teachers were just great, and I was not into sports there.  I was not that good in sports.  So, what we did was mostly local area teams, like Hall Avenue teams, and we had what we called the Roessler's Gym.  Roessler was a chemist, Dr. Roessler was a chemist, and he had a factory, as I remember it, R&H, was a big factory, chemical factory, I think it became Bakelite after awhile, in Somerset, ... when it moved out.  I think I'm correct in that, and Dr. Roessler, when he died, he left his laboratory for the City of Perth Amboy kids and we, as kids, used his laboratory for basketball, and the city league played there.  So, we always would go, walk all the way ... from Hall Avenue all the way down to the waterfront, and then, we would play basketball.  So, that was my sports, and then, of course, baseball, we had the little leagues, baseball leagues, ... but never in high school did I play.  I can remember joining the chemistry club, but that's the only one.  ... Our kids were not ones that joined clubs, and we walked ... from Hall Avenue all the way to the school.  You know, I just don't remember what we did in the rain or what.  I don't recall taking umbrellas, that much I could [recall].  If you took an umbrella, you were kind of a sissy, and so forth, [laughter] but the thing that I remember more than anything else [was], between our Cortlandt Street and the high school was the big railroad tracks, maybe about six across, and, every day, we would go across those tracks and go to school and, sometimes, they had the freight trains [that] were there, with the boxcars full of coal.  See, the coal came in that way, and we'd go over the cars, and then, go to school, and so forth, and you had to ... always remember that if those cars started to move to get the hell off that thing pretty fast, and there was never any accidents.  You know, the kids were wise, and so forth, ... but I can remember going across those tracks.  In fact, I remember going to the city field, in Perth Amboy, where you'd have to go through the tracks.  Everybody would go down across the tracks, and then, up.  ... Now, these are very high-speed trains going through, the Blue Comet, [a passenger train that ran between New York City and Atlantic City from 1929 to 1941], I remember, and, you know, you'd look both ways and you thought nothing of it.  ... This became a part of life, and so forth.  So, I do remember that.  The other thing [that] comes to mind is the beaches in Perth Amboy.  We have very good beaches and there was the free beach and the Bayard's Beach.  One of them, you had to pay a nickel, I think, to get in, and so forth, which was quite a substantial amount, and the other one we went to were the barges, off the water here, and [it] used to be a Public Service in there. Now, I don't know what there is there now, but we would jump off, dive off the barges into the water, and so forth.  You'd have to know when the high tide came in, and we would do the swimming, and so forth.  Everybody could swim and everybody could dive.  Some people jumped off the barges, and so forth, and the barge captains would let you do that, and so forth, and it was always very safe.  I don't remember anybody drowning in our group or getting hurt, but they were docks, I remember the docks, that you'd have to walk down, and so forth, and it'd depend upon when the high tide was in.  Sometimes, the swimming would be in the morning, sometimes, it'd be in the afternoon and, sometimes, later at night, and we all had swim trunks and, every so often, you'd go nude.  The kids would take off their swimsuits and they'd go nude, just to fool around, and so forth, ... but we did have fun swimming off the barges and off the docks.  We would also go crabbing.  We would, they call it spiling, where you'd look and you see the crabs coming near the dock, and so forth, and you'd go with string and you'd catch him, and then, you'd scoop him up.  Another way of crabbing was with the nets.  You'd open up the nets and you'd have fish heads in there, and then, you'd pull up the nets, and so forth.  Crabbing was very good, fishing was good, and then, the Outerbridge [Crossing], I remember, also, having a bicycle and driving all the way to Roosevelt Park.  That was nothing, like going [to] that, and then, over the Outerbridge, you could always go into Staten Island with the bridge, and so forth, and I remember having a bicycle.  I can remember not too many kids had bicycles over there.  The Depression, you talked about the Depression.  My father worked as a policeman pretty much, and so, I don't think that we had as much of a problem during the Depression.  We were not rich by any means, but I don't think we had a want for anything.  I can remember, the only problem [was] that we were paid in bonds, my father was paid in bonds, rather than money, and you would have trouble getting rid of those bonds.  For instance, you could pay your taxes, your house taxes, with the bonds, but, when you went into the store, you'd have to, if it was a five-dollar bond, you'd have to spend the whole five dollars, because they didn't want to give you any money in change.  So, money was tight, ... but I remember him getting paid in bonds and my mother arguing with a storekeeper, or something like that.  I remember going to grocery stores; they always had grocery stores around there.  In fact, I can remember one A&P, but they were mostly local grocers, and what you did, you always did everything on credit, my mother did, always credit.  ... What happened [was], there was two sets of books, one you kept and one that the grocer kept, and, at a certain period of time, maybe one week or two weeks, whatever it was, he'd add up the whole book, and then, you would check to see what he had with your book, to make sure that they came out even, and so forth.  So, most of that was done on credit.  I do remember Wheaties was the "breakfast of champions," I remember that was very, very popular.  I remember the food that we had was always plentiful, and so forth.  We always had Thanksgiving Day, but our neighborhood was hard-pressed for jobs.  There wasn't that much, and I can remember, there was always a tavern on every corner, pretty much, and, you know, beer was, I guess, what? five cents, and so forth, and my father occasionally would go over to the tavern, where they would play cards.  They would play pinochle, pretty much, and so forth, never gambling.  I don't recall anybody gambling in the tavern, you know, like the horserace betting, and so forth.  What I could remember, they used to have what they called numbers, three numbers, and you'd bet a penny and, for a penny, you could win five dollars.  So, it was like five-hundred-to-one [odds].  I think that was what it was, and we had a candy store on Hall Avenue called Smithy's, and people would go there and play numbers, and then, they would have people go from house to house and take number bets and, you know, some places, they would pay a penny, some two pennies and five pennies, and so forth, but I do remember the numbers.  ... If you went past Smithy's at a certain hour, let's say about six, seven o'clock, they'd have a number out there, and, occasionally, I think, they weren't supposed to do it, it was against the law to do it, so, they would be shut down and stuff like that.  ... My father had a tough time, because, you know, he was living in the situation where they had it, and then, of course, he didn't want to, you know, do anything about it, necessarily, because that was all his family and friends, and so forth.  So, it was pretty hard for him.  I can remember, this is interesting, while we're talking, I remember, every Sunday, there was a dice game amongst the kids and they would roll the dice.  ... They would always have a lookout for my father, because, when they saw him coming, they'd scatter, because what he would do [was], he'd break up the dice game, and so forth.  So, they'd always have a lookout, ... and my father ended up with so many pairs of dice, that he'd get there, you know, and they'd leave the dice, and so forth, but he'd break that game up, because he had to, and so forth, ... but they always looked out for my father.  My father provided a lot of security for the neighborhood.  They always knew [he was there], and there was another policeman around the corner, too, by the name of Patten, and he was on the next street.  ... They provided, you know, security, and whenever people got into trouble; never with cars, because nobody had a car.  My father had a car, by the way, but he's probably the only one on that whole block that had a car.  It was an Essex, [an automobile manufactured by the Essex and Hudson Motor Companies between 1918 and 1932], as I remember.  ... They would come to him, and so forth, and, if there was any trouble, and so forth, ... he'd try to help them out, and so forth.  He'd help some of the younger kids.  I remember, he always would take some of these kids that were in trouble and he'd recommend the Navy to them and they'd go into [the] Navy.  I know one of his friends did very well in the Navy, and so, he helped out.  He was very good with kids.  The one trouble with having animals, you'd have a dog, this is interesting, you'd have a dog, and this happened to me, where dogs would chase cars.  ... Sometimes, they would get ahead of the car and the car would just run over them, and so forth, and it'd kill them, and so forth, and I can remember, at one time, whereby they ran over this dog and my father had to go along and what they had to do was shoot him, you know, and so forth.  ... He never liked to do that, but he had to do it where he saw the dog was suffering, and so forth.  So, I remember him doing that, once, but I do remember that part of it.  ... During my time that I was in grades seven, eight and nine, I delivered papers for what they would call The Perth Amboy Evening News.  I remember one of the things that they had, ... on some events, was the extra at night, where there was something that happened, for instance, boxing, Joe Louis; see, a lot of people had radio.  You had to listen to the radio, and then, whoever won, like Joe Louis would win, they'd come out with an extra.  The kids would go out, "Extra, extra, extra," and people would buy it, for about two cents, three cents.  I used to deliver papers and I would charge eighteen cents for the week, for a customer, and that would include six days, no Sunday delivery.  ... They would pay me eighteen cents and I would have to pay The Perth Amboy Evening News fifteen cents, and so, I would make three cents profit out of every customer, and I had maybe about forty customers, maybe less than that, twenty-five, and so forth.  ... If somebody gave you a penny for a tip, and so forth, boy, that was great, and so forth.  So, I did that for about three years.  ... SI:  Did you have any other part-time jobs or summer jobs when you were growing up? HZ:  No, that was the only one that I had.  I always collected stamps.  I love stamps, and so forth, and I don't do that to any great extent now, except for the modern stamps.  Any issues that come out now, ... I do that.  That was my hobby.  I tried building airplanes, the model airplanes, but I was never good at it, and so, I had to give that up. Sports was my life, football, basketball, whatever it was, on the radio or actually going, and so forth.  I graduated high school, and then, from before high school into college, I worked in a handkerchief factory, off New Brunswick Avenue, and I was a delivery boy.  I'd go down and bring the material upstairs to whoever was going to cut it into the various shapes, and so, I worked there during the summer and I left them to go to school.  ... I met the secretary that was there, who was the secretary for Coach [James] Reilly.  Now, Coach Reilly was the swimming coach in New Brunswick, at Rutgers, and he had one leg, there was something wrong with one leg, I forget what it was, [if] it was too short or whatever it was.  ... When I went to Rutgers, I met him and I said, "The secretary's over there," and, of course, he knew that, but, so, from there, I would work, you know, typical nine to five, whatever it was, and so forth, and I made twelve dollars a week.  I remember the twelve dollars a week, and then, my mother was very good in saving that money for me, and we used that [for] tuition.  I think the tuition that we paid was a hundred dollars for a semester, as I recall.  I think it was a hundred dollars for the semester and I was going to commute.  There was nobody to help me out on that, "How do you get a dormitory?" or stuff like that, and so, I decided I was going to commute, and a fellow by the name of Edward Vince was in Edison and I picked him up and, one day, he would drive and [I would drive] the other.  I think I did it for two days or three days.  I hated it, I really, truly hated it, and my father was talking to a fellow policeman by the name of Keating.  ... Keating said, "Well, you know, my son just graduated Rutgers and he belonged to a fraternity called the Raritan Club.  Let me see what I can do for your son."  Well, before the day was out, I got an invitation from the Raritan Club, as a freshman, to join the fraternity, and so, after three days of commuting, I moved in with them, on George Street, up on the top of the hill, and I became a freshman member.  There were about four or five, and there was Bill Kenny, that's when I met him, as a freshman, and I became a freshman at the Raritan Club.  So, I was in the School of Education.  ... SI:  Did you enroll in that right away or did you choose a major later on? HZ:  No, right away, School of Education.  I was impressed with several of my teachers, as I was going along, and I never knew what to do, but this was the only thing that I thought I would like to do, to become a teacher, and mostly because of the people I respected as teachers.  One fellow by the name of Mr. Maddock, I forget his first name, Mr. Maddock, and he became very friendly with me and he was good, and then, in the high school, I met so many good teachers there, Mr. Goldstein and a few others there.  ... I just admired them and I thought, "Gee, I would like to [do that].  You know, here's a model for me," and so, I went into the School of Education right away.  I majored in math and science, and the first thing, first course I ever took was with [Oscar K.] O. K. Buros.  I don't know whether you know who O. K. Buros was.  He was a fellow that tried to get a book published and O. K. Buros couldn't get it published, and so, he published it himself, and it's called Mental Measurements Yearbook, and it became world famous.  ... I had him as my first instructor and, boy, did I get along with him, and I got a "1" in the course, and so forth.  Everything was built in with my mind, and so forth, and I used to walk down from the Raritan Club, all the way down to Old [Queens]; oh, my first class was in Old Queens, where it's now the administration building, and I got there and the class was cancelled, because they didn't have it in that building anymore, and I didn't know what to do.  What you had to do, by the way, ... what you had to do there [was], you had to wear a freshman cap and they whistled at you and you had to run.  Any upperclassman could do that, and so, they'd whistle at you and you'd have to run, and so forth, and so on.  You want to turn that off for just a minute. [TAPE PAUSED] HZ:  Rutgers, right, and I talked to you about O. K. Buros .  Well, this was in September of 1941 and things were peaceful.  I really enjoyed being a freshman.  I can remember, we had study time.  Study time had to be, oh, right after dinner.  We all had breakfast together, lunch together and dinner.  We had a cook that came in and did the work.  I don't remember too much about the cost, but I do remember that every; oh, during a period of a year, you had two weeks where you worked in the kitchen as the person who delivered the food, and so forth, and then, you got your meals free.  I do remember that, ... but we all were together, and so forth, and we had camaraderie, especially at night.  My president and my roommate actually was Jim Kenny, who was Bill's older brother, and so, they fit me in, because I was a late arrival, with a fellow by the name of Ron Jarvis, who later became a Marine, and a Marine major, I think.  He was very high; you know, oh, God, what the heck is his name now? would know him very well.  He's the one, ceramics, he's from ceramics. SI:  Bill Bauer? HZ:  Bill Bauer. SI:  Yes.  [Editor's Note: Professor William H. Bauer is a Professor Emeritus of Ceramics.] HZ:  Bill Bauer would know Ron very well, because they were classmates, and so forth.  I sit with Bauer and his wife at the games.  ... SI:  Yes.  Actually, Ron Jarvis and Jim Kenny were both interviewed for this program.  HZ:  Oh, were they, yes? SI:  They were both from the Class of 1942. HZ:  Right. SI:  The Class of 1942 founded this program.  Originally, they were just interviewing Class of 1942 people, and then, it just grew from there. HZ:  Yes.  Well, Ron Jarvis and Bill are both dead now, and Jim, too, yes. SI:  Professor Bauer is still alive.  HZ:  Yes.  See, that's how I met Bauer, because we started to talk, and so forth, and then, I said, "Well, Ron Jarvis was my roommate as a freshman," and ... Bill Kenny had somebody else.  ... Oh, he had Al Brady.  I don't know whether you ever knew Al Brady. SI:  Yes.  He is on the board of this program. HZ:  Is he?  Well, Al Brady was roommates with Bill Kenny, as freshmen, and I was put in with the two seniors, who I never saw, by the way.  [laughter] They'd be out all the time and I had the room to myself, most of the time, and so forth, and I can remember, my mother would always do my clothes.  My father would stop, about once every two weeks or so, and he'd pick up my clothes and she'd always stick in some candies and cookies and stuff like that, and I would have them in my drawer.  ... Somehow, there was either mice or roommates who ate my cookies, and so forth, and they'd love to have me as a roommate, and so forth, because they could always have something to eat, and so forth.  So, anyhow, Jim Kenny and Ron Jarvis was my roommate and everything was peaceful and I enjoyed it.  You'd have to get up at dinnertime and sing your high school song, or something, and so forth.  They'd always haze the freshmen like that, and so forth, you know, not hazing, and so forth, but you'd have to get up and sing, and so forth.  I remember getting up there and, oh, how nervous I was, and sang, and, oh, God, it was awful.  I don't have a good voice and I enjoyed every minute of it, and so forth, and then, of course, ... Pearl Harbor, I happened to be home at that time, with my father and mother.  I don't know why I came home, for whatever reason, and they were driving me back to the school that night and we heard when Pearl Harbor was bombed.  ... My first reaction was, you know, "Where's Pearl Harbor?" you know, "What is Pearl Harbor?" and so forth, and there was no recognition.  Surprising, I don't recall whether my father told me where it was, since he was a Navy man, or not. SI:  Before Pearl Harbor, had you been following the news of what was happening with the war in Europe and the Far East? HZ:  Yes, we had.  You know, Rutgers would have speakers that came in, and the fellow that wrote Berlin Diary[came in], I think, Sheer, Shirer?                               SI:  William Shirer? HZ:  Shirer, he was our speaker, and he spoke.  That was the first inclination that; really, not [my] first inclination, but that's the one memory I have, more than anything else, about how he explained what was happening in Germany, and he said, "It's coming here."  I remember him saying that, "It's going to come and influence us," and so forth.  I don't recall paying too much attention to what was going [on], because I guess I was interested in my studies, more than anything else.  I had no recollection that it would interfere with my life at all, and so forth.  I don't remember.  It could have been, but I just don't recall that having any influence.  I remember, the day after Pearl Harbor, we were having lunch and Ron Jarvis, as president [of the fraternity], we all stood up and he said, I can always remember that, ... "After today, we probably will not ever be together again like this," and we sang Auld Lang Sine, and then, we held each others' hands, right around the table, and it was very, very solemn.  ... Sure enough, the way it turned out, you know, we had several [men killed from our fraternity].  I know one, I can't recall some of the names, and so forth, but I do know one fellow that was killed in the service.  ... Then, you know, it was hard to recognize that there was something going on there, you know, that would influence your life.  I think we went back to just the [usual] way of doing things, and so, I finished the freshman year without anything happening, and so forth.  It didn't influence me at all.  I did know, like, Ron Jarvis was gone.  We were taking ROTC at the time, and I know the instructors, they were called into active duty right away.  I remember one in particular, he said he was going to go to Australia, and so, that was happening, and so forth.  I know they discontinued the final exams, where you didn't have to take final exams anymore and you just got your marks, but, you know, I just don't remember anything.  Oh, I can remember one episode.  My father, who would have been; [in] '41, well, I don't know what he would have been there, [in his] forties, fifties, he went into [the] Navy to join the Navy and they told him to go home and protect the City of Perth Amboy, because, you know, he was not fit for that, but he did try to join the Navy again.  ... My mother [would] be yelling at him, and so forth, when he got home, "What did you try to do that for?" and so forth, and, you know, on and on, and it was very comical, and so forth.  ... He came home dejected, and so forth, and he said, "I want to protect my country," and so forth.  [laughter] So, I do remember that, but, you know, I don't recall too much happening. SI:  Were there any Civil Defense type of activities going on at the time?  HZ:  No, no.  I just don't recall that, anything that was unusual.  We quit school in May, and so, from May, June, July, August, I worked in what they called a defense factory, General Ceramics, in Keasbey, [New Jersey].  I applied for a job and I was given a job in a laboratory, the ceramics laboratory, and a fellow by the name of Glenn Howatt; Glenn was a graduate of Rutgers and he was an outstanding ceramist, I guess you'd call it.  ... He ran that factory and they did all defense work for the Air Force and the Army, through whatever ceramics that was needed, and so forth.  ... He hired me.  I said, "I'm a freshman and I just finished my freshman year."  He said, "You're going to go back to school?"  I said, "No, no, I'm not going back to school."  I said, "I want a job," and so, I give him a hard luck story, and so forth; lied, I lied.  So, he hired me and I worked there for the four months, and then, did quite well.  I remember, the pay was getting to be almost ninety cents an hour.  When I left, it was almost a dollar-ten cents an hour.  ... You know, you'd work all sorts of hours.  I made a lot of money there, for the time, and so forth, because, let's see, '41, I was eighteen, and I was seventeen, really, when I was [first] working there, and then, eighteen when I left.  So, it was hard work, in the laboratory, because I met a German fellow, Mr. Kramer. ... I was the "college boy" and they put me on boxcars, to unload boxcars, because they needed people to unload boxcars.  So, they took everybody and they always got me.  The college boy was going to work hard.  Oh, I can remember.  Let's see, I'm just trying to think here, now, how did that work out?  Yes, that's right, before I went there; there's more to come.  Anyhow, ... I had a couple of my father's sisters [who] worked there, too, and they were very friendly with this Mr. Kramer, and Mr. Kramer pretty much ran the place, with the workers, and so, he treated me pretty good, but he wanted me to understand the value of money and the value of working, and so forth.  So, I worked hard, and so forth.  In fact, I walked, from Hall Avenue all the way to Keasbey, every day.  I don't know how I did it, now, when I look there, and because that's a long place [way], but I walked that every day, and, of course, at night, and then, maybe halfway through, they started to need workers and they had a bus that came through and picked up the workers, so, after awhile, [I got a ride].  ... My father, every so often, if it worked out with his shift, he'd come and pick me up or take me there, and so forth, but, most of the ... [time], I walked in the beginning, but I enjoy[ed] that. SI:  How long were the shifts at the factory? HZ:  I would say seven to three, and then, three to eleven and eleven to seven, three different shifts, and then, they had victory parades.  I remember, they would have victory parades.  I remember going to Newark, with the General Ceramics group, and participating in the victory parade.  ... SI:  Would these companies be exhibiting any materials they were making? HZ:  No, just marching, selling bonds, you know, the bond sales, and so forth, waving American flags, and so forth, and just parades of that nature, like they have the Dominican parade here, I guess on Sunday, where they were proud about their heritage.  This was "Proud to be an American"-type thing, and so forth.  ... I don't remember anything else, except it worked out well.  You know, I did well.  They liked me as a worker, and so forth, and then, of course, September was rolling around and, in August, I went to Glenn and I said, "Glenn, I'm going back to school."  He said, "I knew you were going to do that when you came."  He says, "I knew you were lying to me." So, he laughed, and so forth.  Glenn Howatt was a champion boxer at Rutgers, ... when they had boxing, and because of the, I guess, injuries to boxers, and so forth, in college, they gave it up.  ... He was an extremely fine boxer for Rutgers and he established his own factory here, in either Metuchen, or that would be Edison, I think it'd be Metuchen, Glennco, after the war.  He established himself.  He died after awhile, because he was much older than I was, and he did very, very well.  ... SI:  During this summer period when you were working in the factory, did you notice changes, such as a lot of men leaving and women coming in to take their jobs, nontraditional workers coming into the workforce? HZ:  Oh, yes, you saw that, sure, yes.  You know, it's interesting, because General Ceramics had been a German factory and there were a lot of Germans in there.  ... There were a couple of older Germans who had sympathy for Germany, and, yes, you saw that, more and more workers, sure.  The women started to come in and do the work of men, and so forth, yes, oh, yes.  In fact, the two fellows that worked in the lab with me, they finally went into the service, too, oh, sure. SI:  Were they replaced by women? HZ:  Yes, pretty much, yes.  I would say more in the mechanic line was the older worker [who] came in, and, like, for maintenance.  I don't recall women taking over that type of job, mostly the assembly work, some in the laboratories, some, when the stuff would come in by little trams, they would take over, where some of the bigger, stronger women would take over jobs like that, and so forth.  Oh, yes, the influx of women was, yes, very noticeable, oh, yes.  SI:  Was there any resistance to that? HZ:  No, no.  Women enjoyed working, I would say, and did a beautiful job.  ... SI:  Were the men wary of the fact that women were coming into what would have been a man's job? HZ:  I would say there was trickery, every so often, you know, little tricks played against them or something like that, but they were mostly in good humor, and so forth.  I would say most of the workers there were Hungarian. See, at one time, as a German [company], after World War I, the United States took it over and they had had housing in Keasbey for the workers, and so forth.  So, it would seem to me that it was a majority, especially some of the older maintenance people, the supervisors and the foremen were all Hungarian.  ... I would say they played tricks, but they got along with the women very well, yes.  That was very good.  ... SI:  What kind of tricks would they play? HZ:  Oh, they'd lose their lunches, for instance, you know, or they'd put a little something in their lunchboxes and stuff like that.  Oh, they'd want what they call a glaze.  ... They'd make it a little watery, and so forth, and then, the girl would say, "Well, I can't use this thing.  It's all watery," and they'd say, "Well, if you give me a date, you know, then, I can give it to you," you know, this type of thing, and so forth.  ... She said, "Well, I'm married," and they'd say, "Oh, you're not married, you're too young," and so, you know, just joking, and so forth, and so on, but, yes, it was tricks like that, and so forth, or they'd hide their cards or the stuff like that, and so forth.  ... No, I think the people that I worked with knew we were at war and that was the main issue, and so forth, to get the job done, and everybody was united with that, and so forth.  No, I didn't find any animosity, and so forth, amongst any of the workers.  My crew that I worked with, I got along very well [with them].  I was a college boy, too, there, and so forth, as I mentioned, and so forth, but, you know, they'd give me little tough assignments, and so forth, but, beyond that, I don't recognize [anything].  I always got along with ... the ceramics people, but they were both Rutgers graduates, because the Department of Ceramics in Rutgers was always well-known for ... producing some good ones, and they did.  His name was Jimmy Gleason, I remember that, [as] I think about that, his name was Jimmy Gleason, and Glenn Howatt.  ... Glenn was in the service, by the way.  When he was there, he wore a uniform, and so, they didn't take him into service until later.  He always wanted to go, he really did want to go, but they wouldn't let him go because he was so important to the factory, but he did wear a uniform every day.  ... I think he was a little embarrassed by it, but a tremendous boss.  Oh, he was just great, really, ... but he took care of me.  I guess he liked the fact that ... he went through what I was going through as a younger boy, and so forth.  So, we produced, we put [out] what they called "spaghetti;" it was a red ferrite and it was used in airplanes, somehow. I don't recall what ever it was, and so forth, and you'd come home and you'd be all red, and so forth, ... but imagine making a dollar, and almost a dollar, an hour, and just the year before, getting twelve dollars a week, and so forth.  So, it was good.  Once again, my mother was very frugal with my money and she saved it for me, and then, I went back for my sophomore year.  Somehow, during that time, I learned how to smoke, [laughter] and that was one of the worst things I could have ever done.  ... So, as a sophomore, I came back a smoker, from the factory, and everybody was smoking, and so forth.  So, I did come back, and this is now September.  So, that's when Harold Miers [joined the fraternity], I brought Harold Miers into my fraternity, and Jim Kenny was already there, of course, as a freshman, and Harold Miers was in the School of Education.  ... By the way, I came out as the top student, in my freshman year, in the School of Education.  I was number one.  I had, let's say there were ... seven grades, I got six "1s" [equivalent to "As"] and one "3" [equivalent to a "C"].  The guy that gave it to me was a guy by the name of [Donald F.] "Scotty" Cameron, who became the head librarian.  I never forgave him, until today.  I had every one of the "1s" and he gave me a "3," and, oh, I shouldn't say I hated the guy, but, oh, boy, I never [forgot].  I met him so many times in years later.  He became friendly with me, too, and, oh, I was so disappointed, and so forth, see. SI:  Do you remember what the course was? HZ:  English.  I wrote a composition and he didn't like it, and he was tough.  Oh, he was a tough guy.  So, anyhow, I did very well in my freshman year, and so forth.  I got all "1s" in all my courses, and so forth.  So, now, in the sophomore year, ... [it] got a little tougher for me and my mind was now on the war, just how to go about handling what I was going to do, because, now, you're registered for the draft and you wondered ... just what to do.  ... Harold and I, they had posted a notice on the bulletin board.  I guess we were still taking ROTC, because you had to take it for two years, and we saw what they called the Enlisted Reserve Corps, ERC.  ... So, Harold and I, we said, "Well, gee whiz, it seems as if you join the ERC that they'll allow you to stay in school and maybe at least finish the sophomore year, and then, maybe even further."  So, the day before, in December, I don't remember the date, could be December 28th, or whatever it is, the day before the last day, he and I went down and we enlisted in the Enlisted Reserve Corps.  I don't know what happened to Bill.  Bill was something different.  He didn't come with us, and so, we enlisted, and then, about two days later, they brought everybody in.  There must have been thirty, forty of us.  The one from Perth Amboy with me was Sidney Sewitch.  ... I see him every so often, because I graduated with his wife, but, someday, if you look him up, [his name is] Sidney Sewitch in Perth Amboy, and he was a basketball star for Rutgers. SI:  How do you spell his last name? HZ:  S-E-W-I-T-C-H, Sewitch.  ... I think his first name was Sidney, Sidney Sewitch.  ... Well, anyhow, Harold and I, we went down, and so forth, and we enlisted, put that right hand up, and so forth, and then, what we had to do was to notify our draft board that we were enlisted in that.  ... So, I had to go back into the draft board and they gave me a number I can still recall.  Why do I remember that?  Because that's the way you got paid.  When you came up to the officer that was giving you the pay, you had to give your number, and, boy, that sticks in your mind. So, anyhow, they eliminated me on the draft board, and then, I remember, we were having a basketball team for the inter-fraternity [league], and so forth.  ... We were beating everybody, and so forth.  ... In March, about the 1st of March, now, that's, what? two, three months later, we get the notice.  We all thought, when we signed up, [since] we were going to go in the Enlisted Reserve Corps, we're going to be officers.  "They're going to send us to the Officers', OCS [Officers' Candidate School], and they would let us stay, maybe, in school.  Maybe, when we were called, we'd go to OCS," and so forth.  Then, we got this notice, "You are to report to Fort Dix, ... in the end of March," March 23rd, I think it was, and so, holy smokes, here you are, in your sophomore year, the second half [of it], "What do we do now?" you know.  So, what we did [was], as a group, we went over to Rutgers Queens [the Old Queens Building], to the president's office.  I remember, everybody was in there, all at once, and so forth, and we kind of requested that we be given credit for our sophomore year, and so, they were deciding, whoever it was deciding what to do, and so forth, and I remember standing outside and everybody's [saying], "Oh, they'd better give us that," you know, and all this other bravado, and so forth, ... and then, the news came out.  They were going to give us credit for the sophomore year.  So, I got credit.  Although I was only halfway through my sophomore year, I got credit for it and I got the marks and everything else.  Fortunately for me, I wasn't doing too well, [at] that time, because ... I guess my mind wasn't in it, and so forth.  So, I can remember, I ended up with two "1s," two "2s," two "3s" and one "4," and so forth.  Isn't that something, how it sticks in your mind, and so forth?  SI:  Yes. HZ:  And we had qualitative analysis and quantitative analysis, and I was just completely lost, and so forth.  I guess my mind just wasn't into it, and so forth, and so, anyhow, we got credit for the sophomore year. SI:  Did you meet directly with President Clothier or was it with Dean Fraser Metzger? HZ:  I think we met with ... Clothier, the President, yes, and then, he came out, and he was a wonderful man, too. You know, I keep saying wonderful people, but he was a wonderful man, really, President Clothier.  [laughter] Metzger was a little tougher.  I remember him coming into [the fraternity]; he'd come to your fraternities and make sure that you had people, older people, there for chaperones.  ... One day, he thought we were having a party and he came in through our bathroom.  He stuck his ... foot in the toilet, I remember that.  [laughter] He started to get angry, and so forth, but we were okay.  You know, come to think of it, just an aside, in our fraternity, we must have had twelve guys sleeping in one room, you talk about [overcrowding], ... up in bunk beds, and so, we must have had about twelve guys in one room, and so forth.  I think you couldn't do that nowadays.  SI:  No. HZ:  ... Nobody said anything about it.  So, anyhow, Clothier, yes, he was a terrific guy.  I remember, his son, they always used to criticize him because his son went to Princeton and why he didn't come to Rutgers, and so forth, but, outside, that's the only thing I ever heard that was [negative], but he was a tremendous guy.  I can still visualize his gray hair, tall individual.  Oh, one other aside; of course, I was Catholic and, on Sundays, they had the services over at the chapel, Kirkpatrick, and we were required to go there on Sunday, and so, Bill Kenny and I, Harold was Protestant, so, he went [to Kirkpatrick Chapel], but Bill Kenny and I wanted to go to St. Peter's Church.  ... So, we went over to the office and we wanted to get excused and we had a hell of a time getting excused.  We said we would go to church, you know, rather go to church, our church, than to go there, and they wanted us to go to services.  ... It's too bad, in a way, that we couldn't have done both, because they had some very fine speakers come in on Sundays for the chapel.  ... I don't remember their names, and so forth, but I do remember Harold telling me about, "Oh, we had him there," and I said, "Boy, I would like to have heard him," and the other thing is, once a week, we had to go to chapel, where they made the announcements, you know.  So, you were actually recorded, because you sat in the same seat every time, and so forth.  ... If you weren't there, you were marked absent.  If you missed three, they would do something.  So, I don't know what the punishment was.  I went every week, so, I didn't [have trouble with] that.  ... SI:  When you heard William Shirer speak, was it during the weekly meeting or on Sunday in the chapel? HZ:  Oh, no, no, this was a special assembly for all the kids.  Oh, the other thing, now, that you would have to do [is], you would have to take physical education and you would have to go for exercise.  I don't recall now how many days, whether it was every day or twice a week or whatever, that was added to your program.  You had a spot in the old gym and you would take exercises, and so forth.  ... So, now, we get this [induction notice] and we all go into Fort Dix and you were placed in a barracks, and I remember one kid crying that night, because I guess he was homesick, and so forth.  ... We were in the barracks, and then, we got to find out that we were privates. There was no such thing as Officer's Candidate School.  [laughter] We were going to be privates.  So, that was kind of a shock, and so forth, but you got used to it.  Now, during that time, they gave you certain tests, and so forth, and then, what would happen [is], they would take you, one group would go to Atlantic City, another group would go to Miami Beach, one group, one day, [went to] Atlantic City, [and another group the] next day [went] ... to Miami Beach.  Well, Harold ended up in Atlantic City and I ended up in Miami Beach, and this was with the Army now, and I don't know, eventually, it became the ... Army Air Corps, and then, it became the Air Force. [Editor's Note: The US Air Force was established as an independent branch of the US Armed Forces in 1947.] My records now, when I send for my medals, is in the Army, although I was with the Air Force.  So, I don't know the workings behind that.  So, anyhow, down to Miami Beach I go and we stayed in motels.  It was nice living in the motels, and so forth.  You did your PT, physical training, out in the beach, out in the sand there, and so forth, and then, afterwards, you went for a swim in the ocean, and so forth.  ... Then, they trained you ... [with] a lot of speeches, as [to] what to do, and so forth.  I remember, you'd go from one group to another and they had a lot of speeches about safety, about, well, all different things.  There were sexual [lectures], be careful about sex, you know, and venereal diseases and all this other stuff, and so forth, and guns, how to hold on to guns, and so forth. ... Then, they gave you a series of tests, and mechanical was one of them and I wasn't very good at mechanical, and so forth.  I guess I didn't do anything, but they asked me what I wanted to do and I saw; oh, I had taken a course, Harold and I had taken a course, in meteorology in school.  ... So, I saw weather observer, and so, I put that down as my number one.  So, after about, let's see, ... two months, maybe a little longer, in Miami Beach, they shipped me to weather school, in Chanute Field in Chicago, actually, not Chicago, Illinois, Champaign-Urbana, by the University of Illinois.  ... We went to weather school and, in weather school, I guess we were there for awhile, whatever period of time, maybe two months, to weather school, and that's where they really had you train physically.  We would have to run almost five miles, I guess, by the time we were through, but they would train us, and then, we'd have to run to go to school.  ... The first time, you know, you'd go a mile and you were gasping for air, and then, the next time was two miles, and then, three, and then, by the time they were through with you, you could run the five miles without any problem, and so forth, but it took a long time to do.  ... Then, I graduated from weather school, and then, we were all split up all over the place.  ... I ended up in what they call Davis-Monthan Field in Tucson, Arizona, and then, in Tucson, Arizona, we were in an actual situation.  We were at an airport and we were predicting, helping [the] forecasters, we were observers, doing weather maps, balloons, to see what the winds were aloft, and so forth, and all those weather requirements, and so forth, that you did in a weather station. ... Then, we stayed there.  I remember, it was hot, because it was in the summertime, and so forth, and, you know, you would just go through daily routines, and so forth.  ... I remember, oh, in Chicago, we would go in every Friday night, until Sunday, from weather school, because they would close it down ... Friday, Saturday and Sunday. Friday night, we would take the bus into Chicago.  I don't remember how long it took, maybe two hours, whatever.  ... We would go to the YMCA, and then, we'd get a room, and then, at the YMCA, they gave you tickets to wherever you wanted to go.  Chicago was, once again, a wonderful city ... to be in.  They gave you passes to the baseball games.  I remember going to see the White Sox play and a fellow by the name of [Rip] Sewell.  He was pitching slow ball, lopper ball, and he became famous for it.  [Editor's Note: Rip Sewell pitched for the Pittsburgh Pirates throughout the 1940s.]  We saw him play, and then, you'd go [get] tickets to the Broadway shows, or whatever, and restaurants, that they'd give you free [admission], and so forth.  ... I remember, I would go with a couple of fellows, I don't remember who they were, and we'd go to a restaurant, I remember, one time, and we were looking at the menu and there was steak.  Oh, God, we really wanted to have that steak and we didn't have enough money, and I remember an elderly woman, and I wish I could remember her name, because she was a movie actress.  ... I can't remember who it was, and she looked over that [situation] and she called the waiter over there and she says, "Give them what they want."  ... We thanked her, and so forth, and we had a steak dinner, that she did [pay for].  I remember that, and I can't for the life of me think of her name.  ... Anyhow, in Chicago, you'd have whatever you wanted to, and so forth.  ... They treated us very, very nicely.  So, we liked, you know, baseball.  So, we went [to ballgames].  You know, they had Wrigley Field and they had Comiskey Park, and then, the restaurants, and then, the shows, and then, you came back to the YMCA.  ... I don't know whether you paid a dollar for the bed or not, whether it was free.  I said it was free, but, ... all of a sudden, I thought maybe we paid fifty cents for it, or something.  I don't recall.  So, I won't say it's free or that we paid a limited amount, and so forth, but, anyhow, we did stay in the YMCA, and then, we came home.  We went to weather school, and so forth, and then, they shipped us out.  ... We didn't know where we were going and, all of a sudden, when we got to Miami, here it was with the palm trees and everything else.  ... We never saw a palm tree before, and then, the same thing, they shipped us by rail all the way up to Chicago, Champaign-Urbana, by rail, and then, by rail, all the way to Davis-Monthan Field, ... which is still there, by the way, and then, we got our orders for overseas.  SI:  Before we get into your overseas time, I want to ask you more about training. HZ:  Sure. SI:  To go back, you first got involved with meteorology through ... HZ:  Rutgers. SI:  It was a wartime course at Rutgers. HZ:  Yes. SI:  What did they teach you in that class?  Do you remember who taught it?  HZ:  His name was Beam, Professor Beam.  He had been from Europe and he spoke with a very [thick] accent, Beer or Beam or something like that, and he spoke in an accent.  "Sus winds, sus winds," I remember him saying, south winds, and he called them, "Sus winds," and, you know, you'd sit there, ... it was hard to understand him, and so forth, but he told us he had been a recognized meteorologist.  ... See, I was a math and science-er and it gave me credit for one of my science courses.  That's why I took it.  ... Biel or Beer, Professor Biel or Beer; I'm close to that name, [Dr. Erwin Reinhold Biel].  ... SI:  Was he Scandinavian or German? HZ:  No, no, I would say more of ... a Russian-type accent, Slovak, Polish-type thing, accent, and I liked it.  I liked meteorology.  So, that's why, you know, when I saw weather observer, I took that, yes.  SI:  Was it all classroom work or did you do any practical work? HZ:  In Rutgers?  SI:  Yes. HZ:  No, all academic, yes, theory. SI:  Before you went into the service, had you ever had an opportunity to travel outside of the New Jersey and New York area? HZ:  No.  Furthest I ever went, probably, was Asbury Park; yes, pretty much limited. SI:  What did you think of the South and the Midwest and the Southwest, all the different areas that you had the opportunity to visit? HZ:  Shangri-La.  Oh, my God, ... you know, palm trees, wow, Florida, holy Toledo.  I mean, you know, my father, in the Navy, had been all over, to South America, to Rio de Janeiro, and I heard him tell me stories about that, Barbados, and he had been to France, and so forth, and that he always had the National Geographic.  ... I'd always look at the National Geographic, and, all of a sudden, it was like a whole new world to me, because, as I say, the furthest I ever went to was New York, and Asbury Park, probably, was about the furthest south I ever went.  I guess Pennsylvania would have been a foreign country, [laughter] you know, even New York.  I mean, I heard about Niagara Falls and that sort of thing, but never thought I'd ever get there.  Philadelphia with, oh, my goodness, you know, Betsy Ross's home and all that stuff, history, and, oh, it just opened up a whole new world. ... Well, I was just elated, really, I mean, surprised, elated and pleased, ... oh, everything, just a whole new world, yes, Shangri-La, really, yes. SI:  Were you encountering people from all over the country in your training units and at these different bases? HZ:  Yes, you know, this is very interesting; when we were down there, Jim Kenny was down there also.  ... So, I happened to meet one of my other roommates down there, Bob Messenger, who was in Bill Kenny's group of freshmen, with Al Brady and us, and I met Messenger.  He was down there.  He looked me up.  ... Somehow, he saw me there, and then, he looked me up, but Jim Kenny was a pilot by then and he'd come and be with us, but it was such an awkward situation, because he was an officer and we were just privates.  ... Everybody was saluting him, and so forth, as we would all go down [the street], [laughter] you know, and it was so funny, you know, and so forth.  ... After awhile, they took him away and wherever he went, and so forth, I don't know, but that was an awkward sort of thing, and so forth, yes.  ... Then, of course, ... when you were down there in Florida, you had guard duty at night, you know, and this type of thing, to protect the hotels, and you had fire drills, and so forth. You had all of that, and so forth, but it was kind of like basic training.  I would call it basic training. SI:  Did you have strict drill instructors and strict discipline? HZ:  Yes.  ... You know, you marched and you sang.  I don't know how many people we would have in our unit, but it could be thirty, forty, maybe, and you learned to sing as a group, and all throughout Miami Beach, there was one group after another, marching, singing, different songs, and so forth.  ... You'd march along there and there was a pretty girl walking down the street, and so forth, and the drill instructor would say, [Dr. Zanzalari sings], "Eyes, right, pretty girl, let's sing for the pretty girl."  You know, everybody would say, "Eyes, right, pretty girl, how you doing, pretty girl?" you know, and the girl would smile, ... and so forth.  Then, you'd go and you'd sing, all sing, [Dr. Zanzalari sings], "Alouette, pretty alouette," and then, everybody would sing together and you'd hear this one down there and that one down there, and there was just singing all the way through, and so forth, just great, really. ... It was discipline.  You learned to march, you know.  See, I had ROTC.  So, a lot of this stuff [I was familiar] with, you know, right face, left face, about face, and we didn't have any guns.  There were no guns, and so forth. Where did ... I get the guns?  I don't recall now.  I was on a firing range.  Maybe it was down in Miami Beach there that they took us out to the firing range.  It had to be.  Well, maybe it was with my overseas training.  I don't remember.  Somewhere along the line, we went to the firing range and they used to put up the targets and bring them down and, sometimes, you had to go behind there, being the ones that were bringing up and down with the targets.  ... See, we had practice with rifles.  I had ROTC and that was my only experience with guns.  My father had always had a gun in the house, because he was a policeman, and he always warned me about guns.  So, I was shy about guns, ... but I came out with a marksman in the pistol and the carbine, and so forth.  So, somewhere along the line, we did get training, but I don't know, I don't remember where, whether it was either Miami Beach; it just doesn't seem to be Miami Beach, but there was great camaraderie with your group, and so forth, yes. SI:  Was it difficult in general for you to transition from civilian life to military life? HZ:  ... No, I did not find that difficult at all.  ... I think I experienced, when I left home to go to Rutgers, I mean, Rutgers did a lot for me, that sort of adjustment, and I've never had trouble adjusting, but I think that ... helped me out quite a bit, because living with the fellows like that, and, you know, the proms that we went to.  I didn't talk about any of that stuff, but we did have, you know, the Soph Hop, the Junior Prom and the Senior Prom.  They had all that, and so forth.  I got to the freshman dance and the sophomore dance, but, later on, it was something different.  So, no, I didn't have a bit of [an] adjustment, no.  The only thing that worried me [was], I wore glasses and my sight was 20/100 or 200.  I couldn't see very well and I was always afraid that they would not let me go overseas and, sometimes, I'd look at the chart and I said, "Please, let me get by," and so forth, and I seemed ... to always be able to get by, but that was my only fear that I had, that I can recall.  ... SI:  There was about a year between Pearl Harbor and when you went into the service.  Did you face any kind of prejudice from people because you were not in uniform? HZ:  No, but I saw it.  I remember, this was [when] I must have been home during the summer.  Friends of mine, a couple of buddies of mine; yes, it must have been during the summer, probably, maybe.  Let's say I finished my freshman year and before I got to sophomore year.  ... I was working in General Ceramics and we went to a tavern called Callahan's, and we'd go to the movies, and then, on the way back, we'd stop for a drink, and this is in Callahan's Bar, which was, you know, close to home.  ... I remember a civilian and a soldier coming in, a couple of soldiers, and they started after this guy, and [were saying], you know, "Why aren't you in service?" and so forth. "What are you, 4-F?" [a military classification meaning that one is not fit for service].  ... They got into a fight and I remember that was one instance, yes, of what you're talking about, and I'll add a little story to it.  Who comes in to stop the fight?  Would you guess who?  My father, the cop; he comes in there and he looks over to the bar and he says, "What in the hell are you doing here?" because I was underage.  ... He says, "What in the hell are you doing here?  Get out."  So, yes, I remember, he came in to break up the fight, and so forth, but I did see that.  You have to remember, when I went into the service, you were all-white eating [areas], your theaters, your sleeping quarters, your dorms, or whatever you call them, barracks, they're all-white and the blacks were in a whole new area.  ... I had heard of, let's see, it would be the Southern whites and Northern blacks, every so often, there'd be a breakout, because the attitudes were different and, when they hit, [fights would ensue], but not to any great extent, but I did hear that there were some.  I did not experience anything.  When I went to Miami Beach, it was all-white in my basic training.  I don't remember seeing any black people there at all and, in weather school, I don't recall any blacks.  I don't recall any when we were going overseas or in my experiences in the service.  I really didn't experience anything, when I come to think [of it].  I haven't thought about this [before], ... but I do recall we were segregated.  Now, when that stopped, I don't know.  SI:  It stopped after the war.  HZ:  Is that when it was?   SI:  A few years after.  [Editor's Note: President Harry S. Truman's Executive Order 9981 officially desegregated the US Armed Forces in July 1948.] HZ:  Yes, see, I don't recall when that stopped, and so forth, but, you know, come to think of it, yes, all that was all-white, yes. SI:  Before you went into the service, had you been aware of segregation in the South?  HZ:  No, never even gave it a thought, because I was taking a little beating when I came from Perth Amboy to college.  [laughter] You know, "Pert Amboy" was the way I talked, "Pert Amboy," and, when you say, "Hall Avenue," "Up Hall Avenue," it was, "Upall Avenue."  ... I had to take a speaking course, public speaking, and, boy, did they give it to me, with my language.  You know, you talk about "Brooklynese;" well, Perth Amboy spoke their own language, too, and so, I used to get teased a lot, and so forth, yes, about that, and "dese" and "dos," and so forth.  That was me, when I came to college, and so, no, I grew up with a very limited [amount of] black friends. In my neighborhood, we have Shorty Brian and his brother, Ralph, who were very good athletes, and they played with us, mainly because they were the best athletes.  ... They always helped us, and so forth.  I remember that, and we were not friends, but we went into school together, we were in the classroom together, and, you know, those are the only two, and then, a Fitzroy Dove, I remember, he was in our class, but that would be the only three blacks.  Then, when I got to high school, I remember a Daisy was black.  The reason why I remember [this is that] I look in my yearbook every so often, and so forth.  ... The blacks had their own baseball team.  ... I forget even what they call themselves, Aztecs, or, no, it wasn't that, Anzacs or something, [perhaps Anguillans], and they had their own baseball team.  ... After high school, I don't recall any black stars, you know, I just don't, but most of them dropped out before.  They didn't go beyond, maybe, eighth grade, and so forth, but the only two friends I had were the Brians, Ralph and Shorty; his name was Randolph.  ... I've seen them occasionally, but I think one's dead by now.  It was mostly by accident.  One time, ... Ralph came in here, he was servicing one of my appliances, and I recognized him.  ... I was given, later on, the Hall of Fame in Perth Amboy High School, and, when I was being marched in, Shorty Brian came up to me and that's the last time I saw him.  So, he may be alive and I don't know. He'll be the same age as I am, but, no, Chinese, we would have an occasional Chinese, but they usually, as they say, had the laundry or the Chinese restaurant, and most of Perth Amboy was all-white.  I mean, every movie you saw was white, [with all-white casts], you know.  In the war, I can remember seeing Lena Horne [a famous African-American singer and actress in the 1940s] in a movie, but that, a black girl, was very, very seldom, that you ... saw anything like that.  ... There were no black stars.  Robinson, the dancer, [Bill "Bojangles" Robinson], I can remember, but the other thing about Chicago [was], we did get [to see] a lot of shows that you could go to from popular people for the servicemen.  You know, they'd come in, and so forth.  We did see that.  Oh, God, what the hell was his name here?  I forget his name, the Italian guy; not Gene Krupa.  Well, I forget now, and his wife.  He had his wife [who] was a singer, and so forth, but it's been too long ago. SI:  Was it a Big Band? HZ:  Yes, he had his own band, and so forth.  I'll remember it after you leave, and so forth, but, yes, you had the Big Bands that came in and gave performances, and they probably came into Chanute Field and had the performance, and so forth.  SI:  How intense was your training at Chanute Field?  Were they teaching you every aspect of observing the weather?  Were they preparing you for any and every eventuality? HZ:  Nothing military, in terms of guns and action, and so forth.  It was more of a school for weather.  I don't remember carrying a gun, I don't remember target practice.  It was mostly physical, in the morning, and after physical, you would go to school all day, very intense, yes.  ... Then, they'd take you out, and then, you'd have to [practice], like, when you traced the balloons that went up in the air.  You know, you'd have a theodolite and you'd go, and so forth, and operate that.  [Editor's Note: A theodolite is a device used to measure both vertical and horizontal angles and is commonly used in meteorology.]  Sometimes, it's difficult if it went overhead, where you'd have to switch it around, and they gave you practice on that, and then, of course, drawing up a weather map and understanding, you know, the isobars and stuff like that.  [Editor's Note: Isobars are lines of equal atmospheric pressure drawn on a meteorological map.]  It was like going to school again, yes.  ... I don't remember any military stuff, with guns or training with guns, and so forth, no. SI:  Did anybody wash out of that school? HZ:  Not that I recall.  They probably did, but I don't recall any, no.  SI:  It was just observation; there was no forecasting.  HZ:  No.  On my level, the forecaster was a officer.  See, I was a weather observer.  So, I was, like, an assistant to ... a forecaster.  So, when I got to Davis-Monthan, there were officers there and ... we did our work, and so forth, and the officers, they were the ones that forecasted.  Most of those were college graduates.  You know, somehow, they got information on going to school for forecasters.  I never experienced that, where I could see something like that.  If I did, I was only seventeen ... or eighteen, and whether they would've allowed me to become an officer, I don't know.  I just never saw the opportunity to become an officer.  It never bothered me, really.  I didn't really think about it, and so forth, but I never saw [the opportunity].  Usually, they post stuff, and, you know, "If you want to apply," and this type of thing, but I just never saw it, but it was intense, yes. SI:  As an enlisted man, did you think that you did not have as good of a life as the officers did? HZ:  Oh, no, ... we did all right.  ... They must have had privileges, I suppose, and they had their own officers' club, but we had the NC[O], non-commissioned officers' club.  ... No, there was nothing that I wanted that [they had], except the prestige.  I would've loved to have been an officer and come home, ... not on my account, but my mother and father, probably my father particularly, would have liked to [have] seen it, but he never said anything. ... From that point of view, the prestige that's involved in being an officer, you know, but, no, when I worked for these people, they had been, as I say, mostly college graduates.  So, I knew that I had not been a college graduate, and so, I never had that same opportunity, but, no, I didn't.   SI:  Had the officers that you worked under been a part of the regular military or were they in for the war? HZ:  No, in for the war, yes.  They probably just ... [were] college graduates and saw some sort of a notice that ... you could go to forecaster's school, and they probably applied and got in.  None of them were, no, from West Point or any military school, not in my experience, no.  SI:  How long were you at Davis-Monthan? HZ:  Probably a couple months, and the next thing you knew, we got orders to go up to Kearns Field, Utah, for overseas training.  That's where I think we got the experiences with the guns.  Now, by then, we were into carbines, which is that light gun.  ... Although we got experience with those other things, we were into carbines, and I guess, with the Air Force, they didn't want you to have one of those big things that the infantry carried, I guess.  ... Our officers had the carbines, too, and so, we got training in that, and I remember the pistol, ... because I got a medal in the pistol, and I got a medal in the gun.  I don't remember shooting a machine-gun.  I may have, but I don't remember that, you know, the Browning [Automatic Rifle], or whatever it was, and so forth.  [Editor's Note: Dr. Zanzalari imitates the sound of a machine-gun.]  I just don't remember doing that, but that's over in Kearns Field, Utah, and that's where it was cold at night and hot during the daytime, and, oh, God.  ... Then, there's where you got intensive overseas training, airplane recognition, all sorts of things, ... how to take care of yourself in bombings and, you know, what to look for in enemy uniforms and stuff like that.  ... Then, I remember, yes, that's where we got the training ... with the guns and the outdoor targets, and so forth.  Now, I don't recall, now, any use of the education, you know, the weather part.  This was all mostly the weather part, and that's where I can remember, we used to have Sundays off, I guess.  ... I love bowling.  I used to go bowling, and so forth.  Now, this is probably November that I'm in ... [these] things.  Now, I had left Harold in March, and this is November, and I'm in a bowling alley, and so forth, because we corresponded, and so forth.  ... I'm in a bowling alley and who comes up to me but Harold.  He says, "I knew that you were here," and ... he said, "I knew, if you weren't in your barracks, where you would be, you'd be in a bowling alley."  So, he picked me up in a bowling alley and we spent the day together, and then, after that, we were split again.  So, Harold Miers, and I can always remember a Gary Cooper movie, I don't know why I remember some of these things, and so forth, but, then, the next thing you know, we were shipped [out].  I don't think we were there in Kearns Field ... very long, and then, from Kearns Field, we got on a troop train and we stopped at, oh, let's see, Columbus, and then, Kansas City.  I remember stopping in Kansas City.  We stopped in three different places along the way.  ... I remember Kansas City, because one friend of mine lived in Kansas City and he took us to his home and his family took us out for dinner.  There were four of us.  ... We stopped in Colorado; isn't that something?  What's the capital of Colorado? SI:  Denver? HZ:  No, no, begins with a "C." SI:  Colorado Springs? HZ:  Could be, yes, could be, and Kansas City, and then, one other spot, wherever that would be.  You know, it's funny how I forget that, and then, we ended up in Hampton Roads, Virginia.  ... There's where we waited for, oh, maybe several weeks, and so forth.  There's where ... they gave you a pretty good health examination, and then, teeth.  They brought you to a dentist's [station] and the dentist went through your teeth, and so forth, made sure everything was okay, and something with purple.  I mean, ... there was something I remember with purple, and you'd go down with your overcoat and you were nude.  ... You'd go down there for your physical and the nurses ... would always make fun of you, because they knew, when you were marching down there with your coat on, that you were nude underneath.  ... The nurses would tease you, "Take off your coats, take off your coats," you know, and they'd laugh.  ... So, the next thing I know, it's December 24th, Christmas Eve, and they put us on a boat and they put us on a; what did they call those ships, K ships, C ships? SI:  Was it a Liberty ship? HZ:  Liberty ship, and they put us on this boat and I remember looking at the coast with ... the buoy, "Bing, bing," Christmas Eve, and we were leaving.  ... We were just anchored there and we could see the land, and so forth, and it was Christmas Eve 1943.  By then, it was '43? yes, '43. SI:  Were you going over as an entire unit or were you going over individually? HZ:  Yes, ... oh, the ones that were in Utah, brought together, they were all that unit [that] was going over there.  SI:  Okay. HZ:  We didn't know where we were going. SI:  Okay. HZ:  But, we went there, and, let's see, then, it took us, honest to goodness, almost thirty days to go across there. I don't know how long, but it was a long time.  We finally met up with a convoy, and, ... of course, at night, you weren't supposed to go on the ship, but, in the daytime, if you had duties, they gave you duties, and they exercised you, and so forth, and we were with a group of Greeks.  They were American Greeks that were going into Greece, and they were all volunteers, and we were five high in the troopship, and, oh, jeez, ... you wanted the top bunk, because, see, the people are getting sick, you know, and so forth.  ... When I looked outside, in the daytime, all I could see was ships, all over, oh, God, that convoy was so big, and then, there were these battleships and destroyers, diving in and out, and so forth, and you were hoping that nothing would happen to your ship, because, you know, you'd be left behind.  ... I don't know whether [it was true], there was a rumor that one of the ships is being left behind, but ... I could never verify that.  ... Oh, it was just so tremendous.  You just looked around, that's all you saw, was ships, and the convoy went over, they'd go this way and that way, and this way and that way.  ... Then, you'd hear the destroyer, with that horn, [Dr. Zanzalari imitates the horn], and you didn't know whether it was a submarine or they were just practicing or what, and so forth, and then, we got to the Strait of Gibraltar.  ... Then, one ship at a time would go through the Strait of Gibraltar, and I don't know just exactly where the Germans were.  They had just been defeated in North Africa.  Rommel had just been defeated, and what was the [leadership], I guess ... Patton was there, maybe Eisenhower, I don't recall now, was it Alexander or Montgomery for the British? and I don't recall just exactly where Sicily was at the time.  ... Either we had just got that defeated or we were just fighting there.  I just don't remember the timing, and the one ship went through and the Germans hit it, and then, we went through without trouble, and the one in back of us got hit by some Germans, or something.  I don't know what that was, and we landed in the Suez Canal.  We went down to [the] Suez Canal.  I think that's, what, Alexandria, up there?  I forget what's up on the top there.  Then, we went through the Suez Canal, and then, we landed, I guess that town was Suez, and then, from there, they took us out and they put us on trucks and they trucked us into Cairo, right outside of Cairo.  ... In Cairo, we were put in barracks and they had an Army camp, and, from that Army camp, we didn't stay there more than about a month, and then, we were assigned all throughout Africa, all over Africa.  You have to remember that the British Overseas Airways something, BOAC, B-O-A-C, and Pan American had had routes from the United States into South America, Ascension Island, and right straight through Africa, the heart of Africa, into India, and whatever they were going [to].  BOAC had it from London down there.  So, there were airbases all along, and so forth.  So, it didn't take much to, you know, do something different.  So, they had that, and then, we were assigned to different places, and, now, we were in airplanes.  So, I was assigned to a place called Salalah, in Saudi Arabia [modern Oman], and I flew from there to Khartoum, from there to Aden, from Aden to Salalah, and there were, oh, I would say twelve of us that were on that place, in that airport, and our job was, ... if there were any planes or any ships that were in trouble, that they would come to us, and then, we would be a safe haven for them, and we were in that camp and we were surrounded by guards, Arabian guards, and not allowed to go anyplace.  ... So, in that place there, we were there, oh, God, I know at least a year.  We experienced the monsoons that came in, with the, instead of rain, it was dust, and, oh, boy, that was dusty, really, and the ... one thing I can remember was that, while I was there, one of my wisdom teeth came in and I couldn't open up my jaw, and here I am, in Arabia, can't eat a damn thing.  ... A plane flew in and took me to Aden, where they had some dentistry work, and then, they took out the tooth, and so forth, and they flew me back, and so forth.  So, I don't know, a thousand miles, just to take one tooth out, [laughter] and so forth, I do remember that, and, there, we had guns.  They did have a British base there, too, with just about an equal number, but we never saw them, they never saw us.  We would meet them once in awhile, but I don't know where they were.  We were maybe about four barracks, and so forth.  We had sufficient food and we had sufficient water.  There was [free] time, you know, where there was a movie every night.  We had a movie every night, because it was calm, you know.  There was no action, and so forth.  It was just a calm place to be.  ... They flew in movies, they flew in books.  ... If you wanted to, every so often, you could go fishing and stuff like that, and so forth.  So, it was a relatively good life, and, while you were there, you'd hear about, you know, Europe and all the poor guys up there getting killed, and, you know, the war going on, and so forth, and you were, like, isolated down there.  ... I remember the officer, when we were going on the troop train, on the convoy, he said, "I'm not going to tell you where you're going," but he says, "I picked this out myself and I'm going there," and he says, "You're going to like it."  So, I did remember, when we were in Cairo, we got to see the Pyramids, we got to see everything, and so forth, while we were there, museums, and, down in Khartoum, they had the "fuzzy wuzzies," [Hadendoa tribesmen], those big natives, you know, and that sort of thing, and Aden is where you have trouble now, and so forth.  ... We were pretty much by ourselves.  Now, while we were there, we also had contact with India.  So, we flew into India, to Karachi, and there was one other station they called "Misery Island," and so, we had our contact and, every so often, we had to go to Karachi, India, and that was, I guess they called that the CBI, the China-Burma-India section, and we were North African, because, on my medal, there's a greenish brown and the other one was a yellowish one.  [Editor's Note: Dr. Zanzalari is referring to the campaign ribbons for the European-African-Middle Eastern and China-Burma-India Theaters.]  So, from there, then, after about a year's time, it's hard to say, ... maybe about a year we were there, and then, they felt that you were getting too much [time there], and so forth.  Then, they shipped me to Accra, in, what is that now, Gold Coast.  ... Our outfit, if you ever [look into it], before we got there, when we got to Cairo, off the convoy, the Australians were coming in off the battle with Rommel and the British were coming in, and, boy, they hell-raised, oh, God.  You know, those poor guys had been fighting, you know, with the tanks, and so forth, and we got them.  They were good people.  They were very, very good people, and, boy, they were rough guys, oh, the British, and so, we didn't [mix].  The Americans were on the other side, and Cairo was the [borderline], because you have to remember, King Farouk was the king there in Egypt and that was a British protectorate.  The Egyptians did not like us too much, because we were like invaders, you have to remember.  We were taking over, the British had taken over their country, and they were, like, a protectorate, and ... they didn't show any signs of that, but I gather that they would rather have been independent.  ... So, we did [have] experience with the Aussies and the British, and so forth, while we were there.  So, then, I ended up in Accra, which is the Gold Coast.  I forget what it is now.  It's a different name now, [Ghana], and then, we were stationed in Casablanca for awhile, and then, over into Marrakech, and that was a desert.  Oh, God, after being over [in Salalah], there's another desert.  They tell me that it's all built up there now, but Marrakech, and there, once again, with the weather, and so forth.  ... Then, by that time, the war was over and they were beginning to go home.  Harold got ... sent to Italy and he got a lot of Battle Stars.  Although he was in administration, he got the same [campaign medals].  So, he got a lot more points.  So, he ... sends me a letter from Rutgers, [saying] that he's back in Rutgers, and I'm in Marrakech, in the desert.  I'm saying, [laughter] "You son of a gun," and, anyhow, I got to be a sergeant.  My rank was sergeant, and then, they shipped me all the way back, from Marrakech, all the way back to Cairo, to get on a troopship to go back all the way to the Strait of Gibraltar, the Mediterranean Sea, and, boy, that's the roughest sea I [have] ever been in.  I had been so sick, seasick, and everybody else, too, and then, we got back and it was two years later to the day, Christmas Eve, that we got back to the United States, and that would have been 1945.  So, I was overseas for two years, exactly, to the day.  Then, they took us over here to; not Fort Dix.  What's the other one out there, the Navy, the Air Force [base] there?  ... SI:  McGuire? HZ:  Is that Fort McGuire?  I forget now. SI:  Now, it is called McGuire Air Force Base. HZ:  McGuire Air Force Base.  ... See, by then, we were in the Air Force then, Army Air Force, and Air Corps, and then, we get discharged.  I got discharged in January.  By then, I can remember, a bunch of guys coming by train, they just took off.  The whole thing just took off, to go home, and they were so happy, and so, they came back, of course, and then, I get discharged, from Fort Myer [McGuire], and I took the train from Fort Myer [McGuire] to New Brunswick.  It was during a week day.  I don't recall whether it was Monday or Friday, I mean, let's say it was a Monday, and I said to myself, "Here I am in New Brunswick.  I'm going to call up somebody to get me, pick me up," and I said, "While I'm there, I'm going to go over to the School of Education," and I did.  I went over there and who's there but Dean Parch and his secretary.  Oh, God, I forget her name.  She was very nice, and Dean Parch says, "Oh, you're back," and so forth, and I talked to him, and so forth.  He says, "By the way, on Saturday, your second semester begins."  I said, "Well, you mean I can enroll?"  He said "Sure."  So, that Monday, I got out of the service, that Saturday; that following Monday, I was starting school. SI:  Wow. HZ:  Yes, and then, ... from January 1946 to June '47, I finished two years in a year-and-a-half.  Fortunately, I had credit for those two years, and so, I went to summer school.  They allowed you to go to summer school.  I made up a whole half a year in the summer school, and I graduated June '47, graduated on a Thursday and got married on a Sunday, because the girl I was with had waited for me all this time, and so forth.  So, we got married in June 1947.  So, then, I got a job in the vocational school, as a math teacher, and I don't know, how far else do you want to go? SI:  I want to ask some questions about your time overseas.  HZ:  Sure. SI:  However, first, was the vocational school you speak of the one that is still on Easton Avenue? HZ:  I had five of them.  SI:  All right. HZ:  ... Yes.  Eventually, I became the superintendent of all five.  SI:  Your initial station was in Salalah. HZ:  Salalah. SI:  Salalah. HZ:  Yes. SI:  You would be sent to all these other places from Salalah.  HZ:  Yes, but I spent almost a year in Salalah, never going anywhere.  SI:  All right. HZ:  That was my base. SI:  It was not as though they sent you everywhere from there.  HZ:  Yes. SI:  What was a typical day like there?  What would you do as a weather observer? HZ:  Well, typical day was, you see, you have to remember that from Aden to India, the planes could not make the run.  So, they had to stop at our base, and then, refuel, and then, make the other [leg], and so, that was before, ... what was that, the [B]-29?  The one, after awhile, they had, you could fly [direct], because they were bigger planes, and so, they had to stop at our [bases], planes.  I'd say our weather was pretty much the same every day ... and it was clear, except during the monsoon season, and I forget when that was, September, October, and it lasted for about a month or two, and then, your planes would have little difficulties getting in, but, outside of that, the weather was clear.  ... You got up in the morning, ... you had a place where you had your breakfast, and the breakfasts were good.  You had eggs and bacon and stuff like that.  There was no GI stuff at all.  I didn't know where they got the food.  I remember, the fellow [that] was in charge there, he said that he got them from somewhere and he showed me what the GI menu was and what we were getting, and it was really great.  Now, whether the Arabs furnished us with that stuff or not, I don't know, but, anyhow, then, we had good lunches and good dinners, and so forth.  Occasionally, we had a movie every night, that I know, and then, occasionally, you'd have one of the entertainment groups [that] came in.  ... I think one was Nelson Eddy, and I think he came in, and it was groups like that would come, but very rarely, and you just did your weather [observations].  You'd have the different stations that would call in by Teletype, and, when your chance came, you put your weather on the Teletype, and after going out with the balloon and checking the thermometer, the humidity, temperature, and stuff like that.  The one danger that we had was from insects.  You had the scorpions.  You had to be careful, in the morning, with your shoes, and so forth, and then, at night, you'd have to be careful with the scorpions.  They had that tail, you know, and so forth.  We would have to get a little, round piece of paper, and so forth, and then, burn it, and then, put it right around on top of them, and then, that would burn the scorpion, in the center, and so forth, but, you know, it was a relatively calm life.  There was certainly no military action.  The only thing that I can recall [was] that when I got to Cairo, they had just bombed the Ploesti oil wells in Romania.  It was the first offensive act on the part of our military, and that was our group that did the forecasting for that.  So, you know, it was a relatively calm life there, I mean, the routine, every day, and so forth. SI:  Would you say that at all the different places, in India and across the Middle East, it was about the same? HZ:  Yes, yes.  You know, there were natives, you know.  The women didn't wear any tops, you saw their breasts all the time, and so forth, and they wore, you know, the bottom.  You saw that it was all black, you know, throughout Africa, and so forth.  ... You were out of the war, so-to-speak.  I mean, you hoped you got back. There were tragedies.  I mean, I've been at airports, in Accra, where planes crashed and people died.  We had, in Accra, we had, oh, I think it was, let's say about twenty-five WACs [Women's Army Corps members] that were there, where we're doing the administrative work, and so forth, and they were called into England, because ... of the invasion, or whatever it was, and they got on this plane, in Accra, and it flew to London and it got lost in the ocean.  I don't think they ever found out what happened to them.  That's written up somewhere, ... but that was our girls that we knew and they left.  One had his wife on there.  ... They don't know what happened to them, twenty-five girls just evaporated, with the pilot and plane.  I read the story one time, and I don't recall when, and so forth, but it was like a routine sort of thing, Casablanca.  You know, it's like routine, by then.  They had met there, and so forth, and Marrakech was routine.  I remember, ... in Marrakech, [laughter] they had these big toilets, like four [feet?] across, and you have four guys going to the bathroom at the same time, and so forth, and you had to have water in the Lister bags, and it was very crude.  That was the worst part, was Marrakech.  The other places, you did have toilets, and so forth, and showers and stuff like that.  So, there wasn't any action, and so forth.  As I say, I saw plane crashes, [if] you mean that, and I've had friends die.  One of the friends, I was the last corporal, for instance, Zanzalari, to get on a plane, and the next plane was Anderson, my friend, PFC, and his plane went down. He was killed, and you can say to yourself, "You know, I just made it by one."  There was that type of thing, and so forth, and, you know, you're lucky that that [was] done, but there was plenty of plane crashes, ... not plenty, but every so often, and so forth, sure.  SI:  At all of these airbases, did they have response teams to go out to the accidents, or would everybody have to go out? HZ:  No, they had response teams.  Yes, see, in ours, in Salalah, there was only twelve of us in there, and so forth, and, every so often, ... they'd think it was a Jap submarine coming in there, and so, you'd notify them, and then, the plane would go out, and then, look, and so forth, and, for the most part, [laugher] they were a whale, or something like that.  ... We never had any Japanese invasions, and so forth, but you had to be careful.  You know, the Japanese were still in Malaysia, and stuff like that.  I remember, when Stilwell, General Stilwell, was dismissed from CBI, and he came through.  [Editor's Note: In October 1944, General Joseph W. Stilwell was relieved of command at the request of Chiang Kai-shek following a dispute over his authority.]  I remember seeing him, "Vinegar Joe," and he came through, I remember, on his way home.  He was recalled.  I don't know, he didn't follow orders from Roosevelt or something, whatever happened there, but he was well-liked, I think, from my [perspective], and then, Patton, of course, I remember, he was up north when we were going through, but we didn't see any [of] Italy or, you know, that sort of thing.  We were down in Africa, ... and it's mostly Central Africa.  We went all the way through Maiduguri, [in what is now Nigeria], and all the way to Central Africa, all the way through, ... but I was fortunate, I was fortunate, and, when we got to ... Accra and the Gold Coast, we had to take Atabrine, and Atabrine would turn you yellow.  ... Your whole skin, you became yellow, and you knew people came from there if you went someplace else, because you were all yellow.  That was because of malaria.  ... SI:  When you were in Salalah, you mentioned that there were Arab guards around the base.  Were they there to protect you or to keep you from going off base? HZ:  I would say both.  SI:  Really? HZ:  Yes, I would say both.  ... Sacaris, I think they called them, Sacaris, and they all had guns, the funny kind of guns.  I never saw them before, not like ours, and they had funny guns, and they were all dressed in Arab uniforms, and so forth, ... but they never bothered you.  They're friendly, you know.  SI:  In other places in the Middle East, were they that concerned with keeping you separate from the natives? HZ:  No, no.  Cairo was open, Khartoum was open, Aden was open, Accra was open, ... Karachi certainly was open.  I remember seeing the cows, the sacred cows, and so forth, there, and big population, ... a lot of people. You know, they were all [united], the world was against the Japs and that sort of thing, and, you know, they were mostly possessions, you know.  ... India was not split into Pakistan and that sort of thing.  That was all India, and so, people were friendly, except in Egypt.  I had a feeling that they would be something else, yes.  SI:  Were you able to communicate with the natives at all? HZ:  Oh, sure.  They were English-speaking, yes, oh, yes, sure.  They were Arab-speaking, and, you know, a lot of them were [versed] in English, especially out in Accra, you know.  That was all English, sure.  SI:  Did you get an idea ... FZ:  Oh, we went to Eritrea, too, that [it was] Abyssinia, then, yes.  SI:  Did you observe any aspects of native life? HZ:  Oh, sure, we saw the dances, the native costumes, and so forth.  ... Of course, in Salalah, we were isolated, you know.  You're isolated there, and it was like just a regular business-type thing there.  I don't remember anything differently.  They live a life, which was, in the cities, was great, and then, outside, they were, you know, a little different.  In Accra, you know, they had huts there yet, and they did everything crude.  Fishing was out of the boats, you know, these canoe-type boats, and so forth, and they called it the Gold Coast and I guess it was because of the gold, I guess.  I don't know what it's called now.  I really don't know that. SI:  Did the military tell you, "Do not go here," and, "Do not do this?" HZ:  Oh, sure, oh, yes. SI:  Did they prepare you for where you would be going? HZ:  Oh, yes, don't eat stuff, oh, sure, especially in Cairo.  When we first got there, it was one of the first things they told us, "Don't eat anything unless we feed it to you."  Oh, yes, people had done that and got sick, oh, yes. They used to use their fecal material for fertilizer, you know, and so forth, oh, yes, oh, sure, same thing with the sex, but, while I was in Cairo, too, I had, oh, I don't know, maybe a week's leave, and I got to go to Palestine, which is Israel now.  ... I saw all those religious places there, when I was there, and, you know, [the] Garden of Gethsemane and where the Stations of the Cross were, the Dead Sea, Nazareth, Tel Aviv, but it was Palestine when I was there, it wasn't Israel, and I did get to see that, when we were, I don't know, when we were coming home, I guess, and then, the Pyramids and the Sphinx, and all that other stuff, yes.  So, is this all recorded? SI:  Yes. HZ:  Oh, yes, really? good. SI:  Does anything else stand out about your time in Africa, India or the Middle East? HZ:  No.  The mail, you know, you had your mail.  It was censored by your officer.  The two officers I had, one was a captain, one was a lieutenant.  They were both college graduates, in Salalah, Captain Forest and Lieutenant, I don't recall his name, and, you know, you had your sports there.  You had ping-pong, you had baseball teams, with not enough players for everything, but you did have, you know, [you] made up for it, and so forth.  Maybe there were about ... twenty people [who] were there, and I don't remember anything else now.  [laughter] It's been so long ago, you know, that I just don't remember.  I remember, when I came home, on Staten Island, and got off that boat, there were people cheering us and everything else, and so forth.  That was nice, welcome home, that was great, really, and we docked in there, and the next thing, they took us over to the camp there.  SI:  When you came back ... HZ:  Oh, no, we came back ... to Camp Kilmer.  SI:  Okay. HZ:  We came back to Camp Kilmer.  At Camp Kilmer, they sent us back to the other place, McGuire.  SI:  Okay. HZ:  I said, I remember saying, "Jeez, I'm almost home and they're sending me back over there," yes.  [laughter] So, then, I went to school. SI:  Yes, you jumped right back into school.  Was it a difficult transition, going back to civilian life? HZ:  No, no, I didn't [find it to be].  ... When I got home, I took my uniform [off] and worked for a couple of days, and then, went back.  My mother had my clothes.  I fit in my clothes.  In Rutgers there, I played 150-pound football, fencing and crew. SI:  You joined all those after you came back, or had you played them before? HZ:  Before, and, when I came back, I was a little too old for some of that stuff, and I was more interested [in other things].  I was now going with my wife, as a girlfriend, and so forth, and I had the studies to try to get back, and so forth, and it was a lot easier.  The last two years in education was a lot easier.  I quit doing the sciences.  I took one course in physics and that was okay, but I started to [expand].  I got enough credit in science and math, and so, I took a lot of the English and history courses and that was lighter.  The math and the science was tough at Rutgers, very, very difficult, and I enjoyed the history courses in particular, and so, I got enough credits to minor in those, and so forth, picked up a few science courses, and, as I say, physics, and that was hard.  That was very hard, and then, I had enough credits in math, and so forth, ... and I was elected to Phi Beta Kappa.  I got into Phi Beta Kappa there. SI:  Did you pick up with the fraternity again? HZ:  Yes, I did, yes, ... and Bill Kenny didn't come back and Harold already had been married, and so, he lived with his wife away from that, so, he never came back.  Bill Kenny went to the Agriculture School [now the Rutgers School of Environmental and Biological Sciences] and he stayed there, and I stayed there.  I became an officer, and so forth.  I helped guide them [to] come back, and, for the next two years, yes.  We had rented that place during the war, and then, we picked up little bits of people, one person here, one person there, and we built that in there, and so forth, yes.  I can recall, you asked me about bias; oh, let me say this, that the first year I came back, I stayed in Winants Hall, because our fraternity was taken over by a rental and it took us a little while to get them out.  Yes, I was in Winants Hall ... and that's where Harold was, too, in Winants Hall, and I remember, we were going to go back.  We started.  I'd gotten friendly with this Chinese fellow, and I took him to one of the affairs at the [fraternity].  By then, our Raritan Club became Sigma Phi Epsilon, which is a national organization.  So, somehow, we had an affair over at the fraternity house, and I brought this Chinese fellow in, ... because we got to be friends, and, after the next day, he came up to me and he says, "Henry, did you ever check your charter?"  I said, "Well, no."  I said, "I didn't even know we had a charter."  He says, "Well, I think you ought to check your charter."  I said, "Why?" and he said, "Well, why don't you just check your charter?" and I never knew what the hell he meant, and then, ... somehow, I got a reading of the charter, and, sure enough, "Whites, Christians, only."  I said, "Oh, my God, I never realized that," and I said, "Here's this guy, Chinese, a good friend, [would] make a wonderful brother," and so forth, and, of course, since then, it's been changed; I mean, the charter was changed.  I don't know how many years after there or what time element.  Now, of course, it's wide open, ... and that was the first time, really, that I'd experienced anything like that and had no knowledge that it was white, Christian [only], and so forth.  So, that's all been changed, but, you see, you grew up in that sort of thing.  The Jewish boys had Sammies, SAM [Sigma Alpha Mu].  That was the Jewish organization and they were all Jewish in that.  I don't know whether they still do or not.  I have no idea, but ours is open to everybody now, [could] be black, white, Christian, Protestant, Catholic, and so forth, [laughter] but, yes, I do remember that part, yes.  ... The Chinese fellow's name was Huey, and I forget his last name, Huey Long?  No, it couldn't be Long, no, Huey, but, boy, I was stunned, I was stunned.  SI:  Do you think your outlook on issues like race relations had changed during the war years? HZ:  No, I never really; as I say, I was [living] a pretty sheltered life, and so forth.  So, in Perth Amboy, you were Democrat, you were white, you were Catholic, you were [of] Polish and Italian descent, and so forth, and every kid around you was the same thing, and so forth.  ... When you experienced all these different things, you know, ... the world opened up, and so forth, and you realized, "Oh, my goodness, there are certain things that are different." I don't think it ever bothered me, and so forth.  The one, that Chinese thing, bothered me, but, you know, you experience all these other things and you say, "Oh, gee, now I know the Masonic hall in Perth Amboy."  You know, when you saw this ring, and so forth, you know you always knew that there was a Masonic hall and, now, you knew that was a Masonic hall, that's different than the Knights of Columbus, and so forth, ... but, so far as [that], no, it never bothered me one way or another.  I just adjusted to whatever it was, and so forth, like Harold was a Protestant and [I am] Catholic.  We never discussed, you know, him being Protestant and me being Catholic.  [laughter] My wife's mother is Jewish and Margaret's Catholic.  Her father was an Irish Catholic and her mother was Jewish.  ... Right now, we celebrate all the holidays, the Jewish holidays and the Christian holidays here, ... and we never talk about it.  It never comes up.  They come down here for Christmas and we go over there for their holidays, whenever, you know, we can, and so, no, I never felt bias, and so forth, never.  I just really never thought about it, even in school.  They used to accuse me of calling all the women "girls," and I said, "Well, gee, that's the way I [was raised], you know, the girls are girls," [imitating the women], "Well, we're women, or female." I said, "Well, please, I mean, I'm not doing it purposely, just that I [am used to it]."  You know, I'd say to my secretary, "Are the girls all in today?" [imitating the secretary], "Oh, Dr. Z, come on now, they're not girls."  Okay, you know, when I was their boyfriend, you had a boyfriend, but it wasn't a gay situation, it was your boyfriend.  I mean, it was a guy that was your friend and it had no sexual orientation, or anything like that, and you had boyfriends, and the girls had girlfriends, and they had a different connotation, I guess, than it is now.  SI:  Going back to your time at Rutgers after the war, there were obviously a lot of veterans like yourself coming back on campus, along with the regular people who were just coming out of high school.  What impact did the veterans have on the campus?  Was there any conflict between the students who had just graduated high school and the veterans? HZ:  ... Oh, no, no, never.  I never saw anything like that.  Veterans that came back were serious.  I think they wanted to get it over with.  Our class was very small.  I graduated in '47 and our class was one of the smallest, and never, never, did I see anything like that.  When we started in our fraternity, ... it was mostly veterans coming back, and then, we got some of the other younger boys in there, and they always fit in, and so forth; no, never, no.  The problems with a lot of the married people, they were living in some of the trailers, and I waited two years, a year-and-a-half, to get married.  I wanted to finish my education first, and my wife then was willing to do that, ... and then, when I graduated in '47, I came back to the fraternity and chaperoned.  My wife and I were now married and we were chaperoning people who were a year younger than us.  So, we did do that, and so forth, ... but no, no. SI:  To put it more positively, did the veterans lead by example? HZ:  I think so, I think so.  Yes, I think they had a great influence on that, and so forth, on the younger people, and, you know, you had Vinnie Utz, for instance, ... he lived here in Metuchen, and so forth, that he lost his arm.  I don't know whether you knew that story, and so forth, and then, his house got on fire and, because he only had one arm, he couldn't get out.  As I understand, as I remember, his air conditioner was in that building and with only one arm, he couldn't get it out and he died in the fire, but his stories to the [younger students], I imagine, had a great influence on stuff.  I know we had influences on our kids, in the fraternity.  So, one of the big decisions was, could you have liquor in your fraternity?  I remember that, ... because we were having beer and stuff in the fraternities at one time, and then, they stopped that.  ... I don't think they can do that anymore, but, yes, I think they had a great influence on the kids, and so forth, but the veterans, like myself, we were serious.  We just wanted to get it over with, and then, get on with your life.  ...  SI:  Okay.  Did you enroll right away for a master's program? HZ:  Yes.  This is all under the GI Bill, and so, they paid all the education.  I remember, when we got released from the service, the government unemployment, we got a check, twenty-one dollars a month or so.  [Editor's Note: The GI Bill entitled veterans to twenty dollars in unemployment funds a week for up to fifty-two weeks, a provision known colloquially as the "52-20 Club."]  I forget now what it was, but we did have enough to keep us going for awhile.  That was great, that was very helpful, and then, we enrolled in PL-346 [the GI Bill], and then, by then, I was working.  I got a job in the vocational school in Perth Amboy and I was a math teacher, then, became a guidance counselor, and, at night, or Saturdays, I went ... for my master's.  It took me two years to go.  By then, by that time, I was married, and we lived with my wife's parents and, in '49, I finished up my master's degree, and, during that time, my son was born.  We lived in Perth Amboy for awhile, then, we moved to Woodbridge, with the mother and father, my wife's mother and father, because we couldn't afford the house, and so, we lived there. Then, my father-in-law and mother-in-law, we broke up, because our family was growing.  ... My son was born. So, we moved to Metuchen over here.  We bought a house in Metuchen, in probably 1950.  ... '49 was the year I got my master's, and then, after that, I left school for awhile, and then, I met this fellow from the School of Education, a professor, and I was one of the leaders in guidance in the State of New Jersey, and he said, "Why don't you go for your doctorate degree?" and I said, "Well, I never even thought about it."  He said, "Yes, apply." So, I took the test, I passed, and then, from ... about '50 to 1960, maybe, '53, '54, I left altogether, because I figured a master's degree was enough.  So, it took me about six years for my doctor's degree, and I got it in 1960, and ... I worked in the Perth Amboy school.  Then, I was transferred to the New Brunswick School, where I became the assistant principal, and then, from there, I was appointed the assistant superintendent, and then, in Somerset County, they called me and I became the superintendent in Somerset County, for three years.  I built that school, the vocational school in Bridgewater, and then, there was the opening here in Middlesex.  My boss retired, so, I applied for the job back here and I got that, and that would have been, oh, God, ... [laughter] about twenty-five years ago, ... about thirty-seven years ago, so, subtract that, and, for twenty-five years, I was the superintendent of the Middlesex County Vocational Schools.  ... I had one in East Brunswick, and then, I built a school in Piscataway, and then, I had New Brunswick, Woodbridge and Perth Amboy, and then, I retired.  I think I'm in my thirteenth year, so, that would be, what? 1995, maybe, yes, 1995.  So, for about thirteen years, I've been retired.  During the time, I've been president of the Epsilon Pi Tau, which is the vocational fraternity, I've been president of, ... let's see, the Alumni Association [of the] School of Education, I've been president of that, Kappa Delta Pi, which is an honorary society there at Rutgers, I've been president of that.  I've been in the Hall of Fame, in Perth Amboy Schools.  I've got all sorts of [accolades]; ... the home economics group, the farmers, Future Farmers of America. SI:  4-H? HZ:  4-H, I was honored nationally by that.  I've got the honorary degree from that.  That was done in Kansas City.  That's where I went out to see Ronnie Jarvis, and I was that.  Let's see, what else is there?  I talked about the Hall of Fame.  I have the medals, mostly the Good Conduct, the European Theater, I think the CBI Theater, oh, boy, American Victory Medal, and I think I got five of them.  There's one more in there.  So, I gave those to my grandson and he has those. SI:  Tell me about your doctoral work.  Did you have to write a thesis? HZ:  Oh, sure, yes, yes.  I wrote a thesis about the evaluation of a guidance program in a vocational technical high school, and it was published, and I don't know whether they use it anymore or not, but, yes.  ... Then, oh, sure, you have to go before an orals committee, you have to have a doctor's program, yes, and, through the orals, that was in 1960, oh, God, ... thirty-eight years ago, oh, 1960, yes; oh, my God. SI:  Yes, forty-eight years. HZ:  [laughter] 1960, holy Toledo; yes, well, I'm going to be eighty-five.  ... SI:  You have had a long career in vocational education in Central New Jersey.  What were the major changes or challenges that you saw in your career? HZ:  Well, we started off with small schools in Perth Amboy, Woodbridge and New Brunswick.  Then, I became the superintendent over at the Somerset County [school system], and I built that school over there.  We had been in rented facilities there, and then, of course, they opened up the year I left there, and, [as] I say, I can't remember, '68, '70, about '71 or '72, and I left there when the school opened up to come to Middlesex County.  In Middlesex County, they had just built the East Brunswick School, and so, I took over and organized the faculty there, while having the three other schools, and so forth.  While I was there, after about a year or so, I was instrumental in building a horticulture building there, and then, I was instrumental in building the big vocational school over in Piscataway.  Then, I organized the sports program.  We didn't have any sports, and then, we developed a sports program for the entire school.  That included basketball, soccer, baseball, softball for the girls and basketball for the girls, and introduced the work study program.  I introduced the honor society, because the vocational school didn't have any honor society at the time, which we introduced that.  I introduced a big program for special needs kids.  We put an addition on the Piscataway [school], we put one on in East Brunswick, and we put one on in [the] Woodbridge School, and I think the total was maybe about four hundred special needs kids, they must have, right now.  I initiated the idea of the technical school, I forget what they call it now, over at the county college.  They have the institute there; oh, the Academy, [the Middlesex County Academy for Science, Mathematics and Engineering Technologies].  When I was just about ready to retire, I brought up the idea, and I had it all planned, and so forth, and then, I retired, and then, they built that Academy over at the Middlesex County College, and so, I had that.  I talked about the work study.  Those are the other ones.  [laughter] Oh, well, it's hard for me to remember.  I had been president of the teachers' association for about six years, and so, when I became a superintendent, I was negotiating with the people that I used to be president of, you know, because I had been president of the union, and so forth.  ... I was pretty well accepted, because I was a local person, and I knew [many people].  My family is large, and so, no matter what town you go to, I have family, and so, I was pretty much accepted as a superintendent.  A lot of the kids I went to school with were teachers in my schools, so, I knew a lot of them, and I was invited to a lot of the union activities.  ... I don't think some of the superintendents do do that, but they were my friends, and so forth, and so, my wife and I went.  My wife died, actually, my first wife died, in, oh, about thirty-five years ago.  I had two children, one was David and one was Linda, and she [his first wife] died and I was by myself for about a year-and-a-half.  ... About thirty-three years ago, I met Margaret, through friends, and she had been from Perth Amboy, she's a local girl, and she had no children and she had lost her husband, and he had been one of the executives in Chevron.  ... We were married, after about a year of courting, and so forth, and so, we'll celebrate our thirty-two years [soon].  So, I was married the first time about twenty-five years and, now, thirty-two years.  So, I guess I'm a pretty good risk, and we've been happy.  We have no children, of course, with Margaret, but the grandchildren, we have, I told you, four.  They don't know ... my first wife, they only know Margaret, because they were born ... while I lived here, and so, we've been pretty happy, and so forth, together.  So, it's worked out quite well.  So, that's the family, and so forth.  ... I would say, in terms of students, from about nine hundred, I think we've probably got about five thousand students in the vocational school, anyhow, day and night, and we inaugurated some of the union programs, and so forth, with the electrical union, and so forth.  I was in with most of the labor leaders and, as I say, some of our kids were the presidents, and so forth.  So, I'll show you some of my awards that I have.  ... I got one from the Pope.  [Motioning to the award] That's the one from the Pope there.  ... I had done something for one of the churches.  The next thing I know, I got that from the Pope.  SI:  How nice.  It is an Apostolic Blessing. HZ:  Yes.  So, I got that, and I'll show you, before you go, some of my awards there. SI:  Doing so much of your work in the vicinity of Rutgers, along with having so many ties with Rutgers, were you able to use resources, such as the School of Education and the Labor Center, during your career? HZ:  No, not with the Labor [Center], no.  So, by the School of Ed, most of it has been in the Alumni Association. SI:  Okay. HZ:  But, nothing [else].  I taught at Rutgers. SI:  Okay. HZ:  Yes, I taught the guidance course for the State Department of Vocational Education.  I've taught, I should tell you, yes, here, I've taught at Kean University, I've taught at Trenton, whatever they call themselves.  It used to be Trenton State. SI:  The College of New Jersey? HZ:  Yes, College of New Jersey, whatever it is.  I've taught at Yeshiva in New York, I've taught at Seton Hall, part-time, you know, along the way, and so forth.  So, I've taught on the college level, and I liked it.  It was pretty good.  Most of the courses were in guidance and vocational education.  So, I did that for about ten years, on and off, and so forth.  I'm a Rotarian.  I belong to the Rotary Club.  I belong to the AARP.  I've been president of the AARP for a couple [years], local, and so forth.  I belong to the senior citizens, I belong to the Knights of Columbus, [laughter] I belong to the Elks.  Oh, God, what else is there?  I don't know, I've got them written down.  [laughter] I wrote my obituary already, so, I've got it all written down.  So, I don't know what else to say.  SI:  One question I usually wrap up with is, looking back at the Second World War, what is your most vivid memory of that period, what stands out the most when you think about that time? HZ:  Well, the first thing that [I think of] is the joy of it being over, I mean, ... twice, the first with the European Theater being over, and then, of course, Japan.  You know, now, you know you're coming home.  That's vivid. Secondly, what's vivid is the surprise of being attacked by Japan.  You know, that's vivid, and so forth.  The other thing is when you think about the veterans, oh, I belong to the American Legion, too, is the loss of your friends, when they have the ceremonies for them, you know, the people that were killed along the way, and so forth, mostly by accidents, not by, you know, gunshots or that sort of thing, but mostly in plane accidents, and the more minor [memories are] the acceptance by the American people, like I gave you that episode in Chicago, where the woman bought us that dinner, and [was] so graceful.  I remember the going underneath the barbed wire, where they were shootings blanks above you, you know, that sort of thing, and the training, ... military training, and so forth.  I think, more than anything else, although I didn't see the action that many of the people saw, I felt that I probably donated three years of my life for my country, and so forth.  That, I've never regretted, even though I take kidding from a lot of people about my military service, by [them] saying, "Oh, you were the guy with the balloon, huh?" and so forth. Even my assistants in my staff used to kid me, you know, say, "Hey, yes, there goes the balloon, there goes Zanzalari, training his balloon," and so forth, but, you know, there have been times where it's tricky, and even, you know, some of them didn't come back doing what I did, and so forth.  So, those are things I can remember, and so forth.  When you think back, you were at a part of history.  You talk about the bias and the change of the country, and so forth; when I went in and what it is now, the great changes, and so forth, for the good, and so forth, that's pretty much what I [recall].  If you asked me; it's been so long ago, so, it's hard to remember, and so forth, [if] you asked me about my greatest thrills recently, I've been to three bowl games for Rutgers football, most recently to Toronto, and then, to Texas and to Phoenix.  [Editor's Note: Dr. Zanzalari is referring to the Rutgers Football Scarlet Knights' appearances in the International Bowl in 2008, the Texas Bowl in 2007 and the Insight Bowl in 2005.]  I can tell you, those were standout things, and so forth, because those are most recently.  As I mentioned, my wife and I would go to the football games, and the girls' basketball, men's basketball, and then, we go to baseball, too, and so forth.  So, I remember some very, very thrilling stuff there, especially with the girls' basketball and football, but, I don't know, I haven't thought about it too much.  ... SI:  Let me ask you a couple of questions about your time as an athlete at Rutgers.  What was the first sport that you got involved in?  HZ:  I would say, probably, 150-pound football, only because Bill Kenny dragged me there.  His brother had been on the 150-pound football [team] and he dragged me there, and it was cut short in my sophomore year; it was cut short because of the going into the service.  In my freshman year, it was fencing and crew, only because of fraternity people who drove me there.  I can remember going out for the crew and they put me ... in a boat and the damn oar almost knocked me out of the boat, pulls you right out, if you're not experienced, and so forth, ... and then, fencing, I think I did the best in.  ... I was in epee, and I went up against a guy from Princeton, I remember that, ... and I won.  ... SI:  Particularly in your era, the Princeton games were always the biggest games. HZ:  Oh, yes.  You'd have to go to Princeton all the time, because Princeton didn't want to come up here, in the traffic, and so forth, oh, yes, and we very rarely won.  ... So, a couple of years afterwards, we did win, when we got stronger, and so, then, they dropped us, because they didn't want to play us anymore.  SI:  Do any of the 150-pound football games stand out in your memory?  At this time, they were very popular. HZ:  Yes.  They were swift, and then, what happened [was], the one game I can remember, when they put us up against the New Brunswick High School football team, ... there was no 150-pounds there, we were playing against big guys, and so forth, you know.  ... We got kind of beaten up, and so forth, but the practices, you know, that you had, and so forth, [Thomas] Kenneally was our coach, Coach Kenneally.  I think that's what his name [was], as I remember it, Kenneally. SI:  I believe so, yes. HZ:  Yes.  ... They were three strange sports to me, because baseball and basketball was my sport.  Harold Miers, you'll find out, he was a good basketball player, but these were three strange sports.  I was learning them more than anything else.  So, I was never particularly good at it; I wasn't a star or anything, and so forth, but I never played in the football game, nor did I get in competition with the crew, but I did get into competition with the fencing.  ... We were on the team, you know.  They took our picture, you know, and so forth.  ... You're asking me stuff, I'm thinking about all this stuff now.  [laughter] SI:  If anything else comes to mind, you can always add it to the transcript later.  Is there anything else for this session that you want to say? HZ:  Jeez, I don't know, ... I can't think of anything, and so forth.  You want to wait for a minute? SI:  Sure.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  We were talking about some other activities that you have been involved in.  You mentioned that you were on the Board of Education in Edison. HZ:  Yes, I was on the Board of Education in Edison, and so forth, ... then, the Edison Elks, the Knights of Columbus, I mentioned the American Legion, Rutgers Alumni Association, Rutgers Court Club, Touchdown Club, the volunteer work at JFK Auxiliary, and, of course, the Rutgers Scarlet R, and we belong to the American-Italian Civic League, Walt Disney Society, Rotary Club, and I did work for the Urban League.  ... I used to be the treasurer there.  I was with the Urban League for about, oh, maybe six years, and then, I told you about the faculty, and so forth, and then, I was superintendent of the schools, and so forth.  SI:  Going back to the Urban League, what kind of actions were the Urban League involved in when you were with them? HZ:  With the Urban League, mine was mostly with the school, with the vocational school.  I was involved wherever we had a problem, ... or for some information.  Oh, gosh, what was the name of that nice, young, older fellow; oh, gosh.  He had been president of the Urban League for quite awhile and, occasionally, we would have some question about what the boy was doing in school, [someone who] got into trouble, and so forth.  So, I'd go with the Urban League and we'd work it out with his family, and/or, [if] they had somebody that they had an interest in vocational education, or possibly vocational education, they would bring him over.  So, mine was pretty much limited to educational problems, but, yes, I was there for quite awhile, and so forth.  Gosh, I forget what the name of that nice [man was]; he's dead now, and so forth. SI:  You can add it later, if you can remember.  HZ:  Yes.  So, you got what I [did]. SI:  You received a lifetime achievement award from the School of Education. HZ:  Yes.  That was the Graduate School of Education Distinguished Service Award, and the Perth Amboy High School Hall of Fame, National FFA Organization, Honorary FFA.  Oh, ... this is something I didn't say.  They had a government project that I initiated, and I can't remember, this has been too long ago, what that program was, but I was invited to Chicago and presented this through the Federal Government, somehow.  ... I was presented this award by, of all people, what an honor, Coretta Scott King.  SI:  Wow. HZ:  I wish I could describe the feeling when you met her for the first time.  It's interesting that there are two people, three people, really, that had that influence on me.  It's like you can't believe that this person is in front of you, that there's such ... an aura about that person, and so forth, that ... I just stood there, and so forth.  It's just like a queenly [charisma], just so great to be in her presence.  The other one was Judy Garland and the third one was Humphrey, Humphrey, ... you know, who was Vice-President Humphrey. SI:  Hubert Humphrey. HZ:  Hubert Humphrey.  The three people that I had that same feeling about, with the personal contact, and so forth, with all three of those.  ... She was the one that gave me this award and I can't remember the award anymore.  I have a picture of it somewhere, and so forth, but that's been so long ago, and I'll show you why I can't remember the awards.  I'll show you on your way out, ... but that's really something.  ... Oh, yes, here's the African Theater Award, Victory Medal, Good Conduct, [New Jersey] Distinguished Service Medal, and there are a couple more.  ... I gave this to my daughter, said, "This is my obituary."  [laughter] That was it, and so forth.  I don't know what else to tell you.  SI:  As I look over the transcript, I might have some questions. HZ:  Sure. SI:  I might do a short follow-up interview. HZ:  Yes, I'll remember a lot of things after you've left, and so forth.  [laughter] SI:  Yes, a lot of people do. HZ:  ... Yes, there've been a lot of changes, of course, you know, over the years, and so forth.  ... When they honored fifty years, Rutgers, fifty years after graduation, that group there.  ... SI:  The Old Guard? HZ:  Old Guard, yes, we were there for that already.  ... You know how this [Dr. Zanzalari's involvement in the Rutgers Oral History Archives] started?  I was in Carino's.  You know where Carino's is, in Piscataway?  It's a spaghetti place, or Italian food, and I was sitting there with my wife and my mother-in-law and we were having spaghetti and meatballs and this fellow was there, with his father-in-law, who was in a wheelchair, and the wife, and so forth, and he saw me with my Rutgers cap. SI:  Okay, Robert Kneller. HZ:  Is that who it was?  SI:  Yes.  His father was one of our "founding fathers." HZ:  Right, that's the guy, and he said to me, "Oh, I see you're Rutgers."  I said, "Yes," and we got to talking, and so forth.  He says, "Why don't you get in touch with," your organization.  I said, "I've heard of it, but ... I just never thought about it, one way or the other," and he said, "Well, I'm going to go down and put your name in there."  ... That's how it started, in Carino's.  He told me about his father, and so forth.  SI:  Yes, both great guys.  His father was very important on our alumni board and, also, Robert has photographed some of our events. HZ:  I notice that you have; you want to shut that off? SI:  Let me end the tape; thank you very much.  I appreciate your time. HZ:  Oh, this is very, very good.  I enjoyed it, very, very much so.  --------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Corey Ershow 12/2/09 Reviewed by Mitchell Gilson 12/2/09 Reviewed by Catherine Dzendzera 12/2/09 Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 12/22/09 Reviewed by Sandra Stewart Holyoak 1/14/10 Reviewed by J. Henry Zanzalari 2/20/10

Zagoria, Samuel

Shaun Illingworth:  This begins an interview with Mr. Samuel D. Zagoria on September 5, 2007, in New Brunswick, New Jersey, with ... Sandra Stewart Holyoak:   ... Sandra Stewart Holyoak ... Jessica Ondusko:  ... Jessica Ondusko ... Ben-Zion Jaffe:  ... Ben Jaffe ... SI:  ... Also in attendance is ... Sylvia Zagoria (SZ):  ... Sylvia Zagoria. SI:  Thank you, both of you, very much for coming up here and spending so much time with us. Samuel D. Zagoria (SDZ):  We're delighted. SI:  To begin, could you tell us where and when you were born? SDZ:  I was born in Somerville, New Jersey, not far from here, on April 9, 1919.  SI:  Can you tell us your parents' names? SDZ:  My father's name was Nathan and my mother's name was Rebecca.  The last name was Zagoria. SH:  Can you tell us a little bit about your father and his family background? SDZ:  Well, my father was a man who was always interested in learning.  He started out as a rabbi.  He was trained at one of the prominent yeshivas [religious schools] in Europe, in Latvia, Slobodka Yeshiva was his, and he came to this country smuggled in a burlap bag on a ship.  ... This was a time when Latvia was part of Russia and the Cossacks would swing through a city and grab every able-bodied person and impress them into the Czar's Army, and there was a great deal of anti-Semitism as well.  ... As a young Jewish lad, he and his several brothers were very vulnerable.  They lived in a small farmhouse on the edge of town, where their father used to get milk and cream from a dairy and would walk through the streets with a horse and cart and dole it out for sale to housewives, but my father, somehow, was always interested in reading and in learning.  ... It always impressed me that, even in the most arduous of times, physically, in terms of what he did in this country, he always found time to read, and not only books, but also newspapers.  ... As someone who later became a newspaper person and worries about the future of that profession, it's something I think back [on] with some pride, that he thought that was part of becoming Americanized, of learning how things were done and to become a part of that society, and he had an interest in politics, in government, and he had leadership qualities.  Years later, ... well, he actually ... had a rabbinical post in Plainfield, New Jersey, and I think he had it for three months and he didn't get paid at all [laughter] and he decided that really was not a way to survive.  ... He had a brother who had a fruit stand someplace in Plainfield and the family lore is that he used to stand there among the tomatoes and the housewives picking to see which were the firmest and juiciest and he, meanwhile, would be reading his books.  [laughter] He was a little fish out of water, but he became, I think, in a modest way, a small businessman who went into wholesale fruit and vegetable business, and, on the religious side, he was elected the president of his Orthodox synagogue for thirty-some years.  ... SH:  Where was that?  Where was the synagogue? SDZ:  In Somerville.  SH:  In Somerville, okay. SDZ:  And it's since been merged in.  All together, there have been three different ones, but they're all one now, and we have a Reform branch, Liberal branch and Orthodox.  When my father; ... I'm now taking one of the sidetracks.  My father heard that we had joined Temple Sinai in Washington, when we moved there, after the war, which is a Liberal [synagogue].  It's the one that Robert [R.] Nathan, the economist, and ... SZ:  Justice Goldberg. SDZ:  Oh, Justice Arthur Goldberg, and who were the news guys? SZ:  Kalb. SDZ:  Ted; I'm getting my prompting. SH:  Ted Koppel? SDZ:  Ted Koppel, it was. SZ:  Yes. SDZ:  Oh, and the Kalb brothers, Marvin Kalb, and I've forgotten what the younger brother's name was, [Bernard], but, [at] any rate, it was an elite one.  ... I really hate to take up tape with long anecdotes.  I could go on forever.  SI:  This can record for a hundred hours, so, go ahead. SDZ:  Oh, okay, all right.  [laughter] So, when we told them that, he says, "Well," he says, ... "you're getting closer to becoming an Episcopalian."  [laughter] His idea was, if you joined a Reform congregation, that was a first step out, and, actually, it wasn't.  It didn't work out that way, but one story I'm reminded of is when, many years later, I worked for Senator [Clifford] Case.  [Editor's Note: Senator Clifford P. Case served as a US Senator from New Jersey from 1954 to 1979.  Earlier, he had represented New Jersey's 6th Congressional District from 1945 and 1953 and served as president for the Fund for the Republic from 1953 to 1954.]  ... There was a legislative proposal to clamp some limitations on Israel, because it had engaged in the war against Syria [in the Six-Day War of 1967] and the other Middle Eastern [powers], Egypt, Middle Eastern nations.  ... Of course, the Jewish community, as a whole, was opposed to any strapping down of the Israeli Government, and so, they sent delegations in from all over New Jersey to visit with the members of the New Jersey Congressional Delegation and plead Israel's case.  ... Later, there was a "report back" session in Newark and my father called me that night, at home, and he said, "Sam," he said, "did you have a group of rabbis and others come into your office and want to see Senator Case this morning?"  I said, "Yes, I did, and they were a pest.  [laughter] I told them the Senator was at a committee meeting and they should leave me their petition and I would talk it over with the Senator and make him aware of their point of view," and he said, "They were very unhappy with you.  In fact, the report was made and the rabbi who married you and Sylvia was there and he told me that what they said was [that] they were met by an Italian anti-Semite named Zagoria, who wouldn't let them see the Senator," [laughter] and I told Senator Case this story afterwards and he roared about it.  He was the son of a Dutch Reformed minister and he was very interested in all religions.  SH:  Could we back up and talk about your father's leaving Latvia, because you talked about him being smuggled over in a burlap bag? SDZ:  Oh, yes, I'll tell you the whole story.  He and a younger brother, together, saw the handwriting was on the wall, they had to leave, and so, in the dark of night, they left.  They traveled by [various means], there were some horse and wagon [rides], eventually, they got to the port, ... and a lot of walking, to Riga, which was a port on the Baltic Sea, and, there, they had a brother who worked in a tailor shop, I think.  ... My father was one of seven brothers, and, at the tailor shop, people from the ships would come in to have uniforms tailored and cleaned and repaired, and so forth, and so, through him, they found someone, not the captain, but someone close to the captain, of a small boat that was going from Riga to New York City, carrying mostly freight, but hidden away in the bowels of the ship were a couple of burlap sacks and inside was my Uncle Max and my father, Nathan, and it was a very tortuous [trip].  It took many days.  It was more than two weeks, and the fellow who had collected the money from them, to smuggle them onboard and get them across the seas, got drunk and he was supposed to bring them food. So, all they had was what they had carried in their pockets, which was salty herring, which makes you very thirsty, and little pieces of bread.  ... So, they were hungry, they were thirsty, but they couldn't leave; they were hidden away.  The captain, I don't think he was party to this arrangement.  The only thing was, there were pipes and ... there would be condensation on the pipes, which was moisture, and you could take your finger, my father described, and run it along the pipe, and then, lick it on your lips and that was their moisture.  ... Do you want to hear more, of when he arrived in the US?  SI:  Yes. SDZ:  So, they docked in the dark of night and they got off in this strange land.  I think it probably was Brooklyn, was where they landed, and they didn't know quite what to do.  They had a name and address in Plainfield, which was the brother who had the retail fruit and vegetable store, and they walked along the streets and they saw a newsstand and one of the newsstands had a Yiddish-language newspaper.  They could tell from the type.  So, they went and started talking to the fellow.  [laughter] Well, he may have had Jewish newspapers, but he wasn't Jewish, and he couldn't really understand what the [men were saying], but, eventually, he got the ... idea of what was going on.  ... He led them to his home and the wife let them sleep on the floor and they told them that what ... they had to do was get to the ferry and take [it], cross the Hudson to the train and the train would take them to Plainfield. Well, they did get on, I guess it was a bus, and they got to the ferry station, but they didn't really know what a ferry was and they sat in those chairs, which must have been the waiting room for the ferry, and waited for it to go and it didn't go.  [laughter] ... Then, finally, somebody who noticed them sitting and sitting came over and by, I guess, mostly, hand signaling, got them on the ferry, and then, ... the problem was on the train.  They showed the piece of paper to the conductor and he nodded and they thought he'll tell them when to get off, but, when you're on the Jersey Central, leaving from Jersey City, I guess it was, there's Westfield, there's Scotch Plains; [laughter] there are names that, particularly if you're from a foreign country, with a foreign language, are a little hard to grasp.  So, each time they would come to a stop, they'd get up with their suitcase and get ready, and the conductor would [tell them to sit down].  Finally, they got to Plainfield, and then, they walked for a long distance, and that was the beginning of their life.  ... Then, later, the HIAS, which was the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, intervened and took them back to New York City and Ellis Island, so that they could go through the process and become eligible to become legal citizens, which, many years later, he did become, but it was quite a saga.  ... I really wrote this, [a memoir], in good part so that our grandchildren would have some idea of what others went through.  One of the things that we have grappled with is kids that grow up with a sense of entitlement.  They're the son of a journalist or our son the doctor or our daughter the lawyer and they think the car ought to be waiting in the driveway the day they're seventeen and, if they get a ticket, Daddy'll take care of it.  Sylvia and I say, "You know, a little touch of poverty would be very helpful," and so, it was part of my motivation in putting this together, was to show [my grandchildren that] your ancestors really went through a lot for things that you take for granted and they weren't always here.  Other people [and] I had to put you on that track.  I was the first in my family to go to a college, to graduate, and that was a matter of great, great pride.  My father used to introduce me to his friends, "This is my son, Sam.  He's a graduate of Rutgers College."  Then, it was Rutgers College.  ... That was a satisfaction, that he had achieved one, at least, major goal in his life, very important to him, and that's part of my concern about this sense of entitlement.  Our grandchildren, you know, they go to college, but it's almost casually, whereas, for us, that was a necessary ticket you had to get punched before you started a real life, with a wife and a house and your own children, your own careers.  It was more meaningful, I kind of think. SH:  Of the seven brothers, there were three in the States when your father and his brother arrived.  Did other members of the family come to the States as well? SDZ:  Yes, eventually, all seven.  One was killed in a railroad accident, so, the six survived and, well, they're all gone now.  ... SH:  They all did come to the United States. SDZ:  Oh, yes, very happily so, and they brought their parents over, eventually, yes.  My grandfather died in a home for the aged in Trenton.  My grandmother died in Plainfield, I think, yes.  SH:  Were they here when you were born?  Had they already all immigrated before World War II began? SDZ:  Yes, before World War II.  ... I'm trying to think; when I was born, I don't remember much when I was born.  [laughter] SH:  Do you remember what year your father immigrated? SDZ:  Oh, yes, it was two years before I was born, 1917. SH:  He got very busy.  SDZ:  And then, he married my mother.  I think they were introduced.  I'm not sure they really knew each other very well at all. SZ:  ... Arranged. SDZ:  It was sort of arranged, and it really was, to put it in agricultural terms, apples and oranges.  My mother was not a learned woman.  His interests were quite different, but they managed, you know.  ... In those days, marriage was for a lifetime.  Divorce was some specter that you didn't [ponder].  Of course, in our family, we've had, not Sylvia and me, but among children, ... even grandchildren, divorces, and so, it's not as unusual or as awkward as it used to be. SH:  Can you tell us a bit about your mother's family and her background, please? SDZ:  I don't really know all that much.  She was born in Zelwa, Poland.  ... They came, originally, I think, to Canada, to Montreal.  My computer [Mrs. Zagoria] is at work here.  [laughter] What have I forgotten? so much.  SZ:  She was a milliner and working.  ... SDZ:  Oh, that's right, oh, and, eventually, she came to New York City and she worked in a millinery shop.  ... I always had a particular respect for the fact that she had a younger sister, Sarah, who was the smart one in the family, or at least the bookish one in the family, and so, the routine was that my mother worked, made a living for herself and for Sarah to go to college.  ... That's part of an illustration of the upward mobility, because Sarah became a teacher, a high school teacher, married a high school principal, and they lived in Brooklyn and they raised several children. SZ:  Yes, Naomi and the boy. SDZ:  Yes, two children.  SH:  Do you know your mother's immigration story, or her family, other than that they came to Canada? SDZ:  I think they came to Canada originally.  They had a relative in Canada.  That's sort of the routine, one relative, and then, the others.  How she got from Canada to New York, I don't really know.  I'm much more tilted to my father's side.  We went back to his town of Preli.  We had good intentions.  We wanted to talk to somebody about what the town, the village, was like, but they only spoke Russian and we only spoke English.  We hired a cab driver who took us from Riga, it was about a ninety-mile trip, over very muddy, bouncy roads, and we got to the town.  ... We flashed my business card, which had my name on it, figuring somebody'll make the connection there, but I think it was on a weekend and the town hall was closed, therefore, and we couldn't get to anybody who had any records.  They did take us by a cemetery, but we didn't see ... our name there. SH:  Was the name changed at all during the immigration process? SDZ:  Well, we have one uncle whose last name is Z-A-G-O-R-Y, Zagory, and he has a son who's a retired doctor in San Francisco.  ... It's just the happenstance of going through the Ellis Island [process] as to how they spelled it, and so, he came out with a "Y" and my father and ... all his other brothers were "I-A."  I think it's pretty close to what it was. SI:  Do you know if there were any cultural differences between your parents, with your father coming from Latvia and your mother coming from Poland? SDZ:  I don't really think so.  ... There was an old tradition about the Litvaks and the Glitzes, Galitzianer, that's it. The Litvaks were from Central Europe, from Lithuania, from around Latvia, Estonia.  The Galitzianer, where were they from? SZ:  Austria-Hungary.  SDZ:  Austria-Hungary, and I think my mother was of the Galitzianer and my father was from the Litvak thing, but I don't think it really made any impact on their relationship.  There was a little sniffiness.  I think the Litvaks considered themselves superior, ... and Sylvia's a Galitzianer, so, they thought they were really the superior part. Have you heard all of this? BJ:  It is the same thing.  My father's side is Litvak and my grandmother's side is Galitzianer. SDZ:  I thought you might have had. SZ:  Mostly, they joke about it. SDZ:  You probably identify more with it.  You'd know more about these things than I do.  BJ:  Yes, I have Litvak heritage.  There is some Polish and some Litvak, also.  SDZ:  Okay, thank you. BJ:  It is the same thing in my family.  SI:  In the end, it did not really affect anything. SZ:  No. SDZ:  No, I don't think so. SI:  Were there any cultural traditions of the Old World, food or language, kept up in your home? SDZ:  My mother was a terrible cook.  [laughter] As soon as when I was in high school, I started working a little bit on the local newspaper.  I would cover things that happened at the high school, and then, gradually, it broadened out and I did other things, too, but that gave me some income, and then, also, I became a shoe salesman on Saturdays.  I would work and sell shoes. SZ:  Stamps, collect stamps. SDZ:  Oh, yes, I also was in the stamp business.  I was a stamp collector, and I'm really amazed at my own daring, now that I think back on it, but we actually, my brother and I, together, had a company, that we used to run little ads, and then, out of that, I developed into a columnist for Linn's Weekly Magazine in Columbus, Ohio, and I would write about things like first day covers.  Do you know what first day covers are?  It's when, the first day of a new stamp, they put it in the town that's responsible for the person on the stamp a day ahead of the rest of the nation, and there are collectors who buy envelopes that have the stamp postmarked on that day, ahead of the rest of the nation, in collections in books, and I also have first covers that had flown on the airship, the Akron [USSAkron (ZRS-4)], and some other earlier ones, right out here from Lakehurst. SI:  Like the Shenandoah, [USS Shenandoah (ZR-1)]? SDZ:  Shenandoah, and they were valued, but, at any rate, stamps, shoes.  In shoes, the trick was to sell a lot of them, but, particularly, to sell the PMs [postmortems, outdated shoes].  I wrote about that in here.  I always was tickled by that.  I never knew it existed, but certain shoes that hadn't sold had a special rubber stamp on the box, and, if you sold that one, you got an extra quarter on your pay at the end of the day.  ... You'd pull this pair of purple shoes out and the poor lady's sitting there in her bare feet, "This is the rage in Paris this year.  We only have a few pairs.  We don't have it in all [sizes], but, fortunately, we have one in your size and it's just, on your foot, marvelous," ... and there would come that twenty-five cents, right to my account, and I was pretty good at it, I must admit.  [laughter] SH:  Was this in Somerville? SDZ:  That was in Somerville, yes, I worked.  Mostly, it was a company called National Shoes.  They were a chain in those days.  I think they've since disappeared, and it's interesting, the guy that was the manager was a tall, handsome fellow and he was a lady's man.  I mean, ... they always had a young woman selling pocketbooks at one of the counters, leather [pocketbooks], and he would be spending a lot of time there.  I thought he was pushing pocketbooks, but I think it was the ladies, but, [at] any rate, ... many years later, we went to a Somerset County reunion in Florida, over in Boynton Beach, I think it was, and there he was, with his lady of that time, and we had a good time talking about the old days of PMs.  [laughter] ... I'm sorry, that was an incomplete anecdote.  The reason why I mentioned all those was that that gave me income and I became a steady customer at the Lenox Diner.  I lived on hamburgers, French fries and, occasionally, I'd go to Liggett's Corner Drugstore.  They had a tuna fish salad sandwich that was very nice, and those were my culinary attractions in Somerville.  [laughter] Lenox Diner is still there, incidentally.  ... The guy who ran the griddle, he'd be taking orders all the way up and down the counter, and, meanwhile, he'd be taking bets on the numbers, bets on a horse, or discussing politics as to who you should vote for and who you shouldn't, but he was a key personality in the community.  ... We had a local barber, it was the same kind of role; interesting, in small towns, the way that develops.  He would give advice, on how to win an election, how to get a new roof, how to beat the government out of Social Security, all the time, "Snip, snip, dot, dot."  ... I remember these people very fondly. SH:  Tell us about growing up in Somerville, what your earliest memories are of the community. SDZ:  Well, it really was a nice place to grow up.  It was small enough so that, you know, I remember, ... may give you one insight, if you went down Main Street and you wanted to buy something, there was M. H. Burke, was the big store.  You'd go in there; you didn't need money.  You were Nathan Zagoria's eldest and that was good enough credit, and only in a small town could you have this.  You know, they knew my father, they knew that I couldn't do something that my father wouldn't rescue me from, and I think that was a very nice part of it, and I think ... there were all sorts of cultures.  There was a little strip that was [where] Polish families lived.  There certainly is a small strip where black families lived, not so much mixed in in where they lived, but in terms of schools and the movie theater, it was all [integrated].  You know, everybody was together.  It wasn't segregated, isolated, and I think immigrants, maybe because of their status, they're a little unsure of themselves in a new country, they had respect for one another.  It was kind of a nice background for growing up.  I remember, my father, he had two trucks and he used to deal with D'Allessio's gas station and, with him, it was a matter of principle.  "These people are not just a supplier, these are my friends," and he would refer other people to him.  There was none of this business of looking, "Well, this gas is six cents less over here, there; you deal with D'Allessio."  When I was growing up, I knew that when I got a car, I'd be dealing with the D'Allessios, and there were two brothers on one corner, there was another brother with a restaurant on the other corner, and, if somebody got sick, somebody from the restaurant would man the pumps over here and vice versa.  It was a togetherness that was rather nice to see.  I don't know, what else can I tell you about it?  I played a little tennis. SI:  Was it a working class town?  SDZ:  Oh, yes, definitely.  On the one end of town, the next community over was Manville, which was the headquarters for Johns Manville.  They made asbestos brake lining there and a lot of people worked there.  There also was a Sherwin-Williams Paint factory in nearby Bound Brook.  There was a lot of industry, and then, years later, there was an Army depot at one end of town.  ... There was a little town next to us, Raritan, which is still there, which was largely an Italian town, and that's where us "big townies" from Somerville got introduced to the joys of pizza.  [laughter] They didn't have pizza in Somerville.  You had to go to Raritan, and it was the real McCoy, or the real; that's not the right name.  [laughter] SH:  What about going to school and the Boy Scouts?  Were you involved in any other activities?  SDZ:  ... I was a Tenderfoot and that's as far as I got. SZ:  High school, teachers. SDZ:  And there was one central high school for ... about half the county.  Busses would come, stream in from farms way out.  You know, it was kind of interesting growing up in that setting.  Sunday night, my father would say, "You want some corn for dinner?" and we'd go out to the farm, Wolfing's Farm, I remember, in South Somerville, and you'd go out in the field and you'd pick your own corn.  I mean, fresh was really fresh, ... but the relationship that would permit that was something good to have.  Now, what was the question? SH:  I was just asking about your high school. SZ:  How your teachers knew you. SDZ:  Oh, high school.  Oh, yes, well, I had some marvelous teachers who really were very inspirational and supportive.  Particularly, there was Gertrude Cranston, who was my English teacher, and she also was the faculty advisor for the high school paper, and, over time, I became the editor of the Valkyrie News and she was always there for me when I needed a reference letter for college or something else.  I had a math teacher, Fenstemaker, I still can remember, oh, and particularly, I had ... an English teacher who was also the debate coach, Frank Durkee, and he taught me a lot about [debate].  Ours was a championship debate team.  We won the state championship. There were some good people on that, and, again, that generated my interest.  When I came to Rutgers, I was on the debate team with Richard Reager and, let's see, David Potter was the assistant coach, but, [at] any rate, ... we did pretty well in college.  Other things in the high school; let's see, I don't know, it was the usual.  We had a band. We had a football team.  The prize player was a black guy whose name I now can't remember.  You know, Somerville, briefly, was the home of Paul Robeson, before he lived in Princeton, and he was on the high school football team there. SH:  When did you decide, or when did your family start encouraging you, to go to college? SDZ:  Well, I think, with my father, that was a foregone [conclusion] that that was essential, and he just assumed it. For me, I think I was interested sometime during high school.  I think I knew, quite early, that I wanted to be a journalist, and it's interesting, our own grandsons, they're not sure what they're going to do when they go to college.  It's so different.  I mean, for us, we knew we had to get the credentials, and we had to get out and get a job and go to work and start a family and that was life's expectations. SH:  What about the Depression?  How did that impact your family, and your father's brothers? SDZ:  Very badly.  It was in the Depression.  I'm not sure my father saw it coming; I'm sure he didn't.  He had a small business, but he was approached by this very nice fellow, James Butler, who was an Irish immigrant who'd come and started a chain of grocery stores, largely [in] New York City, New Jersey, and I think one or two in Connecticut.  ... He had supplied his stores from central warehouses and he'd made a decision, [that] he would subcontract.  He wanted people like my father to take on ... the commitment to supply fruits and vegetables to a whole region, about half the State of New Jersey, and, on the strength of that, my father enthusiastically went out and bought another truck and hired another driver and expanded his activities, and, for awhile, everything was good.  Unfortunately, the elder James Butler died and his son, Jimmy Butler, took over.  Jimmy, at that time, was the head of the Empire City Race Track, [now Yonkers Raceway], out on Long Island, which was much more his interest than selling groceries and fruits and vegetables, and so, ... there was no really active management and it went into bankruptcy.  ... That confronted my father with bankruptcy, but he really was very determined, and I always honored him for that, [that] he was not going to be like other people who declared bankruptcy, and then, out the back door, they take all the goods that they have in supply and sell it and, meanwhile, claim that they had no assets to meet the bills that they had incurred.  ... It took my father a long time, I think as many as eight or ten years, to pay off the debts that had been built up during the Depression, and there were little side losses.  One was, I didn't go to Princeton.  My father had started a bank account that was known in the family as "The Princeton Account," but he needed that money.  ... Actually, when we got married, we had a wedding in Brooklyn and a lot of people, knowing what shape we were in, handed us little envelopes with checks or cash, and, at the end of the wedding, we totaled up what the take was.  We had to figure out whether we had enough gas for the honeymoon trip, [laughter] and we found there were several hundred dollars.  ... We'd mentioned it, somehow, to my father and we had our first internal marital difficulty when I said, "It's only a loan.  He just needs it now.  He'll pay it back."  SZ:  Pay him out.  [laughter] SDZ:  Sylvia didn't like that one iota, and, gradually, he did pay it back, ... but it was slow.  Money was very tight, but I think, with a lot of people, my father included, there was a matter of honor that you didn't go on welfare, in other words, let other people pay your tab, or have these hokey bankruptcy declarations where you really just robbed the assets out of a failing company, but nobody could ever get him to expand again after that one. [laughter] He suffered that. SH:  Did your mother work at all in the business or outside of the home? SDZ:  No.  She wasn't really able for that.  ... I used to help my father.  ... My father didn't drive on Saturdays.  He would go to the synagogue, and all his life, but, you know, there's a small element of hypocrisy.  He didn't mind that I delivered an emergency order that might come up on a Saturday, and, oh, yes, my father, sometimes, would have trouble collecting from some of his stores.  He had them all the way up to Clinton and Glen Gardner and Washington.  ... He'd get me to sit down at his big roll top desk and he says, "Now, write him a strong lawyer letter," and there I was, I must have been all of fourteen or fifteen years old, [laughter] sitting there, trying to write a strong [letter].  Sometimes, it worked, sometimes, it didn't.  I laugh now, because we have a daughter, the lawyer, and she knows how to write fifty different kinds of "strong lawyer letters." SH:  What about your siblings?  How far apart were you? SDZ:  I was three years older than my brother and my brother was about three or ... SZ:  Four years older. SDZ:  Four years older than my sister, and that's all we were.  My brother was a bombardier and navigator in World War II.  He flew ... out of Italy and was in on the Ploesti oil refinery raids and he succeeded [in completing] more than fifty, what do you call them? SZ:  Missions. SDZ:  Missions, and came home and we were all so pleased that he, ... by then, had become a captain, ... captain, I think, and he had a wife here, ... but he wasn't feeling well one day and he went into the Yale Medical Hospital. They lived out in Connecticut then.  He had a small typewriter sales and service place in New York City, right near Bloomingdale's, and they diagnosed it as leukemia and told him he had a year to live and, almost to the day, that's what happened.  He had a very hard life.  He didn't go to college.  He was a musician and he played with some good bands.  You wouldn't know Claude Thornhill, but that was [a Big Band leader], Glen Island Casino, and he played at Frank Dailey's Meadowbrook.  He played clarinet and saxophone, but you don't earn a living that way, and so, he got into the typewriter business and he was pretty good at that.  He wound up with two places.  ... My sister, Etta, who is still alive and well, and we just saw her last week, she went to Parsons, was it? SZ:  NYU. SDZ:  NYU, and she learned interior decorating and she has counseled us.  We don't always listen, at least I don't always listen, but she was one of the best dressed women through the years.  ... She had to go to some big prom and she went to my brother and she said, "I really need a new prom dress and Papa doesn't have the money."  So, he gave her some money.  Then, she came and told me the same story and she collected, and then, she also collected from Papa and, by the time she got it, it had all the spangles that it needed.  ... Yes, she was really the apple of my parents' eyes, that's true; [to Mrs. Zagoria] thank you.  [laughter] ... I was supposed to be the smart one, she was the pretty one, and I think that was true. SZ:  She was the girl. SDZ:  And poor Herman got lost in the middle.  SZ:  Yes. SDZ:  What was the question? SZ:  You started to say who she married. SDZ:  Oh, she was married to a cytologist, Dr. Ira Kline, and he was at the National Cancer Institute, but he died a few years ago. SZ:  Fourteen. SDZ:  Fourteen years ago, and they have a daughter who's a cytologist now, and, also, they have a son who's a veterinarian over in Mooresville, North Carolina, and she traveled around with us.  When I came back from overseas, Sylvia and I were stationed in California for a year and she came to visit us, and then, later, she got married to a hometown boy, who we had known and his parents knew my parents and all.  ... She's great.  [For] some people, widowhood is very dissembling, but she managed to put it all together in a very sensible way, and she doesn't look for much help from anybody else.  Oh, her husband, after the war, wanted to go to college and he applied at American University in Washington.  SZ:  First, at Rutgers, and there was no room. SDZ:  Oh, that's right.  He applied first at Rutgers and there was no room.  So, he applied at American University, with my encouragement, because I was then a reporter on the Washington Post and I'd written a long article about how American U was such a melting pot of people and it was growing.  It was all plus, puffy stuff. SZ:  And had vacancies. SDZ:  And it had vacancies.  Well, sure enough, ... after they considered it, they turned him down, and I went to my principal source and I said, "What the heck's going on here?" and he says, "Well, they have filled the Jewish quota."  I said, "What?"  [laughter] I was a great reporter; I'd missed that part of it all together.  I said, "Look, I'll tell you right now, if he doesn't get in, I'm going to sit down at the typewriter and you're going to have a story you're not going to like," which was about as brass knuckles as I think I've ever been in my life, and it worked.  He called back, said, "We found a vacancy and he's in," and he graduated and he stayed on.  He got the PhD there and, thank you, I forgot that.  SZ:  It's a good story, how things have changed. SDZ:  We're full of good stories.  [laughter] ... SI:  It brings up an issue.  When you were growing up in Somerville, do you think you experienced any anti-Semitism, either overt or subtle? SDZ:  I don't think there was any overt anti-[Semitism].  ... You sort of moved in that circle.  I knew, from my father, ... it was an absolute, it wasn't an argument, that I was to marry a Jewish girl.  I mean, there were no limits as to what she would look like, where she'd live or what income, but that was [assured], and we never did that with our kids, [laughter] and they're not married in the same religion.  ... You know, considering his background, his training, I don't think that's surprising.  I suspect it may be true in a lot of families, probably in Sylvia's family, too. SI:  Did you ever feel like there were places you could not go in town?  SDZ:  No, never.  It was really quite a nice small town.  No, there were people who were president of the Elks Club, there had been a town councilman, I remember, who were Jewish.  ... It was a very peaceful relationship.  SH:  When "The Princeton Fund" had to be used for other things, tell me about how you made the decision to come to Rutgers and a little bit about how you made your application, and graduating from high school. SDZ:  Well, I don't really remember much detail.  I remember, I came over and talked to somebody.  I've forgotten who was dean then.  I think it was Fred Merwin [who] was dean then, and we chatted awhile.  ... By then, I'd been a stringer for the Somerset Messenger-Gazette, for the Plainfield Courier-News, and I knew some of the lingo for the thing, but, yes, one of the things that put me in Rutgers was that I could commute.  You know, one of the big chunks of cost is dormitories.  So, I commuted for three-and-a-half years, but the second part of my senior year, I was so busy with so many activities.  I was managing editor of the Targum, I was associate editor of Scarlet Letter, I was an editor of Anthologist, I worked for Thatcher-Anderson Printing Company, doing proofreading, and I worked nights at the Home News.  ... So, I moved into a dorm and my dorm mate was a fellow named Jules Plangere. SI:  Yes. SZ:  Do you know him? SI:  I interviewed him, yes. SDZ:  And he became the publisher of the Asbury Park Press, and, just a few months ago, we were in Florida, he called.  ... He lives in a town just a few miles from ours and we all went to lunch together and talked about our days at Rutgers.  [laughter] Jules is a lovely guy.  SI:  Yes, he is. SDZ:  He wasn't majoring in journalism.  It was happenstance for him that he got involved with the Asbury [Park Press].  Did he ever tell you the story?  You've had an oral history with him. SI:  Yes, I am trying to remember.  I remember how he got to be in charge of the newspaper. SDZ:  He got out [of the US Army after World War II] ... and his father introduced him to the bank president, for a job at the bank, and they didn't have a vacancy, but the bank president said, "There's a vacancy over at theAsbury Park Press, in the publisher's office," and they made a call and he became almost father-son with [Wayne McMurray].  ... Wayne McMurray and Irving Reimers were the two people that ran the paper.  He really became part of it, and I think he got a lot of it in the will, from Wayne McMurray's will.  As I remember it, Wayne McMurray didn't have any children, and so, Jules fit the bill.  ... I almost stayed.  I had started out working on theSomerset Messenger-Gazette and I was really quite friendly with Wally Conover, who was the editor there for many years, and Wally, when I was finishing at Rutgers, I went in to say hello.  We're very friendly.  I knew his son, too, and he said, "You know, you ought to think about coming here," and I said, "No, I've got my eye on theWashington Post, the Washington scene," and he said, "You know, here, you could be a big frog in a small pond," and he was the epitome of it.  He was the fire chief, [laughter] as well as the editor, and nobody would run for office without getting Wally Conover's blessing.  Without it, you would be in trouble, and, ... you know, if I'd been more oriented economically, I'd have realized that this was a growth opportunity, the growth of so many people who work in New York, and the whole Metropolitan area, living in Somerville, and the shopping centers going up. That's pretty good for pay.  The Messenger-Gazette's been a profitable enterprise, and I missed it.  SZ:  We turned it down.  SDZ:  That's true.  [laughter] SZ:  We did talk it over.  SDZ:  We did talk about it. SH:  Were there other schools that you applied to besides Rutgers? SDZ:  I think I talked to Syracuse, but, you know, I had to figure out the bottom line.  I didn't have any money to speak of.  Syracuse, they offered me a small scholarship, I think maybe a hundred dollars, ... but Rutgers, because I could live at home, was by far the most achievable and, you know, Rutgers had a good name.  It was a neighbor and a lot of people I knew had gone to Rutgers.  SH:  Really?  There were others. SDZ:  One of the guys from my high school was Eliot Shteir.  He later became a dentist and also a lawyer, brilliant guy.  He won a big prize on a TV quiz show. SZ:  Twice. SDZ:  Twice.  What was the show, ... $64,000 Question?  He was a very smart fellow.  He died, unfortunately. SZ:  You said he was the smartest one, and he came from a farm and he was the smartest one in your class. SDZ:  Yes, he definitely was the smartest.  SI:  What do you remember about your first few days and weeks at Rutgers?  What was it like being a freshman your first time on campus? SDZ:  Well, I was nervous.  I had thought that yesterday, when we arrived here and I saw all the young students just starting their career, [I thought], "Oh, boy."  I didn't know what to expect, really, and, also, there were some things that really rubbed me wrong.  In those days, you had to wear a dink; not a yarmulke.  It's, I don't know, a green cap, I think it was, and you were supposed to know some things, if an upperclassman stopped you, that you would recite, and I thought, "That's kind of childish," [laughter] ... but I went along with it.  I think I wrote editorials against it, at the Targum, [laughter] which probably were straws in the wind that blew away quickly, but I really liked some of my classes.  I mean, I really [liked them], particularly the journalism ones.  I was very fond of Ken Jennings.  He ran the Rahway Record, which then was, I think, a weekly, and his whole approach to journalism was very workman like, I mean, none of this high-flung philosophy, which I got in other courses.  His was very down to Earth and, really, armed with the tools that he gave me, I could sit down at the Home News, which I did during my college years, and I could write a headline, I could write a story, I could edit a story, I could have story ideas.  ... He was such an earnest, decent guy.  I liked him immensely, and then, through him, I got to know his wife, Viola, who was the women's editor, and I think she kind of liked me.  She'd always call me and say, "Could you cover this for us?" knowing that I was getting paid by the inch at first, that the more inches, the better off I was, but they were wonderful people, and I liked Fred Merwin.  I had one embarrassing moment with the Journalism Department that you may get a chuckle out of.  There was a guy named Frank Hutchinson who taught there and he also ... was executive secretary of the New Jersey Press Association, and I was working nights on the Home News, which then was; ... what's the street beyond Albany, runs parallel with Albany?  That's where the Home News building was.  [Editor's Note: The street was Church Street.] SH:  George? SDZ:  No, not George.  George is right angles, but parallel.  I can't think of it now, but it had a very steep set of stairs to the second floor, where the newsroom was, and, one night, it must have been one, two [in the morning].  I worked until about three o'clock in the morning, then, I'd go to [the] Silver Meteor Diner and finally get my dinner. ... That's gone now and I'm sorry.  I would have liked to have had dinner there last night, [laughter] but I was at work there and a voice boomed up from the foot of the stairs, "Anybody here know Frank Hutchinson?" and I said, "Yes, he's one of my professors."  So, I went to the top and it was a cab driver and he had an inebriated person in his vehicle who couldn't pay the fare, and so, I went down.  ... In those days, it was a little hard to put out five dollars or so, and I was trying to figure out, "How do I get back the fiver without embarrassing him and telling him I'd seen him drunk?" and so, I went to my "rabbi," [laughter] so-to-speak, to Ken Jennings, and I said, "This is what happened, but I don't want to make any fuss about it, but I'd sure like to get the five bucks back," and I think it was five.  It may have been more or less, and he said, "I'll take care of it," and, next day, there was an envelope and I had my five dollars, [laughter] but that was funny.  SH:  Your freshman year, you talked about not wanting to wear the dink.  Did you go right into work with theTargum as a freshman?  Did you start right then? SDZ:  I think so, I think so.  I was eager to be among people that worked in [newsprint], and there was a marvelous guy who was the editor.  In 1940, he was the editor, [Joseph] Harry Joffe.  He came from Long Branch, New Jersey.  He was just a sweet, decent, very able person, and he gave me advice and help and we became social friends.  Mel Welles was also in that circle, and we used to drive down to Asbury Park.  There was a beer and pizza place near the boardwalk and we'd sing songs and drink too much beer.  ... He was supposed to be best man at our wedding and, unfortunately, he was already in the service and was killed.  So, he wasn't there.  SZ:  Never came home.  SDZ:  Never came home.  He married a girl who had been the editor of the NJC paper, Irene something. SZ:  Eby, [New Jersey College for Women Class of 1939]? SDZ:  That's it, Eby.  Oh, you're great, wow, [laughter] and she went into advertising with an ad agency.  I lost track of her, but she was a very capable person also.  Yes, I miss Harry.  SI:  From studying the Targums of the time, it seemed like they were very focused on collegiate issues, football and fraternities, not quite like today, where they have a broader scope, state and national coverage. SDZ:  Well, for one thing, it's a daily now.  In my day, I think it came out once a week, and then, subsequently, maybe twice a week, ... but, you know, we did focus on some social issues.  During my years there, ... there was an honorary agricultural society on the other campus.  What's the farming one? SI:  College of Agriculture?  SDZ:  College of Agriculture [now the Rutgers School of Environmental and Biological Sciences], called Alpha Zeta, and they wouldn't accept blacks as members and we editorialized.  ... Eventually, they yielded, but it was quite a struggle, but the whole fraternity thing, I don't know how it is today, but, then, it was sharp swords.  I was definitely anti-fraternity.  I was part of the independents; is that what we were called?  ... SI:  The Scarlet Barbs, [the Scarlet Barbarians]? SDZ:  Scarlet Barbs, exactly, thank you.  You weren't here then.  [laughter] SI:  No, but I read all of the Scarlet Letters. SDZ:  Is it still here, Scarlet Barbs? SI:  No. SDZ:  God; well, there I am, with a head of hair.  [laughter] [Editor's Note: Mr. Zagoria is looking at his picture in the Scarlet Letter.] SZ:  That's when I knew him.  ... We got married after that, ... but we were engaged. SDZ:  Yes, we were married six months after I graduated.  SH:  Please, continue with that story, because it sounds really interesting. SDZ:  ... Well, there were people, for example, the editor my year was Charles Prout, who's a fraternity guy, and there was seesawing.  There was a Targum Board that made the selection, and it really was, "How many fraternity guys are on?  How many independents are on?" as to how [they made choices].  It was not an accident that I was the managing editor and Charlie Prout was the editor.  Charlie later went to work for Vicks VapoRub.  He really wasn't a journalist, but he wanted the title and he got it.  ... I continue to hold my belief, fraternities may be nice when you're sixty and you need an Elks or Eagles, but I'm not really strong for them in college.  Anybody here in a fraternity?  Well, I'm safe.  [laughter] SI:  Was that the main reason why you were anti-fraternity or were there other reasons? SDZ:  There was a snobbery involved, and it also was an economic level thing.  I mean, to belong to a fraternity, you had to pay the monthly dues.  Sure, you got some living space, but it wasn't at the same price as a dormitory would be or some rooming house, like, then, Louie Stollman's, that kind of thing.  ... You know, in my thinking, it's really a part of this business of, "You've got to send your son to Harvard to get anyplace."  Well, I've met journalists that I respect very highly, and when I ask them where did they go to school, it's some little school, sometimes, one I [have] never heard of, but, you know, if you've got something and you apply yourself, [you will succeed], and the fraternities seemed to sort of take on that status of it's more elevated and one of entitlement, oh, and, also, there was discrimination.  For example, in my day, there were three Jewish fraternities, and the other fraternities didn't take [Jews].  ... I shouldn't say without exception, but I didn't know of any Jews who were in the other fraternities.  SZ:  Certainly not blacks. SDZ:  On the other hand, I didn't know of any Christians who were in the Jewish fraternities.  ... There was discrimination, and I think some of the discrimination was not necessarily religious, it was economic.  I mean, you had to have some resources to stay in a fraternity. SI:  Do you think this dynamic between the fraternities and the non-fraternity people affected what got into theTargum, what kind of stories were run or were not run? SDZ:  Targum, in my days, I thought, was pretty accurate and pretty principled. SI:  For example, did the fraternity guys push to have more fraternity-centered stories put in, anything like that? SDZ:  No.  I think there was pressure in terms of who was selected for editor or business manager.  In those days, there was a profit at the Targum and they would split that up among the people who were working on the paper, and, if you were the editor or the managing editor, you got a bigger chunk of it than somebody who was a reporter or a columnist.  So, you know, you wanted not only the honor on your resume, but you got a bigger chunk of the take. SH:  You got paid for the work that you did on the Targum. SDZ:  Yes, and you also had, as editor, you got due bills.  You know about due bills?  SI:  No. SDZ:  You'd have a hotel in New York City, I remember, in particular, the Taft Hotel.  It's around Broadway and 50th Street.  ... George Hall was the orchestra [leader] and Dolly Dawn was his singer, and the Targum would run an ad for the Hotel Taft, but it wouldn't collect in cash, it would collect a due bill, which was, you got fifty dollars worth to use at the [hotel], and that's how I got my wife.  [laughter] ... SH:  Fifty dollars to use where? SZ:  At the hotel. SDZ:  At the Hotel Taft.  It was only good at the Hotel Taft.  ... Instead of making payment, you were due that much there, but it was only the top guys, like the editor, the managing editor, the business manager, who got their mitts on this thing.  Sylvia and I met at a summer camp in my junior year.  ... What do they call it? SZ:  Rising junior. SDZ:  A rising junior, that's it.  [laughter] That's a good phrase, and it was Jack and Jill, it was called, outside Poughkeepsie, New York, a little crossing in the road called Billings, New York, and she was a dancing counselor and I was a swimming counselor, and we both knew it was just a summer romance.  She was the best looking one there and that was the one I was out [for], and we clicked on, but, somehow, when I got back to town and somebody handed me a due bill, she was the only one I could think of that I wanted to call and go tea dancing at the Taft [with].  [laughter] ... So, I called her and she was honored and delighted, because her idea of the traditional Brooklyn date was a movie and an ice cream soda at, what was the place? SZ:  Myer's Ice Cream Parlor. SDZ:  Myer's Ice Cream Parlor, and here was this guy who had a car and a due bill at the Hotel Taft.  [laughter] So, we danced our way into matrimony and it stuck.  We've had sixty-five years. SZ:  December. SI:  Congratulations. SDZ:  And I'm on good behavior and [we will] try to make it sixty-six. SH:  Good for you.  [laughter] SDZ:  But, that was the paper.  The magazine had very diverse stuff.  SI:  The Anthologist? SDZ:  Roy [E.] Darby, [Jr., Class of 1941], ran it and he liked to encourage experimental writing.  I remember, I wrote a piece for them, "I Was a Shoe Dog" was, I think, the title, about my hours as a salesman selling shoes, but there was fiction; I don't think there was any non-fiction.  The Scarlet Letter, ... the editor of that was Charlie Prout and that, he really enjoyed.  He liked that.  It was methodical and you had to get all the details in, and I was glad to work on that with him.  The debate team, we traveled all over the East Coast.  I had problems working in the dates with my other obligations.  Sometimes, I'd have to get somebody else to cover a football game for theHerald Trib [Tribune] because I was going to be out of town, but we managed it all.  Other activities, let's see, I don't know, what were my other activities?  You've got it in there, [the 1941 Scarlet Letter]?  SH:  Were you a part of an honor fraternity or honor society? SDZ:  There was a journalism honor society, I think, whose name escapes me now. SI:  Pi Gamma? SDZ:  Oh, Pi Gamma was our own little organization.  It was really interesting.  It was about eight or ten of us, all of whom were stringers for various publications, Newark Evening News, ... I think it was then the Star, it was theLedger, and it wasn't the Newark Star Ledger then, and they had somebody in the [New York] Times and theTrib, and then, there was something called Standard News Service, and I was a stringer for them, but I didn't do much for them.  [laughter] They didn't want much, and we would meet and we would exchange war stories about what we had done or not done, but, also, we would help one another, exchange story ideas, [if there was] somebody out of town, cover for him.  I've had some interesting times covering.  I was trying to think, when I was on the Post, I was on an out-of-town assignment and the guy from the Star got drunk and I wrote my story, and then, I had to write an entirely different version and file it for him.  SH:  Who was your favorite professor? SDZ:  ... Oh, Ken Jennings, by far, but we had a wonderful philosophy professor, [Houston] Peterson.  He lived in Greenwich Village, which sounded so Bohemian and exciting.  [laughter] I'd never been there until I met Sylvia. She led me to those "gardens of iniquity," and we had some great experiences.  [laughter] We went out one night in Greenwich Village and I had all, I think, of five dollars in my pocket and they had a guy out in front of Club Gaucho, and he was wearing the baggy pants, and so forth, and he grabbed me by the arm.  He said, "Come in here, good place."  I said, "Is there a cover charge?"  He said, "No, no cover charge."  "Minimum charge?"  "Well, you've got to ... buy one drink."  So, we went in and we got the one drink and we started dancing and we sat down.  ... While I was sitting there, fiddling around, I picked up the serving plate.  There was a little card underneath, said, "At ten PM, the cover charge is imposed," of two dollars or three dollars or something.  I said, "Sylvia, time to go."  [laughter] They were real hustlers, some of those doormen. SH:  When you wanted to write for the Targum, was there also any kind of academic oversight?  Was there a professor who was assigned to the paper?  SDZ:  I don't think we even had a faculty advisor.  ... No, I don't think so.  I think, years later, they did.  There was some fuss and the administration wanted it.  ... Oh, you talk about favorite people, another one I was really very fond of was Earl Reed Silvers, who was the Director of Public Relations and he was a "Mr. Chips" type.  I mean, people could sit down and confide in him and ask advice.  ... Again, years later, his son, Earl Reed Silvers, turned up in Boca Raton, Florida, a few miles from where we lived.  In-between, he'd worked for Grand Union stores and what's his name? Shield, Lansing [P.] Shield, who's a Rutgers guy and on the board here, and a good friend of Senator Case's, but small world.  ... I was very fond [of the elder Earl Reed Silvers].  He rescued me once.  ... One of the problems of working at night is, it's very hard to get to an eight o'clock class in the morning, and one of the mandatory courses for graduation, at least then, in journalism, was "Recent American History," I think it was, taught by the chairman of the History Department, [Irving S. Kull].  ... Unfortunately, because I worked until three and the class was at eight, I missed an awful lot of classes.  So, we got near the end of the semester and I got word that I wasn't going to make it and, if I didn't make it, I didn't make the diploma either, and I had visions of marching in the alumni parade [as the] Class of 1941-and-a-half, [laughter] which wasn't in my plan.  So, I talked to Earl Reed Silvers.  Kull was a very dignified, somewhat remote person.  He wasn't the kind you'd feel comfortable sitting down [with], telling, you know, "I'm a working man's son and I have to do things and it's hard to [make it]." At any rate, through Silvers, there was an agreement that, ... I guess I must have flunked the final exam, but he would give me another final exam, an oral question, I think two questions, and it was up or down on that, and I made it.  [laughter] So, I got the degree, I got the certificate.  It was a few nervous days.  SH:  Chapel was mandatory. SDZ:  Yes. SH:  Can you talk about how that was? SDZ:  One day a week, at lunchtime, ... and one of the speakers at that, by tradition, was Norman Thomas and he was, oh, he was so; maybe that's why, what's his name, Talbot Smith thinks I was a Socialist.  I really did like Thomas and admired his courage and his ability.  SZ:  Was chapel religious? SDZ:  He's the guy who said I'm a Socialist.  ... Oh, hey, this is where I ought to straighten that out.  SI:  Go ahead. SDZ:  There's another oral history in circulation in which someone in the Class of 1940, a person I never knew, never had any contact with, a football player and a fraternity president, I believe, in his days, which were two circles I never mixed in, said I was a Socialist and that, later, I went to work for the Senator.  Well, he was right, I did go to work for a Senator, Clifford Case, and I'm very proud of that association, but I never was a Socialist. There never was a Socialist Party on the Rutgers campus, far as I'm aware of it, at least certainly not in my years. The closest thing to liberal was the Democratic Party, which, in those days, was Franklin Roosevelt, which seemed quite acceptable; thank you. SH:  Was chapel mandatory for religious services or just for the convocations, the coming together of the student body? SDZ:  You know, as I think back, I mean, we're talking now, for me, sixty years ago, I don't think there was any religious [content].  It was in a chapel, but I don't remember.  If there was a prayer, it was ecumenical.  I mean, it was no particular sect, no mention of Jesus Christ, for example, that I remember.  [It] seemed to me we were exposed, once a week, to someone who had some ideas, some ideals, and I think the hope was that it would germinate with us and that we would take time out.  I'm sort of partial to these kinds of meetings.  Years later, when our oldest son was at the Friends School in Sandy Spring, Maryland, I was made president of their association.  ... As a Quaker group, they would meet and there'd be a silent period to start it with, about, oh, ten minutes, ten long minutes, where you had time to ... rid yourself of the day's ugly occurrences and think of higher things, and I found it refreshing.  I used to look forward to those meetings ... for that reason and I think chapel was a good experience. SZ:  Went to Star Island. SDZ:  Oh, yes. SH:  They took attendance as well, right?  Was chapel mandatory in that way? SDZ:  I'm trying to remember.  ... [There] may have been a yellow pad passed down the line.  It was mandatory, so, I guess they must have.  Yes, you're right. SH:  What about ROTC?  Did you do your two years? SDZ:  Yes.  The first two years, we had ROTC.  I was [the one], when you saw a moving picture of it, I was the one out of step.  [laughter] I didn't like that.  I guess I was ... anti-military and this was a part of [the] military.  On the other hand, I think it was a good influence.  It helped me some when I was in the service myself, but I didn't have any desire to make a career in [the] military or become a commissioned officer or anything of that kind. SH:  In 1937, when you entered Rutgers as a freshman, how aware were you of what was going on in Europe?  SDZ:  Well, I don't think I was typical of most students, because I worked at a newspaper, and there were times when I was the telegraph editor.  I would handle the stories about events outside the local area, and I think I was pretty sensitive, at least aware of things that were going on abroad.  We had one economics professor who I was fond of.  I wish I could think of his name, [J. Wilner Sundelson].  Well, I liked Gene Agger, the chairman of the department.  He was another "Mr. Chips" type, was a lovely man, and we later got to know his daughter, Caroline, who's a prominent lawyer in Washington.  ... SH:  As things are developing in Europe and since you are involved in the newspaper, you are finding that your interests or your knowledge is a little bit broader than some of the students, did you bring that into your writing here in the Targum? SDZ:  Targum didn't cover things like that.  It might cover if there was a rally here.  I was pretty sensitive to the thing, because I was Jewish and this was the rise of Nazism, and that led me, and a number of others, fortunately, to create an organization to try and do some small part and rescue at least one fellow college student from the Nazis. SH:  When did you start this?  When did you first get the idea? SDZ:  If you asked me the precise time, I can't tell you.  ... SH:  Was it before Hitler invaded Poland or was it after 1939? SDZ:  I don't know.  I can't answer that. SI:  In your memoir, you mentioned it was around the time that Austria became part of Germany. SDZ:  Oh, well, then, that does it.  ... This, I looked up facts.  [laughter] ... If I'm going to tell my grandchildren, I want it to be quite accurate, but it was an interesting kind of development. SH:  Can you talk about how you came into that? SDZ:  Yes, I was about to.  There was a fellow, John Ludlum, who later became a minister.  ... His major was theology, and he was one of the independents, Scarlet Barbs, and we talked about, "What could we do?" and the idea germinated of, "We should try and fund one student," and we went, I think, to Earl Reed Silvers and talked about whether the University would absorb the tuition for him.  ... After paperwork and time, we got an okay on that, and then, the question was how to provide sustenance.  There also was a little thing that, at the outset, we didn't know and that was that, in order to bring someone into this country, someone had to be financially responsible for them, [so] that they wouldn't become a welfare charge, and here were these two students, running [the committee].  John and I were co-chairmen of this committee.  I've forgotten the name of it now, but that was the purpose, and, somehow, we got in contact [with a European student].  I'm not even sure how we got Walter Sokel, but we did.  ... As graduation approached, ... we talked to Walter about, "What are you going to do next, after you get your degree?" thinking, "Well, if he doesn't go to work and earn, we're liable to be footing the bill here," but it worked out happily.  He was a very good student in the History Department, that was his major, and he got a job at Princeton, teaching, and then, I lost touch.  He was not one for corresponding and, frankly, I was busy with other things, ... but we felt the business of raising funds from fellow collegians, none of whom really have a lot of money, was pretty uphill.  ... I've forgotten what the goal was, but it was large, but I had had a favorite high school teacher, George Shay, who later went to work with Governor [Charles] Edison in Trenton.  ... George Shay was friendly with Doris Duke Cromwell, that was her married name, and she had a big estate right outside Somerville.  So, through Mr. Shay, and I knew Mr. Shay's wife, she was my French teacher, she was a lovely woman, but he arranged for me to be invited to dinner at the Duke Estate and meet with former Ambassador to Canada James Cromwell, her husband, and Doris Duke.  ... In preparation for this, you know, I'm a country boy by comparison with the circles that they move in, I rented a tuxedo.  It was summertime, and I remember I had a white jacket and dark pants, and I went and I got there maybe a little early and her secretary met me and ushered me into this huge library room, books from floor to ceiling, and she said, "Mrs. Cromwell will be down soon, and then, Mr. Cromwell, and rest here, wait here."  So, while I was there, I pulled down one of the books from the shelf; they hadn't cut the pages.  These were books that were not read by people.  They were interior decorating; they were the right color.  [laughter] I don't think these were two scholars I was meeting, and it became clear as the evening went on.  Well, a few minutes later, she came down this big, circular stairway and with a long gown, and I was thinking, "Oh, boy, I'm glad I got the tuxedo.  I'd have been out of here," ... and then, we made small chit-chat and I started explaining the committee and the goals, and so forth.  ... Then, she said, "Well, we'll wait for my husband to come down before we go into dinner," and I waited, and then, I see a guy at the top of these grand stairs, [with] shorts on and some loud, flowered sports shirt coming, bounding down.  ... That's the dignified former ambassador, but, at any rate, as a result of that, she volunteered to match, dollar for dollar, every dollar we raised from the students.  ... It turned out to be very big.  SH:  How did you identify the students who were willing or could come?  Do you remember how that was done? SDZ:  I think there was some sort of student association that we appealed to.  I think John Ludlum did most of that work.  He's got a place Upstate New York, and I'm not sure whether he's still alive or not.  I wasn't so much involved in that.  I was more in the fundraising end.  [laughter] He did the actual arrangements. SH:  How old was this student, Sokel, that you brought over? SDZ:  He was around our age. SH:  Was he?  SDZ:  Yes. SH:  Where was he housed?  Do you remember? SDZ:  I don't.  I can't tell you.  I don't know.  I don't remember.  I have a little vision of some connection with Stollman's, but maybe that's where he ate.  I don't know where he lived. SZ:  Maybe the dorms? SDZ:  I don't know.  ... Maybe it was the circumstances of it, he was kind of a loner.  He was not an outgoing person and I think we sort of; what does it [Walter Sokel's 1941 Scarlet Letter entry] say? SI:  81 Easton Avenue; is that Stollman's? SDZ:  Well, that sounds like one of the; maybe it was a fraternity.  I don't know.  Let me see, you've got the picture of him? SI:  Right there. SDZ:  Yes, that's interesting.  I'd forgotten.  He's got a draft number, spent most of his time at his history course, that's right, spare [time] reading, music, yes.  It was interesting.  Years later, I was teaching.  I've carried on teaching a little for many years, in many places, to subsidize whatever I was doing, but this last one was at ... the Babcock School at Wake Forest University.  It's their MBA program and I had an Austrian student in my class and I asked her if she'd known him, and she said, "It's a big city."  She didn't know him.  [laughter] SH:  Were there women in the journalism courses with you? SDZ:  Yes, yes.  We had some very pretty women.  I remember, one was a blonde.  [laughter] SZ:  And you've kept in touch with Mary. SDZ:  Yes, I've kept in touch with one of them, Mary Hance, who married a fellow Rutgers person.  She's not in good physical shape.  She's had a lot of problems and lost her husband.  Let's see, who else?  There was a guy who became a professor at Long Island University, was it Jacob Jaffe?  Have I got that right? and he helped administer some award. SZ:  Oh, the Polk Award. SDZ:  The Polk Award, oh, you're great, [laughter] and I went and spoke at one of their dinners, and the presentation, he arranged it.  Yes, that's him, Jacob Jaffe.  SH:  We are looking at Mr. Jaffe's picture in the Scarlet Letter. SDZ:  Yes, he was a very serious guy.  Yes, that's a good thing; I should have looked at that instead of this to prepare. SZ:  Yes, we have that [the Scarlet Letter] at home.  ... SH:  It was interesting.  Because you were the managing editor of that, I looked through that yesterday.  I may tell you, that is a very nicely put-together Scarlet Letter. SDZ:  Oh, thank you.  Yes, we put a lot of work into it.  There's a lot of detail to pack in that.  I'm not sure I could tackle that at this age. SH:  On campus, you were a Scarlet Barb, you were a commuter student, so, you were set apart, as you said, from the fraternities in a certain way.  What about the students from the Ag School?  SDZ:  Well, we knew them, but, you know, they spent most of their time a couple of miles away.  They weren't as integrated into this campus, but that was always a fascinating place for me.  I got a lot of inches out of the Agriculture School.  SZ:  Stories. SDZ:  I remember, they were testing, yes, some insecticide and ... they had a wooden, I don't know, sort of a board that they would spray the insecticide on, and then, they would let loose a certain kind of mosquito or something at the top and see how [they reacted].  ... I gave that a name which ... made a headline, and I sold that to one of the Hearst publications, "Suicide Track," or something, "For Bugs," [laughter] but they had some good people out there.  They had the soils expert, Dr. [Jacob] Jaffe, ... and [Selman] Waksman, who developed streptomycin, was there.  They were a rich place for a journalist, a lot of stories you could get out of there.  SI:  Did you cover the Rutgers tomato when that was debuted?SDZ:  I wrote about that, too.  SZ:  We met the man who developed it, somehow, I vaguely remember.  SDZ:  He was in my class.  There's a guy in my class who became a big tomato expert and, at one of our reunions, he talked about it.  Did you interview [him]? SI:  Was it George Johannessen? SDZ:  That sounds like it, yes.  SI:  I just interviewed him a couple of weeks ago in California.  [Editor's Note: Professor Lyman Schermerhorn, Sr., developed the Rutgers tomato variety, which was introduced in 1934.  Dr. George A. Johannessen studied under Professor Schermerhorn during his time at Rutgers (1937-1941), then, went on to his own career in tomato development.] SDZ:  Oh, did you?  ... He was from California. SI:  He became the head of tomato production. SDZ:  When you're interviewing these guys, would you mind asking them why they didn't come to the ... sixtieth reunion.  There weren't enough to have a reunion dinner with.  ... SZ:  Sixty-fifth. SDZ:  Sixty-fifth, sorry.  ... Sylvia and I drove all the way up from Florida for that.  We got here and they said, "There is no reunion." SZ:  No, we didn't get here.  We went to our home in North Carolina, fortunately.  SDZ:  No, that's right, and, when I checked, they said, "Nobody has signed up.  There is no dinner."  SZ:  Isn't that terrible? SH:  I think Mr. Owen had been so involved. SZ:  Yes, he was the one. SDZ:  That's right. SH:  Mary Hance Owen's husband, Robert, had been very instrumental in getting your class together. SZ:  Oh, absolutely. SDZ:  Yes.  When he died, I don't think since then, we've had an active president. SH:  I think Ken Kaiser is now. SDZ:  Well, he's the columnist.  ... He said he'd like to have a [class reunion], and he and I have been trying to raise a little funds and noise about it. SH:  You can read Ken Kaiser's and Mr. Owen's story online. SDZ:  Oh, really?  Oh, I'd like that.  Yes, Ken was a journalism major. SZ:  And Sam said, "We'll come even if they don't have a reunion." SDZ:  That's right.  ... SI:  Since we were talking about Dr. Johannessen, when I interviewed him, he talked a lot about the debating team and Richard P. McCormick, the debating team advisor. SDZ:  Yes. SI:  What do you remember?  Can you talk a little bit more about the debating team, where you went, what the debates were about, that sort of thing? SDZ:  I wish I could remember better.  I know we went to a lot of places and I know we were very successful.  ... Reager, the coach, was a very dynamic fellow.  He really gave us a lot of good ideas.  I can't even tell you who was on the team with me anymore. SH:  I wonder if the photograph would show. SDZ:  Oh, yes.  SI:  I will look that up.  Do any of the debates stand out in your mind, any of the issues that were discussed? SDZ:  No.  [laughter] SI:  Being that this was on the eve of World War II, was international policy or isolationism debated?   SDZ:  No, I don't think they went for that.  I think they tried to stay; you got on to things about whether there should be a national medical plan, that kind of thing, I remember vaguely.  SZ:  ... We're still debating that.  [laughter] SDZ:  ... I wasn't on the varsity debating team?  I thought I was. SH:  You may have missed the picture. SI:  Maybe they would list it in the 1942 yearbook. SDZ:  I'll be darned.  I thought I was.  [laughter] Maybe I dreamed it all.  SI:  It depends on the time of year, when they take the picture. SDZ:  Yes.  I thought I was.  I certainly remember Reager.  Well, you may have to improve on my memory. SH:  With the schedule that you had, reporting and things, it would be not uncommon that you would not be in the photograph, I would think.  SDZ:  Yes, that I'm not sure.  ... SH:  We can look at the ... SDZ:  Class of 1940? SI:  You would not be on the freshman team. SDZ:  No. SI:  Probably, you just were not in the picture. SZ:  Maybe you got too busy. SDZ:  Maybe I wasn't in in the last year, but I should be ... in the '42 picture then, right?  No, '40 is the one I need. ... SH:  You were not pictured in 1942. SDZ:  Try '40.  I think that's a better bet.  It may be that I dropped off in the senior year, because I really was a busy boy then. SI:  Do you recall going to West Point with the debating team? SDZ:  Not really.  I've been to West Point, but ... I don't know.  I don't remember.  Now, I'm starting to sound like one of my witnesses in one of my arbitrations.  [laughter] SZ:  Sam still works. SDZ:  Oh, yes, I do labor management arbitration cases.  ... Did I make '40? SH:  No. SDZ:  Not either.  ... Maybe I'm not sure about debating.  I thought I was on it.  I was certainly in the high school debating [team]. SH:  I think it lists debating next to your senior picture.  At some point, you had to have been on the debating team. SDZ:  Oh, well, okay, I was there, okay.  Well, I don't mean to mislead or give false claims. SI:  No, it is in the record.  ... SH:  For the record, we have located Mr. Zagoria on the varsity debating team in the yearbook for 1939. SDZ:  Oh, thank you, that's a relief.  [laughter] I thought I'd just dreamed it all up.  Okay, onward; at the rate we're going, we're not going to finish. SH:  When Hitler invaded Poland, there were people here at Rutgers who were isolationists, America First supporters.  Did you cover any of that debate at all? SDZ:  I'm not sure that it got to a public level.  Obviously, there were, you know, discussions at Winants Hall, when you're eating, or in dorms, ... but I don't have a recollection of a really formative [debate].  I have a feeling that many were sort of just accepting this was bigger than anything we could control, and we've got to do well at our immediate personal assignment, get graduated.  Of course, they were already pulling draft numbers, and that was an ominous thing.  When did I have a draft number?  Was it before we were married?  Did you know?  SZ:  I don't remember. SDZ:  I don't remember exactly either, but it's funny.  I now am very critical of our grandchildren, that they don't read a daily newspaper, but I don't really remember much of the facts of events.  I was aware they were happening, but I'm not sure I read it day by day. SH:  You talked about your father, who read the newspaper every day. SDZ:  Yes. SH:  When you would go home, but one of the questions we ask is, what were the discussions around the dining room table about what was going on?  Obviously, you were aware of what is happening because you were bringing this student to this country, of the persecution.  SDZ:  I'm not sure we talked about it much.  I mean, my father assumed, and correctly, that I had the same view of things that he had, and I was unhappy about them.  Most of our discussions were more dealing with, "Well, what are you going to do about the tuition bill next month?" and, "How's your car holding up?" and things of that kind, and, also, a lot of, you know, father-child things, "What grades did you get?" and tell about some little honor that had come your way and some hope for the future, and so forth. SH:  When you were getting ready to graduate in 1941, had you already proposed to Mrs. Zagoria? SDZ:  I think so.  SZ:  Well, we knew we'd eventually get married, I guess.  There's no formal proposal. SDZ:  Yes.  We'd been going together two years by that time. SH:  Mrs. Zagoria, you were in college at the same time. SZ:  Yes.  SDZ:  I used to sign her report cards, even after she was married.  They weren't all good.  [laughter] SZ:  They were so.  [laughter] SDZ:  They were really very good.  She was smarter than I was.  SH:  You were at Brooklyn College. SZ:  Brooklyn College, yes. SH:  What was your major? SZ:  Social sciences.  I ended up being a social worker. SDZ:  She worked for OSS [Office of Strategic Services].  You're sitting in the presence of one of the spy teams of the United States. SZ:  Right after college, I went to Washington.  Sam was already overseas. SDZ:  Sylvia's worked as a flesh peddler, too.  [laughter] That's another story.  SH:  I was just going to say, we may need a little clarification on that, Mr. Zagoria.  [laughter] SZ:  That was for a television news show, to get celebrities. SDZ:  Sylvia used to produce Washington notables to appear on a TV program called Ladies of the Press.  It was similar to the Meet the Press, except this was [where] they gave the ladies a chance to ask the questions.  The moderator was an old friend and Sylvia worked with him ... at Mutual Network. SZ:  WOR. SDZ:  WOR, ... and they had a Washington bureau, and he was the Washington bureau and Sylvia was his assistant. SZ:  They'd be more impressed that I worked for Izzy Stone.  I bet they all know him, I. F. Stone.  I was his researcher. SI:  At PM? SZ:  At PM. SDZ:  She was so good, Izzy wouldn't let her go to have a child.  I had to go see Izzy, said, "Now, look, she's delivering and you've got to let go," but, at any rate, how did we get on this?  SZ:  They asked if you had proposed. SH:  After graduation, what were your plans and how forward looking were you in 1941? SDZ:  Well, my goal was to get to Washington in journalism there, and I pretty much knew I wanted to be on theWashington Post.  Washington then had several newspapers, about five.  We had, one was [Eleanor Josephine Medill] "Cissy" Patterson's paper, [the Washington Times-Herald], which I knew I didn't want to work on, then, there was a little tabloid, the Washington Daily News, there was a Washington Star, and, of course, there was the Washington Post, and that's the one I wanted to get to.  I wasn't sure how I'd get there, but ... SZ:  Anyhow, you didn't get there until after the war.  SDZ:  That's true.  Oh, what I did in 1941; okay, I'll focus.  1941, so, I had already been working at the Home News here.  It then didn't own the Tribune, it was just the Home News, and Elmer [B.] Boyd was the publisher and he really built a housing subdivision ... right in the Brunswick area, low-cost housing.  He was very friendly with Eugene Agger, who was the chairman, on the sidelines, of the New Brunswick Housing Authority, a marvelous man.  When we got married, he handed me a gift, a check.  He was in that pile we gave my father.  ... So, Elmer Boyd had a nephew, Hugh Boyd, who took over as publisher around the time I was graduating Rutgers and I guess we're pretty much the same age, and Hugh asked me to help him do some things.  One of the income makers for the paper in those days was special sections.  There'd be one on boating and they'd sell ads that were geared that way, and I would write the copy around the ad, something that would fit in with it.  ... It seemed to me, about every two weeks, they would have a special section and I'd become a specialist in a brand-new field, ... but Huey and I got along very well and the result was, one result was, that he was appointed; New Jersey, when the war was threatening, started a New Jersey State Civil Defense Agency in Trenton, headed by Audley H. F. Stephan.  He was a retired general, and the big business was to figure out how to alert people of an air raid; the big debates about it [were] whether it was two blasts and one whistle or one whistle and two blasts.  A whole new world opened up for me, but Hugh asked me to work for him, and, therefore, for the state government, in Trenton, and I wrote pamphlets and stuff under Hugh's guidance.  He actually was too busy.  I was in Trenton, but he was mostly in New Brunswick, and that was kind of fun, and then, somehow, I got acquainted with a fellow who ran the New Jersey Office of Government Reports, which was a tiny agency.  It later became part, was absorbed in the Office of War Information.  SZ:  OWI. SDZ:  If you didn't live through the war, you don't know all this "alphabet soup," but it was never quite clear to me what the mission of that agency was, but I was told to look into Nazi Bund camps in Northern New Jersey.  ... As a reporter, I'd had some idea of [how to investigate] and write reports on what they were up to, which meant I had to keep an eye on the public media as well as try and visit, talk to people, [and] so forth, and I did that a few months, and then, Uncle Sam said, "I need you," and so, I think I was only there a couple of months. SZ:  Yes, because you went into the service. SDZ:  It was the Military Park Building in Newark, and then, I went into the service at Fort Dix and it was a little awkward, because, ... while I was at the Home News, you know, Fort Dix had been expanding by leaps and bounds and I did a series of stories on the Fort Dix, and most of them negative, about how the tents leaked, how the stoves gave off cinders that created holes and, therefore, they got wet, and it was muddy and murky, and here I was, coming in, but I don't think anybody put two-and-two together. SZ:  Fortunately. SDZ:  But, then, I was there, I'm now going chronologically, and I was there for several weeks, and then, we were summoned to a roll call, and I thought, "This is my first weekend pass."  I then had a wife who was sitting in an apartment in Trenton, in somebody's attic, [on] Atterbury Avenue. SH:  You had married after ... SZ:  '41. SDZ:  We were married December 21st.  The invitations, with the gold lettering, were all already mailed out and done when Pearl Harbor happened.  ... The rental on the hall had been placed and all that.  [laughter] ... SH:  We can back up and talk about that.  Where were you when Pearl Harbor happened? SDZ:  Driving in a car, someplace.  ... SH:  Were you together? SDZ:  Oh, yes, I think we heard it on the radio. SZ:  Yes. SDZ:  Yes.  SH:  Knowing that you had already sent your wedding invitations out. SDZ:  Well, it was a lot of discussion about what to do, ... but I really wanted to get married before I went into the service.  I knew I'd be going into the service when I heard that.  SZ:  You asked about when you got your draft number; they let you finish college.  You knew that you would be drafted. SDZ:  Oh, I could finish college before I got a draft number.  SZ:  No, you had the draft number, ... but, in those days, they let you finish college, I think.  Didn't they? SDZ:  Oh, that's it. SI:  Did you have to go talk to a draft board? SZ:  Probably. SDZ:  Well, I had to tell them I was in college somehow; I'm not sure how I did it.  I wasn't on intimate terms with the draft board.  That was some remote, all-powerful agency.  [laughter] ... SH:  In this research that you did on the Bund, what did you find out? SDZ:  There were active German-American groups that met and discussed ways of helping Germany invade the US.  It was serious stuff.  The Germans were very clever at capitalizing on their German-American friends and there was a sense of loyalty.  You know, there were many Germans, at least in New Jersey, who really weren't sure that the US should go into this thing, and there were reports, every once in awhile, of a sighted submarine.  ... I'm never sure how accurate [they were].  There was one landing off of Long Island, I think, that actually took place and they captured people.  A good part of the activity of the Bund was fundraising, getting resources to send to Germany.  ... I have to dredge my memory to go back to what else was in those reports. SI:  Would you gather this information by interviewing Bund members themselves or people in the area? SDZ:  No.  ... They had certain places.  It was in Northern Jersey, I can't [recall], rural areas. SI:  Andover?  [Editor's Note: The German-American Bund operated a camp in Andover, New Jersey, called Camp Nordland.] SDZ:  That sounds right, that sounds right, and what you could do was, first of all, get newspapers that circulate in that area, weeklies.  If it told about a marching drill or something, that would go into your report, but you'd also go there and you'd talk to local townspeople, some of whom were delivering milk to that camp, [and ask], "What did you see?" or, "What are they doing?" or you'd go to neighbors, neighboring farms, "What are they doing?  What do you think?" and that kind of thing.  Meanwhile, in Washington, I'm sure they were tapping phones, radio, [monitoring the] use of radio for international messaging.  I just never was clear, and I'm not clear today, what OGR did, you know, ... where we fit into the picture.  I'm sure that information was fed into Army Intelligence, eventually, but, I don't know, it was a nebulous group to me; maybe that's my conservatism.  SI:  There was never any contact with the FBI or sharing of intelligence. SDZ:  No, I did not.  That wasn't our lines of communication.  I think we fed into what became OWI.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] BJ:  When you were doing research on the German Bund in Northern Jersey, how did you feel doing that research, as a Jew?  Were you afraid?  Did it give you more motivation to do it?SDZ:  I don't think anybody really knew or asked whether I was Jewish.  As far as I was concerned, I was really glad to do that research.  It gave me a feeling of usefulness in that whole period.  ... I'm trying to recall that period. I think I was shocked to think that there were such things as Bund camps.  ... Until I went to work in that agency, I wasn't aware of it.  It wasn't in my neighborhood and I just hadn't heard of it and I hadn't thought much about it, but it had some ominous threads that really made me concerned about the future.  Now, they were up to no good, that this was not a summer camp for kids, this was [that] they were really trying to buckle down to military tactics, and what the real fear at OGR [was], I was told, was that they would be doing undercover information gathering, about target sites and things like that.  You know, we're a very open society in this country and you could drive down Route 29 and see there was an oil tanker repository.  Well, that's a beautiful target if you [ever] got a bombing plane overhead, but they have to know where they are, because they may be fifty thousand feet up when they're releasing, and that's the kind of information that would [be valuable].  The same goes for railroad yards, where you can get a lot of railroad vehicles all at one time, and shipping, docks are particularly vulnerable.  If you're trying to stop an army from replenishing its supplies, all these transportation centers and fuel centers are very important, and I think we were worried about the next step from what they were doing.  Does that answer your question? BJ:  Yes.  Also, personally, as far as your Jewish identity, if it was out in the open, would that have caused some apprehension?  SDZ:  You know, ... not only there, but in anything, I didn't go out of my way to say, "I am Jewish," and, if somebody asked me, I'd be happy to tell them and proudly, ... but I didn't flaunt it.  I've never tried to trade on it, ... and I think Sylvia and I have probably tried to make sure our social life is broader; true?  ... You know what my father said, ... "three day a year religious;" we go for Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur, and we add on now, because Herman, my brother, I go to his yorzeit (the anniversary of his death). SZ:  We're not very observant. SDZ:  We're not very observant.  My father, who had a sense of humor about things, he really was very accepting. When our daughter first came and told us she wanted to marry a fellow named David Olds, they went to visit him and, after he visited my father, I asked my father, "Well, what did you think of David Olds?" and he says, "Ah, he's a very fine boy.  He talks very well.  He's almost nice enough to be a Jewish boy."  Well, that was his way of tweaking us, but ... I don't know where I got off the track.  SZ:  Oh, that's a good point, ... that he was very accepting. SI:  When you would do these investigations, like you said, if you would interview the milk person, for example, would you identify yourself as being from the government or from the Office of Government Reports? SDZ:  Yes, I had a card, and it's not a badge, but, ... you know, you have to establish your credibility with the person you interview, so [that] they don't think you're just some troublemaker or idiot, that there is a reasonable purpose to be served by them answering your questions, and so, I would do that.  The guy who was the director of that office was a fellow named Russell Philips.  He was the one who hired me, and he had had a career with, I think it was US Shipping Lines.  ... He knew a lot about docks and things like that, and one of his first questions to me, when I came back from one of these trips, [was], ... "Did they say anything about ships and docks?"  That was a particular focus of his, I remember now.  He was a nice fellow.  SI:  That was also a big concern, about sabotage at the docks, particularly after the SS Normandie burned.  SDZ:  Yes. SI:  You mentioned, when you were still reporting for the Home News, that you did this series of articles on Camp Dix.  Were there any other war-related articles, like anything on Camp Kilmer or rationing? SDZ:  Kilmer didn't exist then. SZ:  No, there was no Kilmer. SI:  Oh, Kilmer was not there yet. SDZ:  Kilmer came; there was an exodus from Hungary when the Russians moved into Hungary and a big group came to Stelton, which is where Camp Kilmer is, and they built a camp, and then, later, when the Army was expanding, they used that site and those facilities that were left.  [Editor's Note: Camp Kilmer was opened in 1942.  In 1956, an influx of refugees from the failed Hungarian Revolution were housed there.]  ... That's not far from Hadley Airport, where, as a kid, I used to go with my father and mother to watch airplanes take off and land. That was the eastern terminus of the US Air Mail, ... all the way from California.  They'd stop a few places, ... and, as a kid, that was very exciting.  I think that's what really started me ... on the notion that I wanted to be a flyer, and it still is an unfulfilled ambition.  I'd like to be a pilot. SZ:  Sam applied for pilot training. SDZ:  Yes.  ... It's funny, ... my Jersey connections, you had to take a physical, and my blood pressure was up and that would knock me out of any training.  So, there was a guy there, a flight surgeon, from Newark, New Jersey. ... We talked about New Jersey a little.  He says, "Come, lie down here, stay [still] and don't think of anything exciting, ... think of green trees and calm rivers, nothing that'll be upsetting, and I'll check your blood pressure a few times."  You know, blood pressure changes every five minutes.  [laughter] If you bend over, that's going to change your blood pressure.  So, after a half-hour of this, and he'd taken a couple of readings, [he said], "You passed. Your blood pressure now comes within [the limits]."  So, they sent me back.  ... SZ:  From Australia. SDZ:  And I went from Australia, and that was traumatic.  SZ:  He'd been [there] two years. SDZ:  They put me on a hospital ship.  Well, the whole business, you know, you're part of a convoy and you can only go as fast as the slowest vessel, and you see a shadow and you think, "Ah, Japanese submarine," or you see a blip, "A plane."  It's a nervous [situation].  It's not like a pleasure boat that goes directly and you get there in seven days.  This is, you're talking twenty-two days.  I think, going over, it was twenty-six days, but, at any rate, my hospital ship was bringing a big batch of homosexuals who had been found and declared, and, [in] those days, there was, I don't know what the rules were, but they were giving them a discharge.  Many of them were from Hollywood.  They'd been makeup men and things like that, and I had had very little experience, as a country boy, I don't think I even had known a homosexual, but they flaunted it.  ... There was a business of making dates with each other and meeting on the top deck at night, all lipstick.  These are guys, and, to me, that was difficult.  ... Sylvia was a lot more ... SZ:  Tolerant.  [laughter] SDZ:  Cosmopolitan about it all, but I was glad to get off that ship. SI:  They were not restricted in any way; they were not in jail. SDZ:  ... It was their ship.  I mean, people like me were the exceptions. SI:  Did you talk to any of them about what brought them to that point? SDZ:  I think I was a little bit, not intimidated, but ... it wasn't my dish of tea, and then, when I got back, I went to Keesler Field in Mississippi, where we had our first taste of Ku Klux Klan-ism.  We went to rent a room.  Biloxi was, you know, overflowing with Army Air Force people and their relatives and all that.  It was hard to get a place to stay.  So, we stopped at a guesthouse right along the Gulf [of Mexico] and women greeted us and we said, "We want to spend a night," that I was going to report there.  ... Then, we noticed there was a plaque on the wall, "We Admire the Ku Klux Klan."  ... Sylvia, meanwhile, had used the bathroom and she whispered to me, "The cockroaches are two inches long in there," [laughter] and so, we quickly beat a retreat and went looking further down.  We eventually found a room, and then, Sylvia got a job at the real estate office downtown.   SZ:  In order to get a house. SDZ:  [For] Mr. Geist, who later became a mayor, and I knew him when I worked with the Conference of Mayors, and, as a result of her working in the real estate office, we got an addition of somebody's house.  It was really the former garage, and they made it into a bedroom, but it was one block off the Gulf. SZ:  And it had a private bath. SDZ:  And it had a private bath, and my buddies on the base, after I reported in, they loved to come to our place, change clothes and dash down the block ... SZ:  It's a beautiful beach.  SDZ:  To the beautiful beach on the Gulf, and [all] due to my wife's foresight.  She did good work, in the right places.  Sylvia also worked for the Santa Fe Railroad.  [laughter] She worked for a divorce lawyer.  This mother would come in with a little girl, all of sixteen.  She's here to get a divorce and the lawyer would say, "But, she's already been divorced once."  "It didn't work out."  I mean, they treated marriage and divorce like you buy a candy; you don't like it, throw it [out], two cents. SI:  Is this still down in Mississippi? SDZ:  ... That was in San Bernardino, but, then, after that, you went to work on the base.  SZ:  Yes.  You didn't tell them about your [training at Keesler Field]. SDZ:  Oh, when I got to Keesler Field, ... first of all, you've got to be processed in, and there was a long line of us, from all over the world, coming for pilot training, and a grizzled first sergeant was [at] the head of the line.  He knew everything, and he sent whispers all the way down the line, "Whatever they ask you, whether you've had basic training, rifle training, you had it.  If they say, 'But, it's not in your records.  It doesn't show you had it,' tell them your records were lost in Australia.  This is a new set of records and they don't have the old stuff."  So, I went through a whole war and never had basic training.  ... I never shot a rifle, didn't kill anybody.  That's why, one reason, I was reluctant to do this, because this was geared to World War II.  My World War II experience you could put on the back of a three-by-five file card. SI:  Just from what we have talked about so far, that is not true.  I am sure we will get more into your Australian experience, if you want to talk about that.  You certainly have a lot to say about World War II. SDZ:  ... There isn't really that much to tell, okay. SI:  I think we would all disagree.  SDZ:  Yes, okay.  SZ:  And a lot of people didn't ... do combat.  SI:  Yes.  I believe it was less than ten percent that were actually in frontline combat. SDZ:  Well, at Keesler, they tell me, "We [have] got more pilots than we've got airplanes," so, no training. SZ:  So, Sam never completed [flight training].  You were two years in Australia. SDZ:  Two-and-a-half.  SZ:  Two-and-a-half years.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  To go back, you had been drafted into the Army.  You were in Camp Dix.  You had been apprehensive about the fact that you had written this expose on Camp Dix and, now, you were in it.  What happened from there? SDZ:  Right.  Well, I wasn't at Camp Dix very long.  Six weeks later, we had a roll call.  I thought I was getting a weekend pass, but, instead, fourteen of us, ... our names were called and we were given shipping orders to San Francisco.  ... We reported there to what had been a public playground, Funston Park, with barbed wire fencing all around it.  We lived in tents there until we shipped out from the docks, which were just maybe a mile away from there.  ... SI:  You said you had been in Camp Dix for six weeks.  Was that just training or were you just waiting there? SDZ:  I don't think I really did much of anything.  I was just waiting for orders to go someplace.  They didn't do training that early, and the fourteen was a mystery.  One guy was a lawyer, one guy was a phys. ed. coach at a high school, another guy worked in a grocery, and I was among them.  I'm not sure of the other ones, but there never was really an answer to why these particular fourteen [were selected] and we spun webs of, you know, "We're a secret taskforce that [is] being welded," and so forth, and so on.  ... I must tell you, ... many years later, when I was a newspaperman in Washington, I was working on a story about somebody who was ... throwing up a big scare about Social Security, "It won't pay you and you've got to lobby for changes," and so forth, and he was the retired adjutant general of the United States Army.  His name was [James A.] Ulio something, Italian.  You've heard that name? SI:  Yes.  I have seen it on many documents. SDZ:  Yes.  He was on all our orders.  So, after we'd had a drink and we'd talked about his program, which was borderline, legally, but he'd taken me to the Army-Navy Club and I could see he thought he'd snow me with [some special treatment] and I'd get off the kick about writing a story on it, ... I said, "You know, your name was on my orders and thirteen others.  What'd they have in mind?"  He laughed and laughed.  He said, "My name was on thousands, millions of orders, and I don't know what they were planning to do with you," but we wound up in a part of a convoy, I think fourteen ships, very slow, landed in Melbourne, Australia.  They asked for volunteers to unload the garbage, which was plenty after that many days.  You'd get to get on land quicker that way.  I was one of the volunteers. SZ:  Oh, you never told me this. SDZ:  And, yes, it was true, and so, we had an evening in the town after we did our unloading and I looked [around].  I still remember that neighborhood right there, Saint Kilda, because, months later, I went to a temple service right near there.  At any rate, then, we were trucked to a place about fifteen, twenty miles outside of town. It was an Australian Army camp, Camp Darley, and the US Army was using it as a replacement depot and, in other words, we were a bunch of men and they didn't know exactly what to do with us, but we were there.  The first thing we were eager to do was to get a shower, because, onboard ship, all they had was saltwater, where you can't lather with it, you can't shower very well, and so, they said, "We got showers," and they led us to this open area.  It had, I think, a concrete base, but it was just big sheets of curved sheet metal around, ... nothing over [the] top, wind whistling through, but there were showers and we were glad to have them, freezing there.  ... For me, there was a real pleasure in that, during my time at Camp Darley, I went to a Salvation Army tent, where they served hot tea or coffee.  It was a local charitable endeavor, and I met a guy there and we started talking and it turned out he'd been editor of his college paper, the Emory Wheel in Georgia, and his paper had done a major revision of their type layout, and so, I was eager ... to introduce some of those ideas into the Targum.  We corresponded.  We'd never met each other, but, then, we met at this Australian Army camp and we're close friends.  We still see each other.  They live over in Chapel Hill.  ... While we were at Camp Darley, I was assigned to the motor pool and I did clerical work in it.  I'm not a mechanic.  For some reason, in that job, I had to ride a motorcycle, which I'd never done before, but I did it and I decided, "I'll never ride a motorcycle again after I get out of here."  ... I didn't really like it, and then, I got orders to go to Sydney, Australia, and that camp was at the Ascot Race Track.  Race tracks were a favorite place for these emergency tents that they put up, an open green area and they had some bathing facilities, and so forth, and I was there for several weeks.  I was assigned, then, I think, already to the United States Armed Forces in the Far East.  General [Douglas] MacArthur had two headquarters.  One was GHQ, General Headquarters, which was for the Allied [Forces], it was Australians and Americans, I think that's all we had there, but USAFFE was sort of; it's US Armed Forces, Far East, that was his US assignment, and, essentially, we were support forces for the GHQ operation, but the name on a lot of the orders was MacArthur's.  ... I don't know how long I was in Sydney, but the next move, they sent me to Brisbane, in Queensland, and, by that time, I was part of the war bond division of something, I think the finance office, and my job was to write pamphlets, posters, circulars, promoting the sale of US war bonds among the Armed Services.  We were next door to the offices of the Australian version of the magazine, Yank Magazine, and ours was called Yank Down Under, since it was the Australian [version], and so, I met several of the correspondents. ... Since I'd been a small newspaperman in New Brunswick, we chitchatted, and Calvin Kytle, my friend from Emory days, was there, but he was in a different section.  It was a great job.  Sylvia's seen a picture of the staff.  It was mostly civilian employees. SZ:  All those beautiful women. SDZ:  And one was Lady Cynthia Travers from England.  She had come to Australia and she was an expert typist, and then, there was another one, a beautiful blond, her name was Walker, not sure of the first name anymore, but there was also an Australian among the typists.  Her name ... SZ:  Thelma, you're thinking of.  SDZ:  Yes, Thelma; what was her last name?  [Editor's Note: It was Carne.] SZ:  I don't know her last name.  It's a wonderful story. SDZ:  I can't think of it, but, [at] any rate, one of the guys who worked on Yank Down Under was Bil Keane and, if you read the comic strips, there's one called The Family Circus.  It's a panel cartoon.  He spells his name with only one "L" and the Keane has an "E" on the end.  Thelma's last name was Carne, C-A-R-N-E. SZ:  She was only seventeen. SDZ:  And just a sidelight, after the war, and her parents wouldn't trust her to go out, she was only seventeen, ... with a Yank.  There was only one thing they were interested in and the parents didn't [want that], yes, ... but, after the war, he went back.  He married her.  They had a flock of kids, six kids, and one of his sons is now associated [with the cartoon].  If you watch the cartoon, some days, it'll say, "Bil Keane," some days, it'll say, "Bil and Jeff Keane," some days, it'll just say, "Jeff Keane."  They take vacations.  ... They live in Paradise Valley in Arizona and, each year, we get a cartoon calendar from Bil.  Unfortunately, poor Thelma now has ... SZ:  Alzheimer's. SDZ:  Alzheimer's, but that was a lasting friendship that's carried on all these years.  So, while I was in Brisbane, they wanted me to go up to New Guinea, to Port Moresby, first, where I gave a talk urging buying war bonds.  My kids think [of] my war career, "The bombs are falling, Dad is typing, typing, 'Buy war bonds.'"  [laughter] They have a very jaundiced view of my military career, and they're right, but I also went, somehow, to one of the islands, Woodlark.  There are a group of little, tiny islands off the coast.  Well, I went to Milne Bay.  ... There, you could set your watch by it, there's an afternoon shower every day at a certain time.  It lasts about fifteen minutes. SZ:  Rain. SDZ:  Rain, and that's it, and, also, you had to get used to the natives there.  They chewed betel nuts, which made their teeth turn black, but it's something, I guess, like marijuana.  It's a narcotic and they got high on it.  ... The D'Entrecasteaux Islands, if you look on a good atlas, you may find it, one of those was Woodlark Island and we landed on Woodlark Island.  I landed with a Navy; what do they call their construction bunch?  SI:  CBs [construction battalions, nicknamed "SeaBees"]? SDZ:  No, Navy something.  At any rate, it was very interesting.  They landed a little plane and take out from that little plane little grids of steel, which, when you clamp them together, that becomes a landing field, and this was a coral island.  It was sort of mostly white coral and the rumors were, at one end of it, there was a gold mine.  ... When you see the show South Pacific [a Broadway musical], it talks about the old planter at one end, it's a very similar kind of thing, but it was dangerous to go into the water from there, because the coral had sharp edges and, unless you wore boots, you would get cut up to bits.  So, at Woodlark, I was with these Navy SeaBees, Navy Seabees.  They were the ones that did the building.  First thing they built, unloaded, was a refrigerator, and so, there I was, in the Air Force, but they had the cold Coca-Colas, they had fresh frozen meat flown in from the mainland.  I was living when I was with them, and then, I went back to Brisbane and resumed work and it was in Brisbane, well, I got to know people there.  Some nice people would invite us to their house for a Sunday afternoon tea or a glass of beer.  ... The bars were only open a few hours a day, because the supply was limited, but the Americans would go in there and slug them down, and then, they'd [feel it fast], because it was much more powerful than American beers.  ... Oh, there were parades of the returning Australian soldiers, all of whom were seven or eight feet tall.  [laughter] They were really husky, well-built guys.  [In] Brisbane, we had a little club, a non-coms' club, run by Sly Grog Willy Moore.  He had been a steward on the Matson Line, and the boat I came over on was the Matsonia, which was the, what do you call it, the master ship of the [fleet]? SI:  Flag ship. SDZ:  Flag ship of the line.  ... [laughter] Well, Willy, he was terrific.  He was a short, stocky guy and he had arranged, with some of his former colleagues on the line, when they deposited a whole load of soldiers in Brisbane, they also would deposit some cartons labeled, "For Sergeant Willy Moore," and it was all the stuff that the Australians were short in, Kotex, silk stockings ... SZ:  Toilet paper. SDZ:  Toilet paper, watches, and then, he would be selling.  ... He rented a store downtown; it was a non-coms' club.  They had a jukebox playing and he would sell drinks in there and we would hang out, play cards, this and that, and, years later, he came to see us in Washington.  He tracked me down.  I wasn't sure I wanted to continue the connection.  [laughter] I was sure he was headed for a prison one day, but, so it was, and that's when I applied for my pilot training.  Oh, MacArthur's Headquarters; we were in the T&G Bank Building in downtown Brisbane, right in the business section.  The next block over, there was a different bank building, AMP, and it was the headquarters for General MacArthur.  When he would come into the lobby, all three or four elevators were stopped until the great man got on and went up to his destination.  Many years later, when I finished at the Post, we went on a round-the-world trip and I wanted to show Australia to Sylvia and where I had fought the war. [laughter] ... So, we visited this building and they said they didn't have any record of it, but there was a club at the top floor; Petroleum? SZ:  Yes. SDZ:  I think so, and we went up there and we said, du-dah, du-dah, and they said, "Oh, yes, used to be here.  It's now floor number seven-and-a-half.  The elevator doesn't stop there, but we'll get the key," and then, they took us down, and I remembered that room, because all around on the wall were maps and photographs for the retaking of the Philippines.  It was planned in that room and a lot of the stuff was still on the walls, but there was no plaque, there was no marker.  [Editor's Note: The MacArthur Museum Brisbane, opened in 2004 and situated in what was then known as the AMP Building when General MacArthur's headquarters was located there, has since rectified this situation.]  ... We traveled into several cities in Australia.  We were in Sydney, we were in Melbourne. SZ:  And Brisbane. SDZ:  And Brisbane.  It's interesting.  The Australians were scared to death that the Japanese would actually invade their island, but, after World War II, ... all the monuments that you would see as you traveled around these three major cities were the ANZAC ones, World War I monuments.  Somehow, they wanted to get rid of that memory of American troops housed there, and it was really kind of; we went to Coolangatta, which is a lovely little town on the coast, oh, right ... near the borderline between Queensland and New South Wales, and we inquired, "Where was the Red Cross building?"  They said, "Oh, yes, well, ... the foundation is left there, but the building rotted, and so, we took it down."  ... What else did I forget? SI:  In general, how did the Australians treat you? SDZ:  Oh, very well.  We were very well [treated].  I think some of the parents, as I indicated, were a little worried about the intentions of some of the Americans, but they liked Americans and they were very grateful that we were there, ... but it's something in the psyche about these wars.  ... World War I was their war and, somehow, World War II was thrust upon them, and the Americans, you know, in some ways, were a problem, because they created as much luxury as they could wherever they were.  The Australians were a heartier type.  They were more used to very fundamental kind of living, but, oh, no, they were very nice to us.  I remember, there was a fellow who ran the local five-and-ten cent store downtown, and Calvin would probably remember, we were invited to come spend the day there and they'd lay it on, and they were very, very warm to the Americans.  SI:  Were you given instructions on how to act in Australia, what to do and what not to do? SDZ:  I don't think so.  Incidentally, in Brisbane, we were housed on the edge of the business section, on a hill.  It was called Dreamland or Pleasure Land or something.  SZ:  That was a dance hall. SDZ:  It had been a dance hall and we had rows of mattresses that we lived on in Dreamland; I think it was called Dreamland.  SZ:  Yes. SDZ:  And we inquired about it when we went back. SZ:  It had just been torn down. SDZ:  It had just been torn down.  I liked the Australians.  SZ:  ... After Keesler, you had another assignment. SDZ:  Oh, yes. SI:  I just wanted to ask a few more questions about Australia, and then, we will get back to your return to the States.  SDZ:  Sure. SI:  It sounds like, in a typical day, you would be doing a lot of office work and writing up the press releases and speeches.   SDZ:  Right.  SI:  Would you say it was like a nine-to-five job or was it more than that? SDZ:  Mine was.  You had to do certain elements.  You know, you had to stand roll call in the morning, you had laundry days, and I said, "Well, what do we do?"  The guy said, "Turn your underwear inside out and wear it that way, been laundered down."  [laughter] That was a standing joke there.  SI:  Do you remember if there was a standard pitch in these war bond efforts?  Do any of the campaigns stand out in your mind? SDZ:  I once had a scrapbook of some of the things I did there, but I think it's up in our attic.  I haven't looked at it.  I really don't remember.  We had some administrative chores in connection with that that we did.  Some people got it deducted from their pay.  ... We were encouraging that.  I remember, that was a big thing to promote.  I really don't remember too much of it.  [laughter] SI:  Did you have officers above you? SDZ:  Yes.  I had a warrant officer.  He was from Rochester, New York.  I can't think of his name, very nice guy, very capable guy, and then, above him, ... there was a major.  I can't think of his name anymore either; Gomon, G-O-M-O-N.  That's right.  That's all I really remember. SI:  It does not sound like there was a great deal of oppressive military presence. SDZ:  No, no, oh, no.  We could have been civilians, sure. SI:  What did the average soldier think of MacArthur? SDZ:  A stuffed shirt, pompous, overbearing, but I think, deep down, they had to acknowledge he was a very smart military man.  A lot of my reaction to MacArthur is based on what happened after I'd left there.  I mean, you remember, he had the run-in with Truman and I thought that was really a terrible trespass on the civilian authority over the military.  He could have easily gotten us into a war with China.  He was almost itching for it, and Truman was the Commander-in-Chief, and so, I think a lot of my current feeling is colored by that, rather than when I [was in Australia].  I didn't know MacArthur at all when I was there.  He lived in a hotel, the Lennons Hotel.  It was right near the town hall for Brisbane and the Lennons Hotel had the marble interior.  ... Then, we heard stories that there was some island [Leyte] that we recaptured and they told the troops that were landing there, no, they couldn't go up.  They had to wait until the photographers could get up on land and catch a picture of MacArthur wading through the water before it was official, and I was inclined to believe the story.  Interestingly, when we were at Keesler Field, his former wife was married to the commanding officer there.  ... I don't know, must have been something in the marriage genes, but he was known for riding around in a jeep with his riding crop and pointing, "Speed it up over there.  There's some trash over there," [laughter] not my idea of a military leader, but I'm prejudiced. SI:  Earlier, you explained how you came back home.  I am not sure if we asked this then, but what motivated you to apply for pilot's training? SDZ:  For pilot training?  I guess two things; one was my brother, who was a bombardier/navigator, and second was, I guess, from those childhood days of watching planes landing and taking off at Hadley Field in Stelton.  I really wanted to learn, and I still even talked about it when we lived in Maryland, but, somehow, never quite got to it. SI:  Were you disappointed when they said pilot's training was all full? SDZ:  Yes, yes.  I wanted very much to do it, but it led to a very pleasant experience in California, which I might not have [had otherwise].  You know, the whole business of being in the military, it was my first trip on a ship, it was my first time in an airplane.  I was a country boy.  I didn't know from these things, and the California experience, I'm not sure it would have happened without my military assignment and it was a wonderful time.  We were there more than a year, I think more like a year-and-a-half, ... but it was just so very good.  We worked about five-and-a-half days a week.  SZ:  In those days, I think you worked six days. SDZ:  I think maybe just five. SZ:  No, six. SDZ:  And then, the weekends, we were tourists.  We could go to Lake Arrowhead, ... and you made friends. Somebody had a cabin that they weren't using, you could use it, and, [in] Hollywood, I met Lucille Ball.  She was walking down a street on the opposite side of me and I said, "Hi, Lucille," and she said, "Oh, hi, soldier."  [laughter] People were very friendly and warm, and then, we had, on the base, [to Mrs. Zagoria], I'll bet I know what you're writing, [laughter] Dorothy Lamour was married to our Special Services major.  His name was Major [William Ross] Howard [III].  He was from a lumbering family outside of Baltimore and she was neat.  She had a real personality and a sense of humor and she would show up at some of the functions, and, now, I'll tell you one of my favorite stories about my time in the Army.  We had a major in charge of the outfit I was in, forgotten his name, but he would sit at the pay table.  Once a month, I think, we got paid, and alongside would be a large dinner plate, empty, and you'd come and you'd get your pay and he'd point to the plate.  The plate was for funding extra amenities.  Foods that Uncle Sam didn't provide, they would buy them, and so forth.  ... It was Major Murphy.  He did his job so well that the plate was overflowing by the end of the payroll period, and they had a sergeant, ... a mess sergeant, who was terrific.  He'd put on great food, but he didn't use up all the money, and so, they would declare, "We're going to have family Thanksgiving.  Come, bring your family," and they'd have a turkey dinner, at the end of which they'd give you a box of chocolates to take home.  [laughter] ... We were very impressed and very happy with the thing, but, during our time, somebody kept an eye on this mess sergeant.  He had a pickup truck and he had a general store up the road, and that general store had beef and all other things to sell, some of which had the markings of the US Air Force on it, [laughter] and he eventually was court-martialed.  ... Oh, yes, I was assigned to do public relations when I was at San Bernardino.  I did it awhile, and, in the course of getting my press releases printed in the local paper, they decided to hire me to be their night city editor.  So, I would write my release, and then, go down to the only local paper, make sure it got good coverage and a good spot, good headline, I'd write it.  ... It was owned by a fellow named (Guthrie?), whose son led the Hollywood Bowl Symphony Orchestra, but his father wanted him to do newspapering and he came back and was the publisher of this thing, and I was very close with the editor, Earl Buie, who ran the Orange Show each year, which is a very big thing in San Bernardino.  It's around the orange harvest season.  Sunkist Oranges has its national headquarters right near there, in Redlands, California.  ... So, he offered me a job when I got out of the service, but we decided we had two sets of parents in the East and we were going to have kids, and so, we'd better stay East, but I've always had a yen for California.  ... Many years later, when I was finishing up at the National Labor Relations Board, I was approached by one of these headhunter outfits to apply for a job in San Francisco with the Pacific Maritime Association.  That's the employer group that negotiates with Harry Bridges' Longshoreman's Union, which is not an easy task, and so, I went out, flew out there for an interview, but they had already made a selection, and so, that didn't happen, but that would have been an interesting time.  As it was, I'm sort of jumping ahead, but, when I was with the Conference of Mayors, I was hired by them to administer, I don't know how many millions we had, more than one, from the Ford Foundation to set up a training program for mayors, councilmen, city managers, and then, it turned out to include county officials, state officials, and then, later, school boards of education, superintendents of schools.  The problem was that collective bargaining boomed in those postwar years and the people representing the union side were experienced and trained and they knew how to negotiate.  As somebody, one mayor said it, "They took away city hall," you know, they just negotiated it out, and so, you had to try and take these former real estate men, lawyers, doctors, and reorient them to this other [mindset] and the terrible thing about school negotiations is that ... they usually appoint the superintendent of schools to be [the lead negotiator] and, in a school of education, like Columbia Teacher's College, which is probably the leading teaching school, there's no course in labor relations.  So, on one side of the table, you've got people who know what they're doing, on the other side, you've got people that don't know.  The first thing they know, they're tied up in contracts that really don't pay.  ... San Francisco decided to give us a contract whereby I flew out one weekend every month ... to do a training [session] for their top 150 officials, department heads, etc., tied in with a college that was called ... SZ:  Golden State. SDZ:  Golden Gate, Golden Gate University, which was a downtown, no dormitory college, and they gave them a degree.  So, there was a real incentive for the people to really attend and make their mark and that was great fun. ... I enjoyed San Francisco very much.  Where was I? SI:  We were talking about during the war, when you were originally in California.  SDZ:  Yes. SI:  You got sent out there to do public relations for the Air Force. SDZ:  Right. SI:  What did that entail?  What kinds of things would you be preparing?  SDZ:  Press releases about things going on at the airbase.  That's really about what was entailed.  I guess if somebody needed a proclamation or something, I would write it for them.  I may have helped on some reports.  I did one little thing on the side that was kind of fun.  ... There was a test pilot, Al Fischer, who took planes up and tested out various bits of equipment.  We were the Air Technical Service Command [ATSC] ... at San Bernardino, and so, he would test it, but he wanted to get more publicity for his experiences in aviation and he couldn't write worth a darn, and I enjoyed going up in a plane.  So, we made a deal.  We didn't spell it out, but that's the way it worked, that he would have an idea and I would write it, and then, he would place it some place.  ... Meanwhile, he'd let me go out into the nose of a B-24 while he was flying it, things like that.  It was fun.  SI:  Was that unusual, for a serviceman to go into their Air Force job in the day, then, go to a civilian job at night?  SZ:  Oh, yes.  [laughter] SDZ:  Yes, I think so, but I met two needs.  ... The newspaper needed somebody and manpower was still short then, and the airbase wanted the publicity, and I got both. SI:  Your superiors at the airbase knew you were doing that. SDZ:  Oh, sure.  They encouraged it.  SZ:  They were thrilled.  [laughter] SI:  I do not want to give anything short attention, but we want to get through more material.  SDZ:  Oh, sure. SI:  Is there anything about your time in the service that you think we should go over more or should we talk about your postwar career now? SDZ:  I think, postwar, ... there's a lot of stuff. SI:  In 1945, you were discharged.  SDZ:  Right. SI:  You were part of the discharge staff. SDZ:  Oh, I was a separation counselor for awhile, and that, to me, thinking back on it, is really nutty, where I was responsible, with several others, for advising people about to be separated from the service, but they would come to me with all kinds of very real, basic questions.  "Should I leave my wife?  She was unfaithful."  "Should I change my career?  I think I've taken an interest in this."  "Should I go back to my hometown or should I stay here?" and I was a young, callow youth.  I shouldn't be advising.  I could barely make decisions for my own situation and, also, beneath it was a little note of irritation.  I had more points which entitled me to separate than some of the people I was sitting advising, but, because I was considered an essential classification, I didn't get out for several months beyond the point where I should have been.  So, it wasn't terrible, but I didn't really think I was qualified for that.  SI:  Where did you do the separation counseling? SDZ:  Fort Dix.  Well, I got training at Louisville, Kentucky, I think two weeks, and then, I did it at Fort Dix. SI:  Was there a lot of pressure to get people out as fast as possible? SDZ:  I wouldn't know that I'd say pressure; there was a steady stream of them.  ... There was a guy I worked with there who was a psychology professor. SZ:  Oh, (Kline, Jay Kline?).  SDZ:  Yes, (Jay Kline?), from [the] University of Pennsylvania or Temple.  ... I think University of Pennsylvania. Now, he could give some advice.  He had had much more worldly life experience than I had had, but I didn't feel very qualified with that.  I tried, you know.  I was honest and I'd tell them what I thought.  ... SI:  Did you have to instruct people about the GI Bill, or did you give people a pitch to stay in the Reserves, perhaps?  Was that part of your job? SDZ:  I don't think [so].  I think we probably mentioned the GI Bill, but I was not part of recruiting.  No, it didn't work that way, and I guess that you were right with your question.  I think the momentum was to get them out and I guess we helped fill out forms involved in the discharge process.  So, we had a constructive role, but the idea of being an actual advisor, needed more training than two weeks.  [laughter] SI:  I had read about how Walter Winchell had these campaigns on the radio about this issue, "This base is not letting men out fast enough," really pushing people. SDZ:  Oh, I'm not aware of that.  I don't know about that.  SI:  It was in 1945 that you got your discharge. SDZ:  Yes. SI:  You decided to come to Washington, DC. SDZ:  Yes.  I had a friend, a Rutgers friend, a Targum friend, Al Reitman, who was active in the CIO [Congress of Industrial Organizations] Political Action Committee.  Have you done his [interview]?  SZ:  He died. SI:  Is he Dr. Norman Reitman's brother?  SDZ:  That's right. SZ:  Yes.  He's dead, [Al]. SI:  We interviewed Dr. Reitman. SDZ:  Oh, Dr. Reitman. SZ:  Alan's dead, I think. SI:  I believe so, yes. SDZ:  I think so, yes.  He's the younger brother, but he put me in touch with the National Consumers League. There was a lovely lady, Elizabeth Magee, in Cleveland, Ohio.  She was the executive secretary.  It was a letterhead organization.  They didn't actually physically meet.  Bishop Sheil, the auxiliary bishop of Chicago, Bernard J. Sheil, was the chairman and Elizabeth Magee was the secretary and we had some notables on there. SZ:  Eleanor. SDZ:  Eleanor Roosevelt, and we had Leon Keyserling, who had been Senator [Robert F.] Wagner's administrative assistant, and, later, I think, headed up FHA [Federal Housing Administration], and William Leiserson, who had run the [National] War Labor Board.  [Editor's Note: Leon Keyserling did not head the FHA but did serve in several capacities in the US Housing Authority, the Federal Public Housing Authority and the National Housing Agency from 1937 to 1946.]  There's a lot of people I wish I'd actually got to meet, [laughter] some of which I did.  I met Leon Henderson, I met Keyserling, and I met Mrs. Roosevelt, but the idea was that this committee, which got some support from the unions, who were very eager to increase the minimum wage.  I think, then, the minimum wage was about forty cents, and we were trying to get it up to sixty-five, and I wrote pamphlets and I wrote speeches.  When the legislation was introduced, I wrote the talks that some of the Senators and Representatives made about why they were doing it and, one night, I was there in the Senate and five of my speeches were delivered in the Senate, which was quite a night.  They may have modified it somewhat, [laughter] but it was basically the same thing.  ... It's the National Committee for Fair Minimum Wage.  ... One of the participants in it was the National Consumers League, which has headquarters, now, in Washington, DC.  [To Mrs. Zagoria] Yes, you're right.  What else can I tell you about?  SZ:  How that led to the Post. SI:  Yes. SZ:  It was a temporary job. SDZ:  Oh, so, I did that for a year, but I always had my eye on getting on to the Post.  ... One of my activities that year, yes, one of my side activities, I became active in the American Veterans Committee.  ... Have you heard of this? SI:  A little bit, but please tell me. SDZ:  Chuck Bolte founded it.  He was a guy who lost a leg in the war and he ... became head of the Book Publishers Association.  I don't have the title right, ... and then, he had some very interesting guys with him, Chat Paterson, who became a building developer in the Denver area.  ... Well, at any rate, it was the liberal veterans' group, which believed in political action, not limited to veterans' benefits.  They were broader gauged.  Oh, Franklin Roosevelt, Jr., was very active in it. SZ:  Was the vice-president [of the organization]. SDZ:  ... And Robert Nathan was the chairman of their largest unit, which was Washington, DC.  There were a couple of chapters in Washington, but he was number one and, through his activities, I became the vice chairman of it and we became pretty friendly.  Well, Bob Nathan was friendly with Phil Graham, the publisher of the Post, and, when I told Bob that I was interested in getting on the Post, he said, "Well, let me make a phone call," and just like that, he picked up the phone, he called Phil Graham.  Graham said, "Send him over," and I went over and we chatted and he took me down to the city editor, Ben Gilbert, and they agreed to hire me.  I had to take a pay reduction from my lobbying.  I went from a hundred bucks a week to sixty-five a week, [laughter] but it was worth doing and, nine months later, I managed to get back up to a hundred, I got a raise, and I was at the Post for nine years.  ... First, I was a state editor, I was suburban editor, I was assistant city editor, I was the assignment editor, and then, I covered the District Building, which was probably my longest tenure, which is our city hall in Washington, and that led to my being part of the team that covered the Senate and the House, the Capital Hill group, and I did that for about three years.  ... Then, I got a Nieman Fellowship at Harvard.  That's fifteen, twelve US guys and three from the Commonwealth Nations, come to Harvard, take any courses you like, all prerequisites are waived, not necessarily for a grade, although you could do that, and, meanwhile, there are weekly meetings of the Nieman Fellows.  They were from all over the world, so, you [could] exchange ideas and they'd bring in big-name speakers for formal dinners at the Signet Club. SZ:  Very exciting. SDZ:  And it was ... good living, and I learned a lot from it and made some lifelong friends there.  ... So, I was on the Post until that came up. SI:  That was in 1954. SDZ:  '54, and then, I got a [call].  We were at Thanksgiving dinner with our landlord, who lived in a lovely, old mansion in Newtonville, Massachusetts.  We lived in the butler's house in the back, where we had a little apartment, but they had a swimming pool, they had a motorcycle, a Cadillac and an airplane.  He'd go on a weekend and flip me his keys and say, "Have a good [time]."  They had children the same age as [we did], then, we had two. SZ:  And they had two also. SDZ:  And they had two older ones, one at Radcliffe, one at Harvard, who sort of, you know, since they were parents, they were remote from them.  So, the parents used to ask us things about what's going on at Harvard and we would tell them [about] their kids. SZ:  Also, we took care of the little ones.  ... SDZ:  But, he was a marvelous landlord.  He liked being sort of "team doctor" for the Niemans.  The Niemans would come to our house and we'd have beer and pretzels and sit around and talk, and Dr. Gahm would come in and he'd say, "Oh, come on back to the house," and we'd go up to the house, which had an organ, had a bar, and it had a dispensary, and he would take the whole gang of fifteen, [and ask], "What drugs do you need?"  ... So, he took good [care of us], and then, we'd have a tour of Boston with the ... SZ:  Oh, the Niemans would include him. SDZ:  Yes, and we'd include them.  ... How did I get on this? SI:  You were describing your living situation when you were at Harvard.  SZ:  ... And why we were, yes. SDZ:  Why we were at Harvard. SZ:  And why it ended. SDZ:  Oh, we were having Thanksgiving dinner, in the big house.  [laughter] ... They had a servant with a white jacket. SZ:  "Houseboy, houseboy." SDZ:  Houseboy, yes, and I got a call from; the last big story I did at the Post, before I left on the Nieman, was an unusual filibuster, thirteen days and nights.  It was an issue between TVA [Tennessee Valley Authority], public power, and the private power.  Dixon and Yates were two guys that headed up two private power companies in the South and they wanted to block further expansion of the TVA and there was a group of liberal Senators then, believe it or not, from the South who were backing TVA, and so, I covered that dispute.  The lawyer for the Southern Senators, the advisor, was a fellow named Joe Volpe, a Rutgers graduate, and Joe was a close friend of Clifford Case's, had helped him in his campaign. SZ:  One of his closest. SDZ:  And he'd been general counsel of the Atomic Energy Commission, he'd been a close friend of David Lilienthal, who was the very prominent chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, and Joe called me and he said, "Sam, I'd like for you to consider going to work for Senator Case," who'd just got elected.  I said, "Yes, I read about it."  I was on the air with a radio program, [laughter] with Louis Lyons, and I was predicting he was probably going to lose and he won, which was better, and so, I said, "Joe, you know, I'm on the ladder at the Post and I like it and they like me and I want to be a newspaperman."  So, he said, "Sam, do me a favor; just go down as a courtesy, since I've mentioned your name to him.  Talk to him," and so, I did, but I had been elected chairman of that year's crop of Nieman Fellows and, as chairman, you get the opportunity to introduce the guest speaker.  That night, it was to be [James Barrett] "Scotty" Reston of the New York Times and that was a guy I certainly wanted to introduce.  So, I booked a plane into Newark and a plane out, I think two hours in-between.  I figured, "That's enough for courtesy, and then, I can go back to Boston and meet Scotty Reston," and it didn't turn out that way.  I got to talking to Senator Case, and it was an unusual interview in that present was this young woman sitting there, and the Senator, after he saw I was trying to figure out who this is, he said, "This is Frances Henderson and she has been my assistant at the Fund For the Republic," which was the Ford Foundation group that the Senator headed up after he left the House of Representatives.  Frances Henderson was no small potatoes.  She was a pilot, a motorcycle driver, a Time Magazine writer and researcher.  She had a terrific background. SZ:  And a lawyer. SDZ:  She was a lawyer, I shouldn't, yes, overlook that, ... and so, in effect, she was to pass judgment on me as the administrative assistant.  The Senator was from the old school, that you don't hire a young woman as administrative assistant, not so much that he didn't think women were important, because he did, but because people might talk.  SZ:  And they did. SDZ:  There was one Senator of his party, the Republicans, from New Hampshire, whose administrative assistant was a woman.  That was in the daytime, and he also knew her pretty well in the nighttime, and people buzzed about it, and so, Clifford Case, ... in those ways, he was very circumspect. SZ:  And Frances agreed. SDZ:  And Frances agreed to it.  She became my deputy, but, at any rate, he offered me the job and I said, "I didn't come here thinking to accept it," du-dah, du-dah, du-dah.  ... I had made a commitment, as most Nieman Fellows did, that I would go back to the Post for at least a year after the Nieman, because there'd been a record of a number of Niemans who went to Harvard for that year, and then, just did some job shopping and they didn't go back, or one guy went and wrote a novel, The Big Sky.  Do you know that book? SZ:  Yes, by [A. B.] Guthrie, [Jr.].  ... SDZ:  His name was Guthrie and Harvard didn't like it and his newspaper didn't like it.  So, I flew to Washington, and they were very complimentary, "You're too good a reporter to quit now," and dat-da-dah.  Then, finally, Phil Graham said, "Sam;" he really was one of the guys I really looked up to.  He had taken that paper and, by shrewdly putting it together with the Times Herald, had changed it from about number four to number one, and he really managed it.  They kept the title of the Times Herald, but, every day, it shrunk a little, until, finally, it was theWashington Post, and he started with four pages of comics.  Anybody who read the comics of the Times Heraldcould still read it in the new combined one [paper], but, gradually, over time, the four pages shrunk to two pages, but you have to do that very methodically, so that it works and you don't offend people and lose readers and, therefore, lose advertisers, because you have fewer readers to put into the equation.  SZ:  You were saying about Phil Graham. SDZ:  So, Phil Graham said, "Sam," he says, "I hate to lose you, but I have to admit that even though I'm an active Democrat, I contributed to Clifford Case's campaign, because he's the kind of guy we need in the US Senate."  SZ:  He was a special man. SDZ:  ... Phil had been remarkably nice to me.  I don't know how many of these anecdotes to get into.  When I was a young squirt reporter, barely knew enough to blow my nose, the Post had an annual Christmas party for the employees at the Hotel Statler, big fat food and drink session.  ... We had lost our first baby almost at birth and I volunteered to the editor, I said, "You guys go, have a good time.  I'll man the desk, listen to the police radio, fire radio, dispatcher, photographer, needs be, recruit if you have to, [if] some emergency comes up," but I was just sitting there, reading a newspaper.  ... I felt this arm around my shoulder and I looked up and it was the publisher. ... You're talking about from the fifth floor to the ninth floor, which is the way it is at the Post, and he said, "Kay and I lost our [child].  I know you're feeling blue and down.  Kay and I lost our first one, but you'll go on and you'll have more children.  ... We did."  It was just such a show of kindness and thoughtfulness and I've never forgotten it.  When I was leaving for the Nieman Fellowship, the Nieman program tried to pay each participant roughly the equivalent of what they got from the newspaper, but it's never enough.  Living in Boston, particularly on a short-term basis, can be pretty expensive.  So, as I was leaving, he gave me an envelope with a check in it for five hundred bucks. SZ:  That's a lot of money in those days. SDZ:  And, when I left for Senator Case, there still was some money left, and they gave Henry Shapiro, he'd been the Russian correspondent for United Press, ... but, at any rate, he got the rest of my slot, including the remainder of the five hundred from Phil Graham.  [laughter] So, that covered that.  Now, where's that get us? SI:  To Senator Case's office. SDZ:  Okay.  Well, that was a whole new [arena].  You know, I thought I knew Capitol Hill.  I'd worked around it, but I'd been on the other side of the desk and, now, I had to [learn on-the-job].  Nobody tells you how to recruit and formulate a staff, how to manage it, how to create this correspondence factory, to answer all the letters and all the phone calls, and it was a challenging experience.  SZ:  But, you enjoyed it. SDZ:  I worked hard at it, long hours.  The main thing was that the Senator said, right from the beginning, and he never varied from it, "Sam, it's your staff; you run it."  Every once in awhile, I'd have a problem.  There'd be bickering between [staffers].  There was a black secretary that I hired, first one, and there was one woman that didn't like that, came to me with a report about misconduct, and it was really a bunch of junk, and I had to pat her on the wrist and keep her calm.  The irony was, this white woman later developed cancer and a number of us visited her in the hospital and saw her, but, one day, when we were visiting, she said, "You know, the most faithful person to come visit me regularly, week in and week out, was that black secretary," and she was a good-hearted soul, very decent, but the woman that we had was terrific on handling cases.  We had a staff of about fourteen or fifteen, I think, but we also spliced in various internships.  We had an arrangement with Antioch [University], we had an arrangement with Rutgers, we had an arrangement with Princeton, where we'd get interns, and the Senator really treated interns fully.  He would have them in his office and he'd say, "Well, I have to vote on this," and he'd explain the pros, he had a yellow pad, like good lawyers do, the plusses and the minuses, ... and he'd encourage and really invite them to [contribute].  I remember, we had one guy, he was the son of a fellow who later became Secretary of Commerce, John [T.] Connor.  He'd been the head of ... SZ:  Merck. SDZ:  Merck, and he started telling the Senator, after a question like that, "You ought to do one, two and three." [laughter] The Senator smiled, but he wrote it down.  Some of them, you know, were a little more outgoing than others.  [laughter] He's become a good lawyer, that son.  ... Oh, yes, well, the Senator and I, it really became as close to a father-son relationship as [possible].  He taught me a lot of things.  I remember, for example, one night, we were working late in the Senate.  The Senate was tied up in knots over what I considered a "fly specking" operation by a Senator changing a comma, a period.  Of course, it could be critical, but, in my judgment, which was limited, ... it wasn't, and I said, "How in the world did a guy like that ever get to the Senate?" and the Senator gave me a little pat on the shoulder.  He says, "He managed, no matter ... what his intellectual capabilities are, to attract one vote more than his opponent did."  It was really a lesson that, you know, you can't judge these people by the way they act on the [Senate floor].  They had to have something, they had to have the fire in the belly and the know-how to get elected, to get nominated, and then, to get elected. SZ:  But, he was a very special man. SI:  Yes.  You mentioned in your memoirs that Senator Case was very shy and modest, and that he would give credit to other people.  SDZ:  Yes. SI:  As a human being, that is great, but, from a public relations standpoint, how did that make your job more challenging?  SDZ:  ... Well, to get back to that business of giving credit, he gave me credit for his community college amendment, which I was very proud of, and it's a result of my California experience, where I saw and I fell in love with [the community college system].  The community college is really, you know, if you're trying to get more bang for the buck, no dormitories, and you have a school which fulfills not only a help to get an academic degree, but, also, one that can give you training for certain kinds of fields where you only need two years of college work, and, for our community, in San Bernardino, it was the cultural center.  That's where you had the lecture series, the concert series, the visiting ballet company, and so, at any rate, we encouraged it.  ... I was amazed, when he was talking to a group of constituents, that he said, "Sam wrote this and has pushed me this way and that way," but, you know, as I thought about that, I think that enhanced his status with that group.  They thought, "You know, this is a man.  He's not just one of these publicity, credit-grabbing people."  ... It certainly made me feel good, ... but Senator Case was not driven by ambition.  The Senate was a place that he'd loved and enjoyed and his only real [regret], or my regret about it all, was that the way things shape up in a Senate office, and I'm not writing any books about it, although I think it deserves it, is that the amount of time that a Senator actually has to do his primary work of deciding what legislation to sponsor, what to amend, what to vote for or against, is very limited.  They get closed in by meetings of their own party, by meetings with constituents, particularly special interests of one kind or another, with meeting media requests, television, weekly radio, whatever it is.  All these things eat up in time and, sometimes, he'd say, "Sam, do you mind going to the Legion breakfast?"  There were breakfasts, there were luncheons, there were dinners, there were cocktail parties.  He was the one fellow I know who could go through a cocktail party holding a glass, the same glass at the same level, for an hour, but he had shaken hands with everybody.  Everybody in that room knew he had been there.  That's the point, to register your presence, your interest, but, in terms of hours, [it was demanding].  ... What he would really enjoy, ... he made it plain to me, was getting home to Ruth, where he would make, he liked martinis, but it's not with all the fancy shakers-schmakers.  He had an old quart milk bottle and he poured the gin to a certain [level], the vermouth to a certain level, chill the glasses, and then, pour.  Everything was sort of low key and that was Clifford Case.  His campaign, the year that I was his campaign manager for reelection, [1960], was against Thorn Lord.  ... He once confided in me, or I guess it was really Ruth, his wife, confided in me, that Thorn Lord's family was a wealthy one and had given a suit away to some ... SZ:  No, boxes of clothing. SDZ:  Boxes of clothing. SZ:  To their family. SDZ:  And he was wearing one of the old suits from that, [laughter] but it was a "powder puff" campaign.  Our daughter, the judge, used to ride a horse.  In one wild moment, we bought her a horse, in College Park, Maryland, and Thorn Lord had a daughter who went to a private school in the Washington area.  I've forgotten which one; Madeira.  ... One night, there was supposed to be a debate between Case and Thorn Lord, in some League of Women Voters session, and Thorn motioned me over, in the back of the room.  I thought he was going to talk about the rules of engagement or whatever, and he said, "You've got a daughter [that] rides a horse and I've got a daughter [that rides a horse].  Can't we get the two of them together to go off horseback riding?"  [laughter] One of the newspaper guys saw us huddling and he says, "Sam, what are you up to?" and I didn't tell him, but he was a human being, Thorn Lord. SI:  Why did you call it a "powder puff" campaign? SDZ:  Because they really liked each other and they didn't really lay a heavy glove on each other.  Clifford Case was not a flamethrower by inclination.  ... The only flame throwing he ever did was Joe McCarthy, and, if you remember the history, when Case was first nominated for the Senate as a Republican, by the Republican Party, Joe McCarthy, a Republican sitting Senator, came into New Jersey and campaigned against him.  That's an unheard of trespass on Senatorial courtesy and, of course, ... when he ran the Fund for the Republic, most of the issues they were involved in involved the outgrowth of McCarthyism.  So, one day, after he was elected, Senator Case went before the Senate Government Operations Committee and urged them to reject McCarthy as a member.  It didn't happen.  The Senator didn't have the votes.  It didn't come until much later, but ... [it was] the first time I ever saw him with his fist [clenched].  He really was [repulsed]; it was offensive to him personally. SI:  What was it like to work in the Senate during the McCarthy era?  What was the atmosphere like? SDZ:  Scary.  You know, for me, the McCarthy era started when I was still on the Post, and I remember, Phil Graham called us, the whole news staff, together and he said, "We're in a battle.  McCarthy has called us The Daily Worker for Washington," or the Washington Daily Worker, the Communist paper, "and, if any of you have any things in your background that would make the Post vulnerable, I wish you'd come privately and tell me about it, so [that] we can be prepared," and McCarthy tried some little stunts, but nothing that really stuck at all.  SZ:  The hiding of the pictures.  ... SDZ:  Oh, yes, well, it affected us personally.  We had a William Gropper painting of the Senate.  It really was a characterization of; was it [Theodore G.] Bilbo? SZ:  Yes. SDZ:  Yes, I think it was, Senator Bilbo, who was a prize racist from Mississippi, waving, you know, the bloody rag, and so forth, and Gropper was a left-wing artist, and so, in an abundance of caution, we took that painting and put it in our attic.  [laughter] ... SZ:  That's when we went up to Harvard and we rented our house [out]. SDZ:  Oh, we rented our house out and we were out at Harvard, hopefully for a year.  ... We didn't stay a year, but, one night, we're walking back from the Senate with Senator Joe Clark of Pennsylvania.  He'd been the Mayor of Philadelphia and he came from a blue-blood family.  ... I got involved in Philadelphia; I mediated a public school strike there, with a couple of other guys.  So, Joe Clark said, "Well, come on in, we'll have a quick drink before we go back," and so, Senator Case said, "Okay.  [Do] you want to come?"  I said, "Sure."  I went in and there, over his fireplace, was a big print, the same William Gropper that we had.  [laughter] I figured, if a US Senator can [display it], and, that night, we went up and we brought it down and put it back in our living room, but that's indicative of the kind of ... SZ:  That you should be afraid. SDZ:  There was fear.  SZ:  ... It was terrible, and we had friends who lost their jobs. SDZ:  ... Oh, yes.  One of the best reporters at the Post was Murrey Marder and he covered McCarthy, and, when he would come in to write a news story, sometimes, I would be directed to cover the night session of a McCarthy thing, and then, if something happened, I would make an insert in Murrey's pieces, and I didn't like that duty.  I did it, but I didn't like the guy [Senator McCarthy].  It was a bad, bad time.  It took the Senate a long time to get up on its hind legs and call it [to] an end.  ... A lot of people were slow [to respond]. SI:  I have one more question before we get on to your National Labor Relations Board career.  SDZ:  Sure. SI:  You were also there when the Civil Rights legislation was drafted.  Do you remember anything about that process? SDZ:  Frances Henderson owns a semicolon in the Civil Rights Act [of 1964].  It was a critical point.  That was her baby, not mine.  I didn't have anything, really, to do with it, but she insisted that it added a real effect on the bill.  I can't give you the details, because I don't know them, but the Senator was very strong for Civil Rights.  That was from his guts.  SZ:  And he marched. SDZ:  Yes, we all marched.  I walked with Ruth Case, and I think Cliffy was there then, too. SZ:  ... And the Senator. SDZ:  In the ... Martin Luther King Day [the August 28, 1963, March on Washington] and, "I have a dream," and Senator Case was very close, particularly on that issue, with [Senator] Paul Douglas of Illinois, and that really led to another chapter of my life.  ... Paul Douglas was the number one guy on Civil Rights in the Senate, year after year, and he took a lot of abuse from Southern Senators, but, you know, he'd been in the Marine Corps, he was a tough guy, been a professor at the university; Roosevelt University, was that where Paul Douglas is?  SZ:  It's in Chicago, yes.  [Editor's Note: Senator Douglas was an economics professor at several universities; he is most associated with the University of Chicago.] SDZ:  It was in Chicago, yes, but his administrative assistant, Frank McCulloch, was really responsible for my being on the National Labor Relations Board.  He had a lot to do with it.  He became chairman of it, appointed by Jack Kennedy, and Senator Case was on the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee, and so was Jack Kennedy, and Kennedy developed a labor reform bill that he was promoting.  The Republicans, [which] included Senator [Jacob] Javits, Senator Case, ... they were a little slow about getting onboard and that would be helpful to Kennedy, to have a bi-partisan [support], and I was sort of the bridge guy.  I knew the guys, the staff guys, there and we worked things out, to the point that, when Kennedy was elected President, my name was tossed around as a possible appointment to the National Labor Relations Board, and, for awhile, I thought I had it, actually, but, then, I got a phone call and they told me; oh, it was one of Kennedy's staff, Ralph Dungan, who became the Chancellor of Higher Education here in New Jersey, after Washington.  Ralph was a good friend and he said, "Sam, Kennedy's not going to appoint you.  There ... hasn't been a black man on the NLRB ... SZ:  Never, on any regulatory board. SDZ:  On any regulatory agency, and he's going to appoint someone, a lawyer from the Labor Department," and he did make the appointment, but it was still in the files.  So, when Johnson came in and there was another vacancy, it became ... SZ:  And Dungan was in the White House. SDZ:  And Ralph was still there, and I'm sure he was pushing me, and I think Esther Peterson was then in the White House.  She was an old family friend, so, she was pushing.  So, I got it, and Jack Connor, actually, from Merck, was for me, and, in the end, so was George Meany.  SI:  That was one of my favorite parts of your memoir, reading about how you met the President and all the back-and-forth in how you actually got sworn in.  Could you tell that story for the record? SDZ:  Okay.  ... I was called to the White House and told to come in by one of the rear gates and I met President Johnson and he talked.  It was really a half-hour of him talking and me saying, "Yes, Mr. President, yes," and his favorite story, which later was used in an article in Newsweek, I think ... SZ:  Moyers told it. SDZ:  But, Bill Moyers told it.  He told me, he said, "I want to tell you about so-and-so," some woman's name, and she was ... SZ:  Effie Boon. SDZ:  Effie Boon.  She was in this little Texas town and a bunch of the young lads were hanging out ... in front of a store and there are wooden sidewalks and she tripped on it.  ... She fell and her bloomers were showing and one fellow stepped forward to help her back on her feet, ... and everybody else was laughing.  He said, "But, that's the kind of regulator I want you to be," and so, I remember that story.  The guy after me was one he was nominating for the Federal Power Commission, Carl Bagge, ... and Bagge was a bit of; he was much smarter than I was.  He pulled out pictures of all his children and showed it to President Johnson.  President Johnson reached into his desk and had a gold coin, something special, one for each of the children, and Bagge came out, and we were friends, he'd been on the Hill, too, and told me about it, but, then, later, ... he had to negotiate with [Everett] Dirksen, who was the leader of the Republicans.  ... He, Dirksen, wanted a more conservative person, someone out of the business community, which I was definitely not, ... but, finally, Johnson decided this was going to be it.  I think Senator Case visited him and that was ... SZ:  Or called him on the phone. SDZ:  Or called.  No, I think he went to see him and I think that was the final [straw].  The Senator was in my corner, although he said he [was] sad to lose me and all that.  So, then, what happened? SZ:  Senator [George] McGovern called us that night.  [laughter] SDZ:  Oh, yes.  We went to; our son, the Sandy Spring Friends School was doing Pirates of Penzance and a fellow named Phil Potter, who headed up the Baltimore Sun [Washington DC] bureau, called me aside and he said, "I hear you're making a trip south tomorrow."  I said, "What are you talking about, Phil?  You know, what do you mean?" and he says, "It's okay.  You've got my blessing.  [laughter] ... I told them I approve."  What it was was that I'd been called by the White House and told to be ready to take a flight early in the morning to the ranch, and, at the time, I don't think I knew that there were several other appointees onboard, or that Lady Bird [Johnson owned the plane].  It was Lady Bird's plane we were on, and so, we went down and they put on a lunch for us, and then, announced us, one at a time.  President Johnson gave us a tour of the ranch in his [Lincoln] Continental, and Mrs. Johnson in the second white Continental behind him, and he would radio, "Overlord to Number Two, we're ready to start the tour now."  I knew immediately who was "Overlord," and he gave us a bouncing tour and he pointed out this ... SZ:  Bull. SDZ:  Bull hadn't produced and it cost him fifteen hundred dollars, and that fellow over there was his personal pilot, not the government pilot, who ran a flight from the Austin airport to this little one, right.  What was the name of his town, something, named for the river that ran by?  [I] can't think of it now, [the Pedernales River, near Johnson City], and he's fixing the fence when he's not running, flying the plane.  He works on the farm, and so forth, and then, when we sat down, he said, "We sell what we raise.  What we don't sell, we eat.  Dig in."  Then, he complained there was too much water in the black-eyed peas and Mrs. Johnson said, "Yes, Mr. Johnson." [laughter] He was a very colorful character and I must admit there are people who can be very critical of the President, for particularly his Vietnam War activity, but I knew him when he was Senate Majority Leader and he was terrific.  I'd seen other majority leaders.  He knew how to get things done, and he had the push and, also, I probably have a little better view of Bobby Baker than most people do.  He was his clerk in the Senate.  ... Senator Case might get an invitation to make a speech some place, let's say Chicago, that he'd have to be away a day or two.  ... I would check with the Republican Secretary of the Senate and he would say, "Well, I don't know. There's four bills that may come up," and you don't want your Senator to miss an important vote or to be the critical one-vote margin on a controversial issue and be away, be out of [the Senate], recorded as, "Not present," and then, I'd go to Bobby Baker and he'd say, "Sure, he's okay until Tuesday.  This is going to come up.  It's going to be defeated forty-one to nothing.  [laughter] This one is going this way," and the point to me was that he knew what he was talking about.  ... He wasn't just blowing smoke rings, and Bobby also dispensed things like opening day baseball tickets, trips on somebody's yacht down the Potomac, but it all was part of the softening up process, to get the legislation moved along. SI:  There was a pretty congenial relationship between the parties in the Senate. SDZ:  More than today, I would say.  SZ:  Oh, my. SDZ:  Yes, there was sort of an understanding, as the Senator said to me about when I raised the dumb Senator thing, they're here, I mean, that they've got something to offer and hear them out.  You cast your vote, whatever way you want to go, but pay them the respect that they are a sitting US Senator.  I think that's absolutely right.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  Do you want me to put the recorder on? SDZ:  Yes, okay.  I think, you know, for somebody who listens to somebody else's life, it's important to know that to make friends and the right ones, ones who can really help you along the line you want to go, I was very fortunate to have my time with Senator Case.  No place during that time I was with him, or since that time, when I mention my connection with Senator Case, I'm immediately given a level of respect and credibility that opens the door with anybody, even those who had a different ideology and point of view.  He is a class person and that rubs off on me. The second one was Frank McCulloch.  I knew him as a fellow administrative assistant, he with Paul Douglas, me with Clifford Case.  So, we worked together on things, and then, he helped me get started on the NLRB.  The very first session I went to, where they discussed a decision, I was being quiet and listening and trying to learn how it all works, but, when I finally was interested in a case and thought I had a contribution [to make], I was stumbling in making it clear, in making my case for my position.  ... Frank, in his gentle manner, leaned over and he says, "Sam, let me see if I got this straight; what you're saying is..." and then, he'd paraphrase it in a beautiful, organized way, to the point where I thought, "Oh, he's going to vote with me."  ... It turned out, when he actually voted, he voted the other way, but he thought it was his responsibility to make sure, it was his respect for me as a colleague, [that he would] make sure that everybody understood my point of view, and the funny, strange thing about that, it happened in the Senate Labor Committee, when Clifford Case introduced his community college amendment, more funding for them.  Barry Goldwater was on the committee, and the Senator wasn't quite sure of it and he described it, but, then, Barry Goldwater said, "Now, Cliff, let me see if this is what you mean," and he proceeded to spell it out, and I thought, "Barry Goldwater, voting for an increase in federal aid for education?  Unbelievable."  Well, it was unbelievable.  [laughter] When it came time to vote on reporting out the bill, he voted against it, which was certainly his right, but, again, it's the person, they're a whole person, they're what we call a "mench."  They're not just trying to get a little advantage, a little edge.  They're interested that an idea have its moment to shine and let people appraise it, but to understand it before they do.  Well, let's see, after the NLRB ... SI:  You served on the NLRB for four years. SDZ:  I went to work for the Conference of Mayors and I was there [for] eight years ... and we set up workshops around the country.  I wrote a series of pamphlets.  We organized a newsletter and we organized the National Public Employer Labor Relations Association.  We started with seventeen people at a meeting in New Orleans and, now, that group has twenty-five hundred members all over the country, who now have had some training in labor relations, so that they can get their case fully articulated, in negotiations or in processing grievances, and then, after the Conference of Mayors experience, I was approached by somebody in the Carter Administration about, "Would I be interested in an appointment to the Federal Elections Commission?" and I was mildly interested, but I'm not really so partisan, ... but it was poorly handled, to the point that the Republicans indicated that they hadn't been consulted in the appointment, and so, I withdrew the nomination.  I could see, probably, there's going to be a fight and I'd probably lose it, and, after that, ... and the White House agreed, President Carter's people gave me a list of about five agencies and they said, "Would you consider an appointment to one of these five?" and one of them was the Consumer Product Safety Commission, and Sylvia had already done a lot of work in the consumer program.  I knew a lot of the players in the field, and so, I went there.  It was a seven-year term and the first few years were really very productive and useful, and I tried to develop a better program for recalls than they had and we ran a national conference on recalls that I was the ring leader of.  I forgot to mention it; the NLRB, I was the one who started the twenty-five-millionth voter thing.  I've always thought one of the most useful things the NLRB does is run secret ballot elections, where employees could choose whether or not to have a union and, if a union, which union.  So, we ... figured out who would be the twenty-five and we had a national celebration, meetings, speeches in the Senate, pamphlets.  ... It was quite a to-do, but, to get back to the CPSC, after awhile, really, during the Reagan Administration, it was a five-member commission and Reagan started appointing people, one in particular, that were really anti-regulation.  ... I started getting a weak stomach the days I knew I had to go into a commission [meeting].  At first, my ideas were getting defeated three to two, and then, it became four to one, and just about that time, somebody at the Washington Post said, "We're going to have an opening for an ombudsman." The current one's term, it's a two-year term, was coming to an end, and the next thing I heard was a call from Ben Bradlee, "Come on over and have breakfast."  Ben and I had been young reporters together and he'd gone on to other things, including Newsweek, and I had gone on to other [things], but, so, I did the ombudsman thing and, essentially ... SZ:  Explain what that is. SDZ:  I was interested in dealing with reader complaints, particularly ones about inaccuracy, unfairness or insensitivity, and I got a number of letters, phone calls, and I did a weekly column on this that appeared in the editorial page of the Post, and I did a daily critique that went on the computers of all the news staff.  ... So, that came to an end, and then, we went off to Copenhagen, [Denmark], because I'd received a Fulbright Fellowship, and there I was supposed to do research, but they preferred teaching.  So, I was a teacher and, actually, all along, I've done some [teaching].  I've been an adjunct at the University of Maryland, American University, Florida Atlantic University, and, now, Wake Forest University, more recently.  So, that, we had a wonderful year, well, really, a full semester, in Copenhagen and enjoyed making a lot of new friends, and we've been back there frequently, and then, after that, I wrote a book about; well, I've written two books.  One was, let's see, Public Workers, Public Unions [(Prentice Hall, 1972)], which is really a collection, mine included, of writings by different people, union leaders, employers, [and] so forth, which became the basis for a series of American Assembly Conferences.  That's a Columbia University project, and the other book was The Ombudsman: How Good Governments ... SZ:  Solve. SDZ:  Resolve Complaints [(Seven Locks, 1988)], based on the old Swedish concept of someone appointed by the legislative branch to ... take complaints from citizens and deal with the executive branch, and then, after that, I became an arbitrator and did some labor management disputes, and I still do a few of them. SI:  Again, you have had a very long, distinguished career. SDZ:  Okay. SI:  Unfortunately, we cannot get into all of it in the available time. SZ:  ... You did get to all of it. SI:  Thank you very much.  This has really been a great interview.  SDZ:  Okay.  ... --------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Brian Furgione 3/1/08 Reviewed by Russell Pursell 3/1/08 Reviewed by Daniel Ruggiero 2/4/09 Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 8/10/09 Reviewed by Sandra Stewart Holyoak 8/11/09 Reviewed by Samuel Zagoria 8/13/09

Yoken, Richard

Shaun Illingworth:  This begins an interview with Commander Richard Lewis Yoken, Class of 1941, on July 1,2010, in New Brunswick, New Jersey.  Commander Yoken, thank you very much for being here today.  Also, thank you to your son for bringing you in. Richard Lewis Yoken:  It's my pleasure. SI:  To begin, could you tell me where and when you were born? RY:  I was born in 1920 in Bridgeport, Connecticut, June 14th, Flag Day.  That's why they put the flags out.  SI:  Yes.  My grandfather was born on Flag Day, too.  He says the same thing.  [laughter] Happy birthday--your birthday just passed.  RY:  Thanks. SI:  Can you tell me your parents' names? RY:  Yes, my father's name was Harry, first name, Euruchem was his middle name, which is a Hebrew name, E-U-R-U-C-H-E-M, Yoken, and my mother's maiden name was Harriet Ann Chavenson, C-H-A-V-E-N-S-O-N. SI:  Beginning with your father, can you tell me a little bit about his family background, such as if there was any kind of immigration history there? RY:  Well, my father was born in the United States, ... at 1898, and his schooling was basically grammar school and junior high school.  ... The rest of the time, he was self-educated, until he got to be about forty years old, forty-two years old, when he decided to go to law school.  ... He spent one year at a YMCA night law school, and then, transferred to the University of Indiana, where he got a law degree, but he never practiced law.  He was basically in the food business.  He was in the grocery business, and then, he had a large restaurant in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where he'd moved to, and a wholesale grocery and food store there.  ... David Yoken:  He was one of the first to introduce Birds Eye frozen food, was he not? RY:  Yes, he was one of the first.  ... What was the name of the frozen food? DY:  Birds Eye? RY:  Yes, Birds Eye.  He was one of the first merchants in New England to bring in the ... frozen food line. SI:  It is very interesting that he went back to school at age forty-two, as you said.  RY:  Yes. SI:  That was while you were alive. RY:  Yes, but he wasn't living at home at the time.  He and my mother ... had separated and become divorced. SI:  Do you know anything about his family background in terms of where the family came from? RY:  Yes, they came from--his father, my grandfather, my paternal grandfather, that is--came from Russia.  They were Russian immigrants, at about 1872, and settled [First settled in New York City, then moved to Fall River, Massachusetts].  Actually, my maternal grandfather came over at the same time.  He'd married my grandmother, whom he married in Russia.  ... My maternal grandfather was an interesting guy.  He actually, in his youth, was in the tobacco business.  He was a tobacco merchant and he was fortunate enough to have made contact to be the tobacconeer for the Royal Russian Army headquarters in Moscow, because Jews were not allowed to live in Moscow, but he was able to do that.  [Editor's Note: From the reign of Catherine the Great through the Russian Revolution of 1917, Jews in Czarist Russia were forced to live within a Pale of Settlement, the westernmost portion of the Empire, unless they received special permission to settle elsewhere.]  The colonel in charge of that barracks in Moscow--and the term for the colonel was polkovnik, is the Russian name for the colonel--had a daughter that he was trying to get together--he had a single daughter--with my grandfather, who was also single at the time.  He was maybe twenty-two years old, twenty-three.  She died.  ... His daughter died in childbirth.  So, the Polkovniksaid to him, one day, "I've no use for you.  I have no more daughters.  You're useless around here.  So, you'd better get back to your shtetl," which is about a hundred miles north [northwest?] of Moscow, and he went back, where he met my grandmother.  Now, they're interesting, because he was a very bright guy, very handsome, but he was only about five-foot-six.  My grandmother was about five-foot-ten and she weighed about 280 pounds.  She was a huge woman.  You would not have thought ... that they would get together, but they did, and then, he decided to come to the United States, because he had no prospects in where he was living.  ... He left his wife, my grandmother, who was pregnant at the time, with two children.  He left her in Moscow, or, actually, in the settlement where they had to move to, came to the United States, to New York City, and because of his background in [the] tobacco industry, ... he started a tobacco business.  He came to the United States ... with the equivalent of about thirty-five thousand dollars, which would be equivalent to about four hundred thousand dollars in today's money.  So, he was pretty well-to-do, and he was lonesome, I guess, and decided that he ought to bring his wife and his two oldest children to the United States.  There was one problem with that.  She came from a big family.  She had six brothers and four sisters, and she, being twice his size, ... probably said to him, "I'm coming, but you're bringing my family with me."  That, I don't think, made him too happy, but he knew better, that he'd better say, "Yes, okay."  So, they came over and they all came to New York City.  At that point, he realized that, although he was pretty educated; he spoke Russian, of course.  He spoke Yiddish, which was his native language. ... He'd gone through Sweden.  He spoke a little Scandinavian, a little German, ... and the Polish.  He spoke about five different languages, all of them quite fluently, and he brought ... the brothers and sisters over.  My grandmother had four sisters and six brothers.  So, he brought them all over, not too happily, but he brought them over.  He'd better, because, being twice his size, he knew better than to say no, and they lived in New York City for about six months.  ... He had what was known in those days as landsman--people from the same area living in New York that he knew from the old country.  ... He said, "[With] the competition and the fact that I don't know the language, English, particularly well, I don't really want to stay in New York City."  ... They said to him, "Why don't you come to Fall River, Massachusetts, where there are some people from your area that you'll feel more comfortable with? and it's a relatively small city of about 120,000 people and you'll be able to do better there."  That's how he got to Fall River.  Now, ... do you want to go beyond that? SI:  It sounds like these grandparents were alive when you were growing up, that you were able to hear this firsthand. RY:  Yes, yes.  Both my grandparents, maternal ... and paternal grandparents, were alive. SI:  Growing up in that area, with grandparents who had emigrated from Russia, were any "Old World" customs carried on in your family? RY:  Oh, yes.  ... My maternal grandfather was quite religious and very conservative.  As a matter-of-fact, he's so conservative that, in 1918, when the First World War broke out, he was made chairman of the draft board in Fall River, Massachusetts, which, for an immigrant, was quite an accomplishment, because English was one of the languages that he commanded, but not particularly well.  He chopped it up, but, fortunately, in Fall River, there were a lot of Polish and a lot of Irish, and so forth, who didn't speak English any better than he did, so that ... they looked up to him.  Then, he ... was well-to-do and became a member of the board of directors of the big local bank in Fall River.  Now, that was my maternal grandfather.  My paternal grandfather, actually, ... believe it or not, was a nephew of my maternal grandmother.  Families were very close in those days and my mother and father, ... who were both born in the United States, ... became married, so, they married ... first cousins.  First cousins were married. SI:  Are you aware if there were any changes to your family name upon coming to this country? RY:  Only the pronunciation of it.  ... My mother's maternal name was, in English, ... Chavenson, C-H-A-V-E-N-S-O-N, was pronounced "CHA-venson," [with the "CH" pronounced like the Hebrew letter chet].  So, nobody could pronounce [that].  None of the English-speaking people in Massachusetts could really pronounce that.  So, it was changed to Chavenson, and [the] Yoken name was originally Yochen, the same "CH," and that was changed, too.  The "CH" was made to a "K," instead, so, it's Y-O-K-E-N.  SI:  Your family was pretty well established in Fall River. RY:  In Fall River, yes. SI:  Can you tell me about your early years, traveling around?  For example, how long was your family in Bridgeport when you were born? RY:  Oh, they'd been in Bridgeport maybe about fifteen or twenty years, was ... one of my mother's sisters.  My mother's family had six girls and one son, the Chavenson side of the family, and the daughter that lived in Bridgeport, married a Bridgeport man, was my mother's favorite sister.  They were the closest, and I was born in Bridgeport only because--my mother and father lived in Brooklyn, New York when they first got married--my mother decided that she wanted to visit ... her sister in Bridgeport one weekend, took the train down, pregnant with me.  ... I guess I got shaken out in Bridgeport.  So, I'm really a "Connecticut Yankee." DY:  ... She took the train from Fall River to Bridgeport? RY:  No.  She took the train from Providence.  ... SI:  Can you share with me some of your earliest memories of where you grew up, the neighborhood you grew up in? RY:  Well, I grew up, actually, I went to elementary school, in the south end of Fall River, which was called the Maplewood Section of Fall River.  It was a working man's area, because my paternal grandfather, Abram?) Yoken, who was ... a brother of my maternal grandmother, had a large grocery store that he owned and worked in.  So, we lived in that area of Fall River for about three years, and then, we got, quote, "high-browed" and moved up to the Highland Section of Fall River, where the very fancy, WASP-y [White Anglo-Saxon Protestants] people, who owned the mills, the cotton mills, ... lived in the big houses.  ... We moved up to that section, where my father opened up a very large, fancy grocery store.  This is before ... they were separated and before he went to law school and stuff like that.  ... So, I went to elementary school at a school called the Highland School, which is right across the street from where we lived in Fall River.  ... DY:  You remembered even your kindergarten school last night.  ... RY:  Oh, yes, was in kindergarten school ... at a school called Susan B. Wilcox in Fall River.  ... SI:  Was that in the Highland Section? RY:  No, ... actually, that was in the center of town, but I went to elementary school at the Highland School, which was right across the street from [where] we lived in the Highland Section.  ... Then, I went from there to Madison, James Madison Morton Junior High School in Fall River, and, after that, I went to Bradford Matthew Chaloner Durfee High School in Fall River.  At that time, it was the only high school in Fall River.  It was an interesting school, because Fall River had a very large French-Canadian, Irish, Portuguese population, so that it was quite integrated, which in most of the New England-type schools were not.  I had very close Portuguese friends and Irish friends and French-Canadian friends. SI:  In either the working-class neighborhood or the Highlands, how much free exchange was there between the Jewish community, the Irish community and other groups? RY:  ... Well, in the middle areas, there was a lot of intercommunication.  In the Highlands, not very much, because the very fancy, WASP-y Protestant people, ... they were socially a step above and they tended to stay by themselves, but, then, by the time I was maybe twelve or fourteen years old, there was an influx of well-to-do, what we used to call "Lace Curtain Irish" that moved in.  So, it became much more integrated at that point. SI:  Would you say that your family was accepted into this new community, the WASP-ier community? RY:  Yes, they were accepted, but they had to know their place, but they were accepted, because my father, ... he had great education himself, so that he was on their level, educationally speaking, and being the proprietor of the fanciest grocery store ... in Fall River gave him a certain prestige, and he was the kind of a guy that he had the stature that he could walk into a room and take it over.  He spoke beautifully and he wrote absolutely beautiful letters, with the old Spencer-type penmanship.  So, we had no problems along those lines. SI:  It is interesting that you said they were accepted, but they knew their place.  Could you give an example of that? RY:  Well, when I say we knew our place, ... you didn't get involved with them socially, because they had their own clubs.  They had what was known as the Quequechan Club and the Fall River Country Club, which I think the Fall River Country Club had one Jewish member and he was a very prominent architect, and that's all.  The Quequechan Club didn't have any Jewish members.  It was strictly Protestant-oriented.  The Protestant area in Fall River was quite isolated and insulated, and they didn't have much to do with the Catholics as well as the Jews. Each of them had their own particular areas. SI:  You said your maternal grandfather was very religious. RY:  Yes. SI:  What about in your own family?  Was religion very important? RY:  Well, peripherally, we were, but ... we were what was known as Conservative Jews.  We were not Orthodox, and my ... maternal grandfather had a problem with that, because, when he used to come to visit, he would not eat in our house, because we didn't keep a kosher house. DY:  And what about your bar mitzvah?  ... RY:  Oh, yes.  I had a bar mitzvah in which he would not attend, because it was in a very fancy Conservative synagogue.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] RY:  It was a very fancy Conservative temple.  It was called a temple.  He would not, my ... maternal grandfather, ... come to that.  It was like walking into a church, as far as he was concerned. SI:  What was the name of the temple? RY:  Temple Beth-El. DY:  You had to actually do a whole service for his Orthodox congregation, correct? RY:  Yes--not my bar mitzvah, but the regular service was, yes. SI:  Was going to temple important when you were growing up?  Did you go there every Friday? RY:  Truthfully, not.  It was only important from a social point of view, but, religiously, it was an effort, you know. ... When I was bar mitzvah-ed, I had to learn about twice as much as most young men do at that age, because my maternal grandfather was going to be there, ... and then, as a matter-of-fact, I had two bar mitzvahs.  I had a bar mitzvah at that one and my paternal grandfather was the president of a very rigid, old Jewish synagogue at the other end of town in Fall River, about four miles distance.  ... The Saturday morning, I had to go through another routine for that service and I had to walk to that.  He wouldn't allow me to drive a car to that.  ... When I tell people that, sometimes, they look with astonishment, "You had two of those?  One is bad enough, but you had two of them," [laughter] but it pleased him.  ... I remember that, ... when I got up on the platform to do my thing, he was very pleased with that, ... being president of this Orthodox synagogue, that his grandson was able to do the job, which made him proud, but he was quite anxious that I continue.  So, to please him, for a year after I [was] bar mitzvah-ed, I kept taking Hebrew lessons and that sort of stuff, until, finally, it got to a point where I wanted to play football and I wanted to play baseball and, ... Saturday mornings, I had to be down there.  So, we finally gave that up and I guess, after a while, having been in the country, at that point, for about thirty-five, forty years, he realized that there was no point trying to push me into something that I would not have been happy with. DY:  What about the baseball story?  That's a great story.  RY:  Yes, I have a great story.  When I used to come to visit him, he lived in the other end of town from where I did and I had to take a streetcar to the center of town, which was about a seven or eight-minute streetcar ride, and then, I had to walk though a very big park, local city park, to where his house was.  ... He had a big house ... in the east end of Fall River.  ... I [went] to visit him and, as I used to go through that park, the kids were always playing, a bunch of guys, playing baseball.  They got to know me after a while, because I would visit him about every other week, maybe, and they would look to me and they'd say, "Hey, Yoki, come over here.  We need a first baseman," or, "We need an outfielder," and I would go and play.  My grandfather was blind in one eye.  He was basically totally blind.  He had a glass eye, that if you didn't please him, he would be apt to take it off, to scare you, to ... put you in line.  ... I would walk up to his house to see him and, ... by that time, I'd come in, I'd be sweaty and dirty, you know.  ... He'd put his arm around me and he'd say to me, in Yiddish, "(Dus svitz?)," which means, "You're sweaty," and I'd say, "Yes," and he'd say to me, "How come?"  "(Varum?)?"  "Why?" and I'd say, "I was walking through the park and I was playing baseball."  "Baseball?  What is that?"  So, I explained to him that you took up a stick and that you hit a ball, and it just didn't make any sense to him.  He said to me, "You do what?" [laughter] and I explained it again to him and he said to me, he said, "That's kind of stupid."  He said, "Why would you do that?" He says "(Yas spoila?)?"  "You should learn how to be in business," because he was a very successful businessman.  ... He said, "Beside that, Jewish boys shouldn't be playing that kind of a game, because that's a game and life is more than a game."  So, I'd say it was about 1936.  Hank Greenberg played for the Detroit Tigers, was an All-American, an All-Star, and, that year, he signed a contract for seventy-five thousand dollars, a six-year contract for seventy-five thousand dollars per year.  ... I said to him, "Let me tell you something."  I said, "There was a ... professional baseball player who does what I play at, but he does it professionally, who just signed a three-year contract," for three years, "to play this game for seventy-five thousand dollars a year," which, in that time, was a lot of money.  ... He said to me, "Seventy-five thousand dollars?"  He's speaking to me in Yiddish, which I could understand, and I say, "Yes," and he'd say to me, "Who?" and I'd say, "Hank Greenberg."  He says, "Who?" and I realized the word "Hank" didn't mean anything to him.  So, I said, "His name actually is Herschel Greenberg."  That, he understood.  He says to me, "A Jewish boy?"  I said, "Yes, a Jewish boy."  He says, "How much again?" and I told him.  He says, "Eighty-five thousand dollars a year, for three years?"  I said, "Yes, and you know what?"  I said, "He only plays baseball three months a year.  The rest of the year, he can do whatever he wants to do."  Well, that really freaked him out.  He said to me, "How good are you at the game?"  I said, "Not very good."  He says, "Go back to the park and learn how to play it properly."  [laughter] [Editor's Note: Hall of Fame baseball player Henry Benjamin "Hank" Greenberg played for the Detroit Tigers from 1930 to 1946 (excluding his service in World War II), then, the Pittsburg Pirates in 1947.]  He was a very practical guy, but I loved him.  ... Being blind, I used to visit him fairly often and I used to pick up the mail for him when it came to his house.  ... He'd sit down at a table and he'd say to me, "How would you like to open it up and read it for me?" because he couldn't really see it, and I'd read it for him and they were all business related.  If he'd get dividends, I'd tell him, "There's a dividend here from American T&T."  He owned a lot of stock, and he'd say, "How much is it?" and I'd tell him and he'd say to me, "How many shares does that represent?" ... the number of shares.  I'd say to him, "Give me a paper and pencil and I'll tell you."  He said, "I don't need it.  I'll tell you what it is."  He was very sharp.  He could pick that up right away, and I used to do that for him and he was a very great guy.  ... Then, if I didn't behave, if he didn't feel that I behaved properly, he would go into his bedroom and take out a huge, like you'd find in a library, a huge book, with pages in it, and he'd say, "In that page, for every one of my grandchildren," he had about five grandchildren, "there's a name and your name is on one of those.  ... When you do something bad, I mark it in there."  Well, ... I opened it up.  There was no pages in it, you know, but that was his idea of telling me, "You'd better stay on the straight and narrow path." SI:  Growing up in this area in the 1920s and 1930s, what kind of things would you do for personal entertainment? Were you involved in pick-up games, sports or clubs? RY:  ... There was a lot of sports activity.  I played football ... in high school and I was, in junior high school, ... in the dramatic society.  I did a little acting and there was a lot of social [activity] going on with the kids.  There were dances, but that was basically it.  There was nothing really structured. SI:  There were no Boy Scouts or Sea Scouts. RY:  Well, I was in the Boy Scouts, but only for a while, which is rather surprising, since I wound up in the Navy to begin with.  [laughter] SI:  Can you tell me a little bit more about your early schooling, such as what you thought of the teachers or if any of the material really spoke to you? RY:  ... In grammar school, from first grade on, which was right across the street from where we lived, was the Highland School.  ... In those days, you had one teacher, basically, for all of the grades.  ... I had a teacher, I can't remember her name now, but she was very good and she led me to my interest in the Civil War.  I collect Civil War books and I've done a lot of research in Civil War history, and, through her, because we studied Pickett's Charge [in the Battle of Gettysburg] one day, which really wetted my appetite, ... that kept me interested.  In high school, I had a Latin teacher whose name was ... Miss Langford and she was very good, too, also, and, if you played, if you were on any of the school sports, you were sure to get at least a "C."  Even if you didn't do anything, you'd get a "C," really.  She used to be at every game.  ... The class had a lot of kids in it who were like myself. They weren't really interested in Latin, but she kept you interested, because you knew that if you didn't show up that she wouldn't show up to your games.  So, you always made it your business to show up, and then, ... those are my [pre]-undergraduate days.  Now, do you want to go to college? SI:  I would like to stick with your time in Fall River a little bit longer.  RY:  Okay. SI:  When you were about ten, the Depression really started setting in.  How did that impact your family or the area? RY:  Not terribly bad, because, being in the grocery business, there was always food available.  ... The business, being in the section of Fall River where the mills were, the mill owners, even though the mills were no good at that point, they had, over the years, collected a lot of money, because they were all Yankee families.  All these people that lived up in the Highlands, that owned the mills, were families that came from over in the Mayflower era.  So, they were really right-wing Republican families.  So, we didn't have any, really, hardships.  We didn't have money to go out and throw it away, but we had never had any problems of not having anything to eat or enough money to have a little recreation.  SI:  Were you able to see the impact on other areas of Fall River, like the more working-class areas? RY:  You could see that, but we didn't get really into that.  I only became involved with that when I was in junior high school and high school, because ... all the kids that were in there were--a good many of them--from those areas and ... you knew that they found hardships.  One of the interesting young men in my high school class, as a matter-of-fact, he was selected to be "most likely to succeed," wound up being a cardinal.  His name was Cardinal Humberto Medeiros and he came over from the Azores when he was probably about sixteen years old.  He couldn't speak a word of English, went to work as a sweeper in one of the cotton mills and, eventually, learned the language and he became, as I say, ... a cardinal.  [Editor's Note: Cardinal Humberto Sousa Medeiros was the Archbishop of Boston from 1970 until his death in 1983.  He was made a Cardinal in 1973.] SI:  Was he the one who succeeded Cardinal Cushing? RY:  Pardon? SI:  Was he the one who succeeded Cardinal Cushing, the famous cardinal in Boston? RY:  Yes, he succeeded Cardinal Cushing, because, when Cushing passed away, Medeiros was the next one that came in.  [Editor's Note: Cardinal Richard James Cushing was Archbishop of Boston from 1944 until his death in 1970.  He became a Cardinal in 1958.  Cardinal Cushing was succeeded in 1970 by Cardinal Medeiros.] SI:  Going back to the issue of all these different groups getting together and getting along, do you think you ever faced any anti-Semitism in this area? RY:  No, no, none whatsoever in Fall River.  I'm trying to think of [anything]--maybe once, a very slight one.  My mother decided I'd better learn dancing lessons, social dancing lessons, and took me to a school that had about twenty-five or thirty kids in it.  She got the name from one of the customers of the grocery store who was a very fancy WASP lady, who said to her, when she'd mentioned [it] to her, "I'll give you the name.  You go to this school and you take Richard down there.  ... She'll teach him social dancing," and I remember, maybe I was ten or twelve years old at the time and I went to this school.  ... I remember, the teacher kind of looked askance at me and said to me--I had knickers, I think I was wearing knickers at the time--she says, "Is that the only suit that you have to wear to this school?" and that really kind of bothered me.  So, that was the end of that dancing school.  I didn't go to there anymore.  So, that's basically the only time that I saw that. SI:  Did your mother ever have to work outside of the home? RY:  My mother ... helped my father in the grocery store.  She basically ran it, and then, when they got divorced and he left--he left, moved to Indiana--she ran the store herself.  She was basically a business lady and she tells me that, when she was younger, that she used to work in my grandfather's grain place.  He sold grain and flour to the Portuguese and French-Canadian bakers in Fall River, had a big business with it, and she spoke Portuguese like a native and she spoke some French.  So, she was basically ... trilingual, you might say.  ... My father spoke French very much like a native. SI:  Did you pick up a lot of these languages as you were growing up? RY:  Not really.  I would say I didn't pick up a language until I got to college.  I studied German in college, ... not very successfully, but I also was able to communicate pretty well in French.  French, I was able to speak pretty well. SI:  I remember reading, in the war diary, that you spoke French fairly well.  RY:  Yes. SI:  I wondered if that started that early.  As you were getting older, in your teen years, were you keeping up with the news of what was happening around the world in the 1930s, such as Hitler's rise to power or what was happening in Asia? RY:  Well, my family was quite interested.  We had several newspapers delivered regularly and my father, with his background, was very much interested in what was going on in the world.  So, I was quite sensitive to what was going on and I knew that, in Germany, we were ... getting to have problems and those kind of things--not actively, not until I got into the service. SI:  Did you still have family living in Europe? RY:  No, no family, not that I'm aware of. SI:  Everyone had come to this country. RY:  Yes, I think they all came to this country. SI:  How did your family feel in general about what was happening overseas?  Were they pro-interventionist or did they not really have any feelings about what America should do? RY:  Yes, ... of course, when the Nazis came into power, they were, of course, very much concerned with that and they were very pro-Allies, that sort of stuff. SI:  I wondered if that put them in conflict with this very Republican area they were living in. RY:  Well, the Republican area was only in certain parts.  The Fall River area and New Bedford area and the Cape [Cape Cod], those areas ... were not basically Republican, because they were working people.  They were mostly Democratic.  So, although there were the big mill owners [who] were Republicans, because of the money that was involved, and my grandfather himself was a staunch Republican, my maternal grandfather, but the people that had the money, they were not very conveniently interested in what the other people had.  ... You've got to remember, most of them came from Europe, where their conditions, when they came to the United States, they were changed 180 degrees, because most of them didn't come out with a great deal of money or a great deal of education. SI:  How did you and your family view Franklin Roosevelt and his New Deal programs? RY:  They were very pro-Roosevelt.  ... I would say one out of every eighth one of those houses would have a picture of Franklin Roosevelt on the wall--very, very pro. SI:  When you were a teenager, in junior high and high school, did you have to work in the store?  RY:  Well, I used to help in it.  I didn't have to work.  I mean, it wasn't necessary, but my father felt that it was important to learn how to handle money.  One of the things he used to do, we belonged to a small yacht club that was about fifteen miles outside of town in a place called Tiverton, Rhode Island, was on the Tiverton River.  ... They had little sailboats and, in the summer, I would take a bus and go there, because we were a member of it, ... to learn how to sail, but the fact was that my father felt that he just would not hand me the money to go on the bus and the money to get a drink or something at the yacht club.  So, what he did is, he went out and he bought me a cart that you would pull, and he said, "This cart cost me ten dollars.  You're in to me for ten dollars for this cart, but you'll be able to pay it [off].  ... You come down," it was during the summertime, "I want you here Fridays and Saturdays, at seven o'clock in the morning, and I will give you ice and I will give you fruit and vegetables and you can peddle it.  ... This is the cost of each one of these items.  You can get for it whatever you feel that you can get and, when you bring it back, whatever is able to be used, you'll be credited for.  If it's not able to be used or if it's [not] been sold, it'll cost you whatever was the original cost of it.  ... Whatever money you make is the money that you will use to take the bus to the center of town, and then, take the bus out to the club," and that's what I had to do.  SI:  How did that go?  Were you able to sell all of your fruit? RY:  Well, it was okay.  You know, I mean, I knew that I had to get off my can and I had to get up in the morning and do that or I wasn't going to be able to get to the yacht club.  Otherwise, there was no other way.  I had no other money than ... what he was [offering].  I didn't get an allowance, because ... what I had to do around the house, I was expected to do.  SI:  Sticking with the yacht club, did you race or did you sail for pleasure? RY:  I was a crew.  I was one of the crew.  It was a small boat.  It had the skipper and one person, and I used to be the one person.  SI:  Was that your first taste of sailor's life? RY:  Yes, you might say so, yes.  [laughter]  SI:  You mentioned that you did not have much opportunity to travel, but were you able to travel at all? RY:  Yes.  When I was in my senior year in high school, in junior high school, my mother and an aunt and I went to Europe.  We went to France, England, Germany, Belgium, for ... about twelve to fourteen weeks.  ... One of my biggest impressions was seeing the Lion of Lucerne, that was [carved] into the wall--it's quite a famous thing--in Switzerland.  That was an experience. SI:  This was in 1937. RY:  No, it was in '34. SI:  What was being in Germany then like?  Where did you go in Germany? RY:  Well, we went to the big city.  We went to Cologne.  It was just before that.  ... I was fourteen--it was in '34.  SI:  Okay. RY:  ... Went to Cologne and we were in Berlin.  ... If there was something, I certainly was not aware of it. SI:  However, you still saw all the signs of Nazism, the banners. RY:  There were no signs.  There were no visible signs in '34.  I think he [Adolf Hitler] was just about coming into power at that time. SI:  Did you feel anxious at all, being Jewish and being in Nazi Germany? RY:  No, not in Germany, because, in Germany and Belgium, my mother had relatives who ... lived in Belgium.  So, you didn't get that.  They were well-to-do people who made curtains, linen curtains.  They were very prosperous people.  So, we didn't get involved in the lower elements of the population. SI:  Do any memories stand out about that trip? RY:  It's somewhat vague, because, you know, when you're twelve, thirteen years old, ... as I say, the Lion of Lucerne made great interest in me.  Many years later, my wife and I were ... in Switzerland and ... that was one of the places I wanted to see again.  [Editor's Note: Adolf Hitler came to power as Chancellor of Germany in January 1933 and was not declared Fuhrer until after German President Paul von Hindenburg's death in August 1934. Commander Yoken, who would have turned twelve in June of 1932, may have visited Germany prior to the Nazi takeover or just as the Nazis were consolidating their control over Germany.] SI:  Can you tell me a little bit more about your high school years? DY:  ... What about Blitzy?  That's a nice story. RY:  [laughter] Well, I had a dog whose name was Blitzy.  She was a German shepherd mongrel, great animal, and, when I used to go to high school, which was about three-quarters of a mile away, I used to walk to high school.  ... She would come with me in the morning and she would sit on the sidewalk outside of the high school and watch me go through the doors to go to school.  ... Then, I understand, she would turn around and walk back the three-quarters of a mile to the house, and my mother tells me that--I finished high school at about ten minutes to two--my mother said, at one o'clock, she'd be looking for Blitzy.  Blitzy wasn't there.  When I'd come out, at two o'clock, Blitzy was at that same spot, waiting for me, ... an amazing animal.  ... As a matter-of-fact, when I went overseas--the dog used to sleep in my room, at the end of my bed.  ... My mother tells me that when I left and went overseas and didn't come back to the States for two-and-a-half years, that that dog never went back into that room again, until about a week before I returned.  ... She [his mother] didn't know I was coming back, because I didn't tell them.  My orders had been canceled once to come back and I didn't want to tell her when I [got orders] the second time, but she said that when I finally did get back, about a week before, the dog went back into the room again and jumped up on the bed.  SI:  That is pretty amazing. RY:  Yes, it is an amazing story. SI:  In high school, did you always have the idea in mind that you were going to go on to college? RY:  Yes, that was a given, yes.  As a matter-of-fact, having only been fifteen miles from Brown, ... and [having] an uncle of mine who had gone to Brown, that was the fact, that they supposed ... that's where I'd be going, but ... I wasn't interested.  I wanted to go away, get out of Fall River, and are you interested to know how I got to Rutgers? SI:  Absolutely, yes. RY:  Okay.  One of my mother's closest friends had a son whose name was Ray Laurans.  Now, Ray Laurans was an alumnus of Rutgers, I would say, probably, Class of, about, '35, [Class of 1936].  He was a very good baseball player and his family, his mother's family, actually, originally, came from New Brunswick.  That's how he got to Rutgers.  So, he came to visit one day and, knowing that I wasn't interested in going to Brown--I was interested in going to Yale, because my cousin in Bridgeport was a Yale graduate.  The problem with that was that I had to take entrance exams and B. M. C. Durfee High School only had a limited college preparatory group.  Most of the kids went to work in the mills, those kind of things, so that I had to take college entrance exams.  ... I did very well in them, except German, which was a language I studied here that I was not very good at.  ... Yale got my request.  ... You had to show a foreign language for one of the requisites, and I got an answer back from them.  They're saying, "You've done very well in your history and in your physics and in your English, but not at all in your German.  What we'll do is, we'll put you on the waiting list and, if, by the end of August, you take those exams again and pass them, we'll enter you."  So, I went to my mother and I showed it to her and she said, "Well, we'll get you a tutor," and I said, "Ma, don't do it, because you'll be throwing money away, because I'm not going to do any better with German than what I've been doing right now."  So, that's why I never wound up at Yale.  ... An interesting story about that, if I may continue, was, some years later, about my second year down in town here, I was homesick.  I used to leave Mine Street, when I had the time, walk up to the railroad station, sit at the railroad station and watch the trains that went from Washington to Boston pass by, because I was sixteen years old and I'd never been out of Fall River, except with my mother on that trip to Europe.  ... One day, I got on and I wrote a letter to the dean of admissions at Brown and I explained my situation.  ... I said, "I'd like to transfer to Brown."  ... He wanted to know where I'd been, where I'm transferring from, and I told him.  ... He said, "I'm going to tell you something.  I'm not going to do that right now for you, because, number one, you're at the third-oldest [eighth-oldest] colonial college in the country, a very good school, and I think that you ought to stay there and get an education."  He says, "If, at the end of the year, your grades are decent and you still feel the way you do, get in touch with me again."  ... He said, "I'm doing this for two reasons: number one, because I think it's going to be good for you to stay where you are; number two, you're in a good school; number three, that ... one of your uncles was a classmate of mine and I know what kind of a scholar he was, so that I think you'd be a good scholar if you put your mind to it."  ... I've got to tell you that, about two months later, I'd got into Phi Epsilon Pi and I forgot all about Brown by that time, because I was well enclosed, and I had four happy years here at Rutgers. SI:  Can you describe your first few days and weeks coming down to the Rutgers campus? RY:  Well, it was an experience for me.  I remember coming up to the first campus, the original campus, [the Old Queens Campus], and, in those days, freshmen had to wear little dinks.  [Editor's Note: A dink is a small, beanie-like hat that Rutgers freshmen were required to wear as part of a class-wide hazing ritual.]  The first thing you handed me was that, and I said, "What am I supposed to do with that?"  "You're supposed to put it on your head and, when an upperclassman tells you what to do, you're supposed to do what he tells you to do."  That was my first experience. DY:  Also, [talk] about George driving you down here. RY:  Yes, my cousin, George, drove me down from Bridgeport to here and, when he let me off on Old Queens, he said to me--he was a very stern guy and, as he said, he was a brilliant scholar.  He was a Phi Beta Kappa in his junior year at Yale and he was a Connecticut Supreme Court judge, very brilliant guy.  ... He said to me, "I'm letting you off and I expect you to do a good job," and, if George said that to you, you'd better damn well do a good job, [laughter] and so, then, ... because I had connections with the Phi Ep House at the time, through--this name is very familiar to Rutgers ... SI:  Ray Laurans? RY:  Ray Laurans was one, but ... Bob Kriendler.  SI:  Okay. RY:  Yes, Bob Kriendler and Ray Laurans were brother-in-laws.  ... Bob Kriendler was the one that said, "You'll go over there.  You've got no place to live--you'll go to the Phi Ep House." SI:  You went right into the fraternity house. RY:  Right, immediately.  SI:  Bob Kriendler, who owned the 21 Club.  [Editor's Note: The 21 Club is a restaurant in New York City.] RY:  Yes.  SI:  What was that like?  Not only did you go to a college far away from home, but you were immediately thrown into a fraternity.  What was the fraternity like then? RY:  ... Well, the fraternity was kind of an unusual situation for me, but my roommate was Kermit Axelrod, in those days--he changed his name to Axel--Kermit Axelrod, who was a nephew of Bob Kriendler's, so that I was well insulated, and I really enjoyed his company.  He was kind of a character and we would, about every four or five weeks, wind up in 21 Club in New York, which was quite exciting for me.  ... I was a pre-med student.  ... Matter-of-fact, my degree was bachelor of science in biology, and his was in education, ... so that our educational paths were completely different, one from the other, but I enjoyed my four years at Rutgers.  I really did. [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  We were talking off the record about Scarlet Key.  Did you get started with that right away in your freshman year? RY:  ... My second year, yes, in my second year, and I was appointed or elected to the Scarlet Key.  ... That job was, ... basically, [with] visitors that came aboard, to show them around, make them comfortable, and particularly sports, visiting sports teams.  ... As I jokingly told David, the big thing was to fix them up with the girls at Douglass, [then the New Jersey College for Women, now Douglass Residential College].  Sometimes, it did well and, sometimes, it didn't do so well. SI:  Do you remember having to meet any of the speakers who would come to Kirkpatrick Chapel? RY:  You know, the one that I remember vividly was, in my senior year, the Premier of Czechoslovakia, [Jan Masaryk, Foreign Minister of the Czechoslovakian Government-in-Exile], which the Nazis had thrown out of office.  He came to talk to us about it, and that was really the first time that we were personally, really acquainted with what was going [on] over in Europe.  SI:  Okay.  You arrived in the late 1930s and graduated on the eve of America's entry into World War II. RY:  That's correct, yes. SI:  How aware was the Rutgers campus of what was happening overseas? RY:  Well, we got aware of it back in my senior year.  ... My junior year, that would be in 1940, ... one night, we came [home and] there was a big Nazi sign on our post at 40 Mine Street. DY:  A swastika was painted on the Phi Ep House? RY:  Yes.  SI:  This was also in the time when fraternities were religiously segregated.  It was an all-Jewish fraternity. RY:  Yes, right, yes.  Now, it's not, and I remember that.  Now, I don't know if I should say this or not, but the Dean at the time was [Reverend Fraser] Metzger and I had a definite feeling--being president of my fraternity--I had a definite feeling that he was anti-Semitic.  I think it was very subtle, but I remember, once, [his] calling me in, in his office, just me, it was in my junior year, and raising hell with me about the fact that we were making too much noise.  "Your fraternity," is the way he pointed it out, "your fraternity makes too much noise.  Now, you'd better get it in shape," and I got the impression he never said that to anybody else.  SI:  To go back to when somebody put a Nazi swastika on the house, what was that like and what was your reaction? RY:  Well, it was a shock, I've got to tell you.  We quickly got it painted over and I think that the administration ... got involved in it, too, and made sure that the security, campus security, would be a little bit ... tighter on and that stuff--never had any other incidents from that.  SI:  Many alumni say that what was happening overseas was not discussed that much on the campus, but others say that some people were outspokenly pro-Allied or pro-Germany. RY:  Yes.  ... Up until I left, I didn't see much of that.  ... I think that [for] most undergraduates that I knew of, even all of the fraternities, that wasn't much of an interest of them, because none of them figured, at that time, that we--that the US--would be involved.  [It] was only until my senior year when it began, when the draft came through, that they began to realize that they would be involved, but I didn't see much of it while I was an undergraduate, except for that one instance. SI:  You were also in ROTC for the first two years. RY:  ... Yes.  Of course, I had to be.  That was the land-grant college thing.  Is that still in effect? SI:  No, I think they eliminated that in the 1960s. RY:  Did they?  SI:  Yes. RY:  Yes.  Well, you had to take two years of that, and then, you could opt to take the last two years, and then, you'd come out with a commission.  A couple of my fraternity brothers wound up as second lieutenants just before the war, and then, when they went off, they went off as second lieutenants.  One of my classmates and fraternity brother, Charles Pine, wound up as a second lieutenant and he flew over the ... Himalayans to China.  He put his time in in China. SI:  Did you know of anybody who left early, after the war started in Europe? RY:  No. SI:  Left to go join the British? RY:  No, I didn't know of anybody who did. SI:  Can you tell me a little bit more about what life was like in the fraternity, the types of things the fraternity would do? RY:  [laughter] Well, I've got to tell you that it was basically, most of the time, fun and games, and it wasn't a hundred percent conducive to good habits and, really, educational purposes.  If I had a son now, I don't think I'd be happy to [see them in a fraternity], like David, ... my younger son, he went to American University.  You didn't have ROTC at American, did you? DY:  No. RY:  And Tony went to Syracuse, because my oldest boy was interested in going to Rutgers, but he was also interested in radio, which is what he wound up doing.  ... He had applied here to Rutgers and he was accepted. The fact was that he didn't particularly think that the communications course ... was headed toward radio, which is what he was interested in.  So, that's why he wound up in Syracuse, and he wound up as being president of the Memphis Radio Group and, now, he runs the Elvis Presley Sirius station in Memphis, Tennessee.  He's been in radio ever since.  ... My daughter was interested in coming down to ... DY:  Douglass. RY:  Down to Douglass, primarily for dance, but I don't know why she didn't.  She also was accepted, too, at Douglass, but decided not to come to New Brunswick. SI:  That reminds me, did you have a lot of interaction with the women at Douglass at that time? RY:  Did I have what? SI:  When you were an undergraduate, did you have any interaction with the Douglass Campus? RY:  Yes, I had a girlfriend at Douglass.  I can't even remember what her name was now, [laughter] but I did have a girlfriend at [Douglass].  Yes, ... most of the guys in the fraternity had friend girls/girlfriends over at Douglass. SI:  Were there a lot of parties, house party weekends, that sort of thing? RY:  There were house parties, but, ... interesting enough, when there were house parties and you'd invite [a date], if it was a weekend, a dance or something like that, you would never invite the girls from Douglass.  You'd invite them from some other place.  [laughter] DY:  What about your Saturday morning lecture?  ... RY:  About what? DY:  Your Saturday morning lecture, with your Professor Peterson? RY:  Well, I don't want to say that. DY:  No, but you talked about Houston Peterson.  RY:  Oh, about Houston Peterson. DY:  Right, yes. RY:  Oh, yes.  Houston Peterson, he was a great, great professor, philosophy.  I had him in my senior year and, believe it or not, I had him on a Saturday morning, at eight o'clock, Saturday morning.  You can imagine how many guys went to that thing, but he was so outstanding that it was a place that most of us who were there were very anxious to go to, and I enjoyed [the class].  He was one of my favorite professors.  I really enjoyed his lectures. SI:  He always comes up as a very engaging professor. RY:  Yes.  Do you get his name often? SI:  Yes, he and Mason Gross. RY:  Mason, well, Mason Gross, yes. SI:  Out of the Philosophy Department. RY:  Yes. SI:  How demanding was the biological sciences curriculum when you were here? RY:  How was it? SI:  Yes, how demanding. RY:  It was a demanding course.  A good many ... of the guys that got there and stayed there wound up in medical school and dental school, and had no problem getting in. SI:  Do any of the professors or classes stand out in your memory?  RY:  I had the names of two of them on the tip of my tongue.  [Editor's Note: The interviewee is offered a copy of the 1941 Scarlet Letter yearbook, featuring a list of faculty names.]  I don't know if it's in there; let me see if it's in there.  I have my glasses on, so [that] I can read that.  SI:  It goes from this page to the next page.  I do not see a listing for the Biological Sciences Department. RY:  Well, I took a course in political science and [Edward McNall] Burns, I remember.  SI:  Yes. RY:  He was outstanding. SI:  I understand he was quite a character. RY:  And English, [Donald] Cameron, I remember Cameron, and [G. Stuart] Demarest; well, of course, Houston Peterson's name in there. SI:  You were able to take a number of classes aside from just your major. RY:  In my senior year, most of my classes were not scientific.  They were political science.  Do we have political science in there? SI:  Yes, it was a combined History-Political Science Department. RY:  Let's see, there was Burns and [John J.] George.  I remember Burns and George, and I was telling David--and David said I should tell them--tell this story.  Burns was quite a character and he'd get up there in the morning and, ... one day, he gets us in there and he says, "We're going to study a little botany today, besides ... SI:  Politics? RY:  Yes.  He says, "We're going to study a little botany today.  We're going to study the pine tree," and he says, "The scientific name for the pine tree that we're going to study is pinus erectus.  Now, gentlemen," ... very sternly, he said, "now, gentlemen, one thing I wanted to repeat to you, we're studying pinus erectus."  He says, "This is one of the sciences they don't teach at Douglass," [laughter] with a straight face, and George, is George in that group? Yes, John J. George, he was kind of wild.  Did he have a reputation?  ... SI:  He often comes up.  I know he was very involved in local politics as well.  He was a very memorable figure.  RY:  Yes.  ... Who did I have in physics?  I don't remember anybody in physics. SI:  Do any stories about Professor George stand out? RY:  Yes, I have a few stories about Professor George, but I don't remember what they were.  ... SI:  I think some of the sciences are on the other page. RY:  I had [Charles H.] Stevens in German, but only for about a year or two, and I had sociology.  I had [Charles F.] Marden in sociology.  Of course, I wasn't in engineering.  ... That's about it. SI:  If a story comes to mind, go ahead and tell it.  Either just before you came to Rutgers or during your time here, there was a big controversy at Douglass involving some of the German professors, where one of them turned out to be a Nazi supporter. RY:  I think that was after my time.  I don't recall that. SI:  That was not while you were here.  RY:  Yes. SI:  Can you tell me a little bit more about some of your extracurricular activities?  I know you were on the Targumand you were also involved in Scarlet Letter. RY:  Yes, I was the copy editor of Scarlet Letter. DY:  You played football your first year? RY:  Yes, I was in freshman football my first year and, also, freshman baseball my first year.  I used to run cross-country, but not as a team sport, but I used to run intramurals cross-country.  ... That was about the extent of it. SI:  Why did you not go on with football or baseball? RY:  I wasn't really good enough for either of them.  You know, I had an occasion which might be of interest--played freshman football one weekend at Columbia, played Columbia [in] freshman football, and my mother didn't know that I was playing football.  ... Being an only child and a single mother, at that point, she would not have been happy about it.  ... I knew that I was going to go, after the game, on a Saturday--I had the weekend, I didn't have a Monday class--that I was going to go back, pick up the train and go back home for the weekend, back to Fall River.  I got put in the game and [was] playing against Columbia, Columbia freshmen.  ... They had a running back, and I believe his name was Barabbas, who was considered really topnotch, and I was playing right end.  ... My job, the coach says, "Your job is to go in there--he's going to have two or three guys in front of him for protection--your job is to break that up, so that the linebackers can get at him."  I said, "Okay."  So, I get into that and, [at] about the second run, (Barabbas?) is coming around my end with three big guys in front of him.  ... I threw myself at their feet, the last I knew, because I got knocked out.  I got taken out of the game and got knocked out.  I eventually came to and I was okay enough so that I could get on the train and go home.  So, I walk in the house to go home and my mother says to me, "You're a little late today.  How come you didn't get an early train?" because I didn't get the train until probably maybe about three-thirty, four in the afternoon, so, I didn't get home until about six-thirty, seven at night.  She said, "You should have been home about three or four in the afternoon."  Well, I said, "You know, I was hanging around and didn't get on the earlier train," and she said, "Are you sure you were hanging around?" and I said, "Yes."  She said, "You feeling okay?" and I knew that something was wrong.  I said, "What are you talking about?" and she said, "You were playing football this afternoon, weren't you?" and I looked at her, I said, "How do you know that?"  She said, "One of the fellows who's got a cousin who goes to Columbia was at that game," and he was a friend of the family's, "and he came back and he told me that he saw you playing football up at the Columbia field and that you apparently got hurt."  ... From that point on, I always had to tell her if I was going to play football or not.  So, I didn't play football after that year, plus the fact I really wasn't big enough or strong enough to play football, although I think that, right now, I would not even be able to get on the field, because, you know, we played schools like Lehigh and Lafayette and Marietta and schools like that, not anything that was grade A football. SI:  Princeton was the big grudge match. RY:  Princeton was the big game, yes.  SI:  You were here when they beat them for the first time [since the first football game]. RY:  I was at the game when they beat them for the first time ... after the first time that they ever beat them.  That was at the new stadium.  It was just built at that point, and that was really some affair.  [Editor's Note: On November 5, 1938, the day of the dedication of Rutgers Stadium in Piscataway, New Jersey, Rutgers beat Princeton University for the first time since defeating them in the first college football game on November 6, 1869. One of Yokel's fraternity brothers, Robert Gottleib, was the starting halfback.] SI:  Did you attend a lot of events like that? RY:  Did I what? SI:  Did you attend a lot of the athletic events? RY:  Yes.  I used to watch the basketball games and ... I played a little baseball, but, ... once, I got [to play], in my freshman year, ... against NYU, in a baseball game.  They had a guy by the name of, a pitcher by the name of, Hank Berrari.  That name may not be [memorable], because he was only in the Major Leagues for maybe five or six years, but he was considered something, and he threw the ball twice to me.  I was up twice, threw the ball maybe no more than six or seven times, and I've got to tell you, I never saw it.  [laughter] So, that ended my baseball playing.  The coach said to me, "You try hard, Yoken, but I think you'd better find another sport." [laughter] DY:  How come you have this metal discus that we had at the house for many years in the front hall?  Did you throw a discus here at all? RY:  No, I used to throw a discus for my own use, and I used to run cross-country in Buccleuch Park.  That, I did, but I did that intramural, mostly intramural stuff. SI:  What did you do at the Targum? RY:  Well, I did ... mostly copy work.  ... I was the copy editor of the Targum.  I used to write the headlines for the Targum and I used to do general paper work at the Targum. SI:  Was that the kind of thing where your involvement in the fraternity led to that, or did you do that on your own? RY:  Well, I was president of the fraternity in my senior year.  The fraternity was quite active.  We were quite active in socializing and in helping out people.  ... Like, when they have something going on in the town ... of New Brunswick, if they needed volunteers, a good many of our guys would go out and help them with that. SI:  What sort of things would they volunteer for? RY:  Like collections, ... for [the] Salvation Army and that sort of stuff. SI:  Okay. RY:  But, that's [if] you could get them away, ... mostly on the weekends, if they weren't going home, but since a good many of the guys lived in New Jersey and New York City, we lost a lot of guys on the weekends.  SI:  That is interesting.  I know that it is very common now for fraternities to do community service, but I have not heard too much about it being done back then. RY:  Well, it wasn't organized and it wasn't done by every fraternity, but we used to do it together with the Delta Phi, who lived around the corner from us.  I guess that fraternity's still in business. SI:  I am not a hundred percent sure, but I think they could be.  RY:  Yes. SI:  Did you have to attend chapel? RY:  Well, I had to go to chapel.  In my freshman year, it was required every Sunday, but, from then on in, it wasn't.  We would go to chapel occasionally, if there was a speaker that we were interested in listening to, but it was a problem to go to chapel, because ... Sunday morning, ... you know, you didn't want to get up early enough to go to chapel, but, ... in my day, it was required in your freshman year.  ... Of course, it was completely non-sectarian, so, there was no problem religiously about it. SI:  Yes, I was wondering about that, if you felt put upon. RY:  No.  ... It was put upon because it was Sunday morning and you had to get up. SI:  Besides the Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia, do any of the other speakers stand out? RY:  ... Nobody else that really makes me feel ... that I remember to that point. SI:  As you neared graduation in 1941, what did you think was going to happen at that point?  What were your plans for the future? RY:  ... Well, I had hoped that I might be able to get into medical school, but realizing that I wouldn't, I went back home and I worked.  I worked in a wholesale grocery, in the receiving department, and decided that maybe ... I should stay in the commercial end of enterprises instead of going to medical school.  ... Fortunately, I had an uncle who had a big wholesale grocery and I worked ... in his place, but it was physical work.  I worked ... in the delivery [department], the truck delivery, moving furniture, moving heavy bags of sugar and flour, and I remember one of the most interesting things was, ... the freight cars were in a freight yard that had a lot of tracks in it.  ... One morning, I'm working in there and I see a train come in with three or four coaches behind it and I wondered why that would be in this freight yard, and the next thing I knew, I see a bunch of National Guard guys marching down. ... That was just before they got into the Second World War and that made quite an impression on me, because I knew one or two of the [soldiers].  I saw one or two of the guys that were in that group. SI:  In those months before Pearl Harbor, did you see changes happening in Fall River, such as war-based building? RY:  Not specifically, but ... you knew that the draft was coming into effect and that made quite an impression, and people started to get more [involved]--you see more flags flying, people getting more patriotic--than they had been before that point. SI:  Were you concerned that you would be drafted after you graduated? RY:  Well, ... it was a good chance, because ... I was single, I was healthy and I had a low draft number, but, fortunately, it never happened.  They had enough, and because I had a single mother, I think that the draft board decided that they didn't need to pick me right away. SI:  I am not sure if there is anything in the information I have here, but you did not enter the Navy until after Pearl Harbor. RY:  ... Yes, after Pearl Harbor. SI:  Did you investigate any possible other services before Pearl Harbor? RY:  Yes, the Marine Corps.  That's a story in itself.  ... I was at home.  I'd finished college and I was at home, and I knew that I would be drafted sooner or later and I certainly didn't want to get into the Army, plus the fact that, being young, twenty years old at the time, because I was twenty when I graduated, ... the Marine Corps uniform intrigued me.  See how shallow one's mind gets?  So, I went up to Boston, to the receiving station, to enlist in the Marine Corps and I walked into the Marine office.  ... The Marine officer in charge looks at my credentials and he says to me, "You know," he says, "there are no vacancies in the Marines now, because, by law, the Marines are twenty percent of ... what the Navy was," and he says, "However, Marine Air Force is available.  We can put you in that if you're interested," and I wasn't interested in flying.  I said, "No, thank you."  He says, "Well, I've got to tell you, with your biological background and the fact that you've had physics and mathematics," he said, "I'm going to send you down the hall."  Down the hall was the Navy enlisting office.  He said, "You go there."  He says, "I think they'll be able to help you."  That's how I got in the Navy.  So, they signed me up, said, "Go back to Fall River and you'll hear from us in about six weeks."  Six weeks, I got a notice--a phone call, and then, a notice--saying, "You are to report to the V-12 Program down ... at Annapolis." SI:  When did you enlist in the Navy? RY:  That was '41.  That's just right after Pearl Harbor, yes. SI:  Okay, that December.  Tell me about Pearl Harbor, the day of the attack, where you were. RY:  I was home and I got that over the radio.  That was kind of a shock, and then, I knew damn well that ... I was going to be in the service, one way or another. SI:  Was there any initial fear or anything like that? RY:  No, not really, because, ... when you're twenty-one years old, ... all you see is the romantic side of things and, not knowing exactly what I would be in for, it didn't make that much impression on me.  I did realize that being in the Navy would be a hell of a lot more comfortable than being in the Army, because I knew [that] in the Army, even though I'd had two years of military here [ROTC], that that was meaningless, that I would go in as a private and probably not [be] something that would be of great interest to me.  So, ... when I got the orders to go to the Naval Academy, ... I picked up the ship in Boston--no, I took the train from Boston to Baltimore, and then, went to Annapolis.  They had a small trolley run that was between Annapolis and Baltimore, and then, reported to the; ... get that thing right.  No, I know how it was.  I was assigned to a converted yacht that was running ... out of the Navy base at Norfolk, and I went down and the ship was in Chesapeake Bay.  ... We got a call one afternoon.  ... It was at sea, at Chesapeake Bay, with the anchor down, got a call from the Captain, "Come to the Captain's office," went to the Captain's office and there were three of us, myself and two other fellows.  ... Captain says, "I want you to look out that starboard port.  What do you see out there?" and I looked out and I said, we saw, "There's an old Spanish-American ship that's there, a sailing ship."  He says, "That's the receiving station for the Naval Academy."  He said, "Your records, all of your records, are all scientific based and that's where the three of you are going.  Get your gear together, because, in two hours, you're going to be on that thing and you're going to go to the Naval Academy."  So, that's what we did.  We got to the Naval Academy, and then, they were building up a Reserve, Naval Reserve, unit at the Naval Academy and they were looking for ... engineering officers, people who had scientific backgrounds.  ... I spent nine months at the Naval Academy and I was commissioned at the Naval Academy, was commissioned as an ensign, with a classification which was EVG, engineer volunteer general, and then, sent up to Penn State College for diesel engineering.  We had a professor at diesel engineering whose name was [Paul] Schweitzer.  He was [of] German background.  He was the professor of diesel engineering, and it sticks in my mind forever, ... the first thing he said is, "We have two types of diesels.  There's the mechanical diesel and there's the air injection diesel."  He said, "We're going to study the mechanical diesel here, because there is no such thing in the US Navy as air injection diesels."  So, I was at Penn State College.  At this point, I'm an ensign.  DY:  And he pronounced it, "Hair injection," didn't he? RY:  Yes, "Hair injection."  [laughter] At this point [while still on the converted yacht], he said, "You'll get orders to proceed to Norfolk.  You'll go home, you'll be on leave at home, and you'll get orders to go to Norfolk from home, down to the Naval Academy."  So, I got to the Naval Academy and, as I say, I was there for about 150 days and I was commissioned in the Naval Academy.  ... At the Naval Academy, I was then sent up to State College for diesel engineering training, but I had leave to go home.  In the meantime, I'd had a friend who was the skipper of a subchaser.  He'd picked up a new subchaser.  He was an ROTC [graduate], ... Navy ROTC, out of Harvard.  He picked up a subchaser in Boston, where it was built, and he was heading down to Florida, to Miami, Florida, through Norfolk.  ... He got in touch with me and he says, "I understand that you've got to go down to Norfolk, Virginia."  He said, "I'll give you a ride down."  He says, "You'll be ahead of the game, because they're paying per diem and mileage."  He says, "You can keep the per diem and keep the mileage and you'll get a ride and you'll see what the subchasers, the brand-new subschasers, are like," 110-foot subchaser, and I went down with him.  We pulled into Norfolk Harbor and there ... must have been 150 ships in Norfolk Harbor, all types.  There were transports, there were destroyers, there were one or two cruisers.  ... I get down and ... he said, "You report to the officer in charge of [the base].  That's where you report in to, the office."  I reported in to the office in Norfolk and there's a lieutenant, senior grade, there who's got my record in front of him and he says to me, "Can I look?" and he looks very familiar.  It was an ex-movie actor, Richard Bartholemew.  You probably don't remember the name, but I'll bet you that your seniors or parents know the name.  He was a lieutenant, senior grade, in charge of this office and he ... looks up these papers and he says to me, "I have your orders here."  He says, "You're to report to an SC-503, which is a subchaser, at Little Creek," which was a little bit north of Norfolk, and he says, "and they will give you further orders from there."  [Editor's Note: The SC-503, a US Navy submarine chaser, was launched in March 1942, commissioned that April, and was eventually transferred to France on November 4, 1944, being renamed the CH-112.]  So, I got transportation.  ... As I left, he shook my hand and he says, "Good luck, Ensign." I was an ensign at that point.  He says, "Good luck, Ensign."  ... I'm getting in the station wagon to go ... to Little Creek and I'm saying, "What the hell is he wishing me good luck for?"  ... It didn't make much sense.  So, I get down there and I get back to where I had originally come in.  Where all those ships were, there wasn't a ship left in the whole place.  They'd all disappeared, suddenly, and I got down to Little Creek and I got orders to go down to pier so-and-so, "And you'll see a relatively small ship down there, the SC-503, and that's where you'll report to the commanding officer."  So, I get down there.  As I say, there's nothing left in the harbor now, except some few harbor craft.  All these ships had suddenly disappeared overnight.  ... He's leaning on the rails, but a little, short guy, ... he was a lieutenant, senior grade, and he says to me, ... "You the new engineering officer?"  I said, "I guess I am."  He says, "Well, I'm the captain," name was Cone Johnson, and I found out that he had ... left the Philippines with [John D.] Bulkeley's PT squadrons.  He'd taken MacArthur out of the Philippines.  [Editor's Note: Vice Admiral (then Lieutenant) John D. Bulkeley led the May 1942 rescue of US Army General Douglas MacArthur from the Philippines after the Japanese invasion and earned the Medal of Honor for his command of Motor Torpedo Boat Squadron 3 in the early days of the war.]  So, he had quite a reputation.  He was the captain of this subchaser.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  Ready? RY:  Yes. SI:  Before we get into your time on the SC-503, in general, when you first went in the Navy, how did your family react to the news? RY:  Well, I think that they had mixed feelings, because they realized that the war was not going to be a one-day proposition and they were somewhat glad that I got in the Navy, rather than the Army.  ... My mother, particularly, being a single mother and that I was an only child, she was concerned about it.  ... I think, in a way, they were kind of proud that I had selected this and that I ... eventually was being assigned to the Naval Academy and places like that.  SI:  How did you react to going in the military and being subjected to military life? RY:  Well, it was something new and different, because it was more structured than I'd ever been used to, but I learned pretty quickly that, when the "T" was there, it had to be crossed properly. SI:  Tell me about being at the Academy during the war.  What was it like, the daily life, the training, the discipline? RY:  It was very structured.  Everything was structured.  I mean, every minute was assigned to it, and, since we were involved, the Reserve units, like my own, were actually co-mingled with the regular midshipmen.  ... They did a good job, so that you weren't looked down on, because, when you're in a company, you're in a company with regular midshipmen, ... you weren't assigned to special, different situations.  I found that to be very interesting.  ... I had a friend, who was a high school classmate, who was a regular midshipman and ... I was in the same company that he was in.  ... You know, he was there for four years and ... I would only be there for nine months, was a lot different, but ... he didn't look down on it at all.  I think that they had been, regular midshipmen had been, advised by the authorities that, "Look, guys, you'd better ... handle these people properly, because they're going to save your butt if you're not too careful."  SI:  How intense was the classroom work? RY:  It was very difficult, used to go to class.  I remember, ... you would sit down in a class.  ... First, you had to walk in in order.  You had to be in a group in which the head of the group would go to the main desk and say to the instructor, "Section So-and-So is reporting, sir," and then, you'd sit down.  ... Then, the instructor would go up on the board and he'd say, "We're covering chapters one to four," let's say, "and you're going to be asked questions about it."  So, he'd say, "Now, sit back [down]," and he had a bunch of papers, ... three-by-five cards, on his desk and they were face down.  ... He'd pick one up and he'd turn it over and he'd look at the schedule of who was there and he'd take a name and he'd say, "Midshipman Yoken, come up here and pick a paper, pick a card," pick a card.  You turn it over and whatever the card said on it, it had something to do with the five chapters that you ... supposedly had to read.  ... He said, "Go up on the board and I'm going to start asking you questions about this," and you had to write the answer to them.  You had to pass a certain grade, I think maybe seventy-five was the grade, and you had to pass it, get at least a passing grade on it.  ... At the end of the week, on a Friday, because there were no Saturday or Sunday classes, there would be what was known as "The Tree."  There'd be a bulletin board with names on it and, if your name was on "The Tree," that meant that you didn't get leave that weekend because your work wasn't satisfactory.  You'd have to go to a special class to get renewed on it.  So, everybody was quite anxious to look at that board, to see if their names were on there or not.  So, then, you would be able to go off on a Saturday, at noontime, but you had to be back by midnight on Sunday for Monday's classes.  ... It was always a standard joke, at twelve o'clock midnight, if you hadn't signed in at Bancroft Hall--at twelve midnight, not 00:01 or two minutes or two seconds past twelve o'clock midnight--you were back on the crap list again.  ... So, everybody, you see a bunch of midshipmen running from the train to get there on time on a Sunday, but I enjoyed that.  I had three roommates and I was always impressed with the inspections.  These guys would come in with white gloves and they'd go around your room, under your bed, like this, [swabbing with their fingers].  If any dust was on it, boy, you were really in trouble.  It was very strenuous. SI:  Did they have a demerit system? RY:  Yes, absolutely.  SI:  I have heard, from midshipmen who went through the Academy in peacetime, that they would deliberately find things. RY:  Well, every so often, you know, ... you wouldn't make that hospital corners correctly--that would be a demerit of some sort, ... any small thing that was not right.  ... When you get out your uniform on weekends, Sundays, you had to go to some religious [service].  That was required.  The Catholic boys would go to Catholic church, the Protestant boys would go to chapel on the grounds and the Jewish boys would go to a synagogue. You had to be in line and you had to stand there and to be signed off.  ... You'd better be there in shape and in uniform, which was pressed and cleaned, and your tie was right and your hat was on correctly.  They were very strict about that and I used to have, as I say, a regular classmate, regular from high school, who was a regular midshipman, and I used to see him in my group on a Sunday morning.  I was in with the Jewish group and I'd say to him, "Art," I'd say, "what the hell are you doing in our group here?  You don't belong here," and he'd say, "I go in your group for two reasons."  He'd say, "Number one, when you go to the synagogue," he says, "the food is great there, and," he says, "the girls are much prettier than the other group there."  So, he says, "Just keep your mouth shut.  Don't say anything."  [laughter] He wound up with bad eyes, so that he was finally put out of the Navy. SI:  Were there men who washed out, either regular midshipmen or V-12 midshipmen? RY:  Yes, I knew one or two of them that washed out.  Does the name Wendell Willkie ring [a bell]?  SI:  The Presidential candidate?  [Editor's Note: Republican Wendell Willkie was defeated by Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1940 Presidential Election, but became a staunch supporter of Roosevelt's interventionist policies in support of the Allies on the eve of America's entry into World War II.  His son, Philip Willkie, served in the US Navy during World War II.] RY:  He was a classmate in this group and he was so impossible that they didn't know what the hell to do with him, because his father was running for President at that point and they didn't want to make too many waves.  So, what they did was, they transferred him.  He was always out of uniform, he was always late for inspection--he just didn't belong.  They transferred him to a midshipman school up in New York.  ... I saw him later on in the Mediterranean and he was no better then than he was when he was down in Annapolis. SI:  Tell me about some of the traditions that you were exposed to at the Academy. RY:  Well, as I say, you'd touch [the statue of] Tecumseh the Native American chief ... before exams.  ... At dinner, when you sat down, you sat in the huge mess hall with maybe seven or eight hundred midshipmen there. You sat at a long table and you had to stand at that table until the senior midshipman came in, and then, he'd stand there with you.  ... None of you could sit down until an officer, who sat at the end of the table to monitor this, came in, and then, you could sit down.  When he sat down, then, you could sit down.  That was one of the traditions.  ... You went to classes in a march.  You had to march to classes and, when you got in, you had to stand until the instructor told you to, "Be seated, gentlemen."  ... There's nothing more than that on there.  ... There were no sports going on at that time, so, we didn't have any sports, ... any football games and stuff, that we could see.  That was basically it. SI:  Did they have a lot of calisthenics? RY:  Yes, a lot of physical work, mental and physical work. SI:  When you were at Penn State, at the diesel school, about how long was that? RY:  That was a six months' course, yes. SI:  Was that a little more relaxed? RY:  Yes.  Well, we were all officers at that point.  We weren't midshipmen at all, we were all ensigns.  So, we were all officers and, ... actually, you were in a city, in a town, that was a college town, so that we had to act much differently than the students that were at the college.  We were even separated from them in different [classes]. Our classes were all just our classes.  We had no regular students.  [Editor's Note: David Yoken produces a photograph.]  Yes, that's one of the ... DY:  A formation.  ... RY:  Yes, that's one of the ... SI:  Is that from Annapolis? RY:  Yes.  No, that's at Penn State. [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  It is an image of all of you in uniform. RY:  Yes, all the time, yes. SI:  Were there any USOs or entertainment options for you out there? RY:  No, not at college, and, mostly, if there were USOs, even overseas, they were primarily for enlisted men, although officers were there, but they were primarily for enlisted personnel, because there were officers' [clubs], like, in Oran, there was a big naval officers' club that you could go to, which [was] a place for entertainment, that enlisted men were not allowed in.  ... There was an enlisted man's club that officers--it wasn't that they were not allowed, but it was protocol that officers ... didn't go there. SI:  At either of these two training sessions, did you have additional duties that you had to do, like guard duty? RY:  ... Well, when we were down at Annapolis, you had certain guard duties that you had to do; not at Penn State College.  ... You had hours, ... just [that] the hours were not as restricted as they were at the Naval Academy.  I mean, ... you didn't have to sign in at midnight, but you had to be at class in the morning.  So, you could go out.  If, let's say, you had an eight o'clock class Monday morning, you didn't have a class on Saturday or on Sunday, but, if you didn't make it [to] that eight o'clock [class], you're in serious trouble.  ... You didn't have to be there to sign in, but you had to be there when he took the roll.  [If] the instructor took the roll and you weren't there, you had to have a pretty good answer why you weren't there.  At the Naval Academy, if you weren't there, you just get demerits and you were restricted from going ashore, or whatever it might be.  SI:  To jump forward, you described how you met the skipper of the SC-503 and joined the crew.  Tell me a little more about that. RY:  That's an interesting story.  As I said, I came aboard and this guy was leaning over the way, railing, and he was in uniform, in his work uniform, his khakis, and with a Navy officer's hat on.  ... He said to me, "You're the new engineering officer?"  I said, "Yes, sir."  ... It was about twelve o'clock noon.  He says, "I want you to go and get yourself some lunch, but I want you back in the engine room by 1300," one o'clock.  ... I said, "What am I supposed to be doing down there?"  He says, "We're taking the engines apart and I want you to be down there to supervise it."  Now, that, to me, was kind of a shock, because, number one, I didn't know what the hell the engines were to begin with, but I was an engineering officer.  So, I get down there and I'm ... looking over the rails in the engine room and I'm looking down below and I see a bunch of seamen walking around, scurrying around, and a lot of work going on.  ... A chief machinist's mate comes by, spots me, and he says, "Ensign," he says, "are you the new engineering officer?"  I said, "Yes, I am."  He says, "Well, sir," he says, "I'm the chief motor machinist," and he says, "you can see we're hard at work down here."  He says, "I only have one thing to say to you--stay out of my way, because," he says, "we've got work to do down here and I don't want any interruption."  So, I listened to him and I'm standing there, watching them.  At about two in the afternoon, I'm standing there and I get a tap on my shoulder and I looked down like this and I see behind me a pair of black, Navy, shiny, you could ... see your face in it, shoes.  ... I slowly look up and I turn around and I see a two-star admiral standing behind me.  It was the commanding general [admiral] of the Atlantic Fleet, and he says to me--and I, of course, quickly came to attention and saluted him--he says, "You the new engineer officer?"  I said, "Yes, sir."  He says, "Get these damned guys fast to work," he says, "because we've got to be out of here by ... 1400 tomorrow."  ... The engines were all apart. These were two twelve-cylinder diesel engines, doubles.  We had twin screws on this 110-foot subchaser, and he says, "And I don't want [to be late].  ... When I'm saying out of here by twelve noon tomorrow, I mean twelve noon tomorrow.  That doesn't mean 12:05 or 12:10, that means twelve noon, or the whole bunch of you are going to be in trouble, including you, even though you just came aboard."  I said, "Yes, sir."  Sure enough, they got them together.  ... I found out, what had happened was that the ship, this boat, had gone out the day before and it'd got as far as Cape Henry, which was about fifteen miles out to sea, and it crapped out.  ... It'd been sabotaged. Somebody had poured sand or something into the engine.  They had to take them all apart, put them back together again.  So, we finally got it together.  We went out on time.  When they went out the next morning, I see ... [why] I came in, there was a bunch of ships in the area, now there wasn't a ship left in the whole area, except one or two small yard tugs.  They'd all disappeared someplace.  I didn't know where they had gone, but they weren't there anymore.  So, we get aboard and Cone Johnson, who was the captain, comes to me and he says to me, "You've got the mid watch."  Mid watch is ... twelve midnight to four in the morning.  So, he said, "I think you'd better go below and get some rest."  He said, ... "I'm going to be up here.  You come up topside at twenty minutes to midnight and I'll give you the route and give you the orders.  By that time, we should be out to sea."  So, I come up in the morning, twenty minutes to midnight in the morning, and I was told, "He's got the orders for you.  Just come in the charthouse," comes in the charthouse and shows me the orders, and he says to me, "Now, do you see where we're heading?"  ... I says, "Yes," I said, "but I'm a little puzzled."  He says, "Why?"  I said, "I would be figuring that we'd be heading south.  I figured that all subchasers, to begin with, new subchasers, went down for training and shakedown in Miami, Florida."  ... I'm saying to myself, "Jeez, that's going to be great, nice, for the winter.  Hard, cold winter coming up, we're going down to Miami, Florida."  ... I said, "Well, why am I taking this route down here?  Why aren't we heading out ... west?"  He says to me, "Where?"  I said, "West."  He says, "Why are you saying west?"  I said, "I thought that all new subchasers shook down in Miami, Florida."  He says, "Most of them do," he said, "but we did our shaking down in Boston."  He says, "If you want to go to Miami, Florida, I would suggest that you go to the port side and jump overboard, because it's only about a five-mile swim.  We're only five miles off the beach."  I said, "Where are we going?"  He says, "We're going for the invasion of North Africa."  That was the first taste that I got.  ... I said, "What are we supposed to be doing?"  He says, "We're supposed to head a convoy.  We're going to be in the front of a convoy with [sonar]," ... sonar had just come into effect at that time, "with radar and sonar.  ... To protect this big convoy," he says, "we're going to be one of fifteen ships that are going to be escorting this convoy."  ... I says, "Straight across?"  He said, "Well, no, first, we're stopping at Bermuda. We'll be in Bermuda for about a week, because we're going to take supplies on and water, and so forth," he says, "but don't get any ideas, because you're not going to get ashore in Bermuda.  You're going to see Bermuda.  It's pretty, but you're [only] going to see how pretty it is, because you're not going to get ashore to see it."  That's how I got acclimated; that was my instruction in the beginning of getting over to Europe.  SI:  You said it was a small boat, 110 feet. RY:  110-foot subchaser. SI:  How many men were aboard?  How many officers? RY:  Thirty-five, four officers, the captain, the executive officer, the communications officer and the engineering officer.  The Captain, of course, had his own duties, but the Executive Officer also was the [navigation officer], he worked the charts, and the engineer officer spent his time down below, most of the time, and the fourth officer was the overall officer.  The junior officer was everything. SI:  How many men did you have under you in engineering? RY:  Well, as an engineering officer, I had four men under me, but, eventually, I became commanding officer of this subchaser, over in Europe, but that's a funny story in itself, because ... just after the invasion of Sicily, I get orders, one day, to come to headquarters.  ... The captain who was in charge of headquarters says to me, "Got new orders for you, Yoken."  He says, "You're going to be the new skipper of the subchaser."  He said, "Where everybody else is going home, I've got a new crew coming aboard and you're going to be the skipper."  ... I said to him, "But," I said, "Captain," he was a captain, I said, "Captain," I said, "I can't be the skipper."  He says, "Why can't you be?"  ... He says, "You've been at the Naval Academy.  You've got some navigational experience."  I said, "Because my classification is EVG, engineer volunteer general, and that doesn't qualify me, by law, to be ... commander of the ship," which had to be a deck officer.  So, he says to me, "You know," he says, "you're right.  I hadn't thought about that," turns around and he yells to the yeoman.  ... He says to him, "I've got Yoken up here." He says, "Write him new orders."  He says, "He's got a new classification."  He says, "I'm now classifying him DEVG, deck engineering volunteer general."  He says, "Now," he says, "you can take command."  [laughter] So, ... that's how I got into the command position.  Eventually, I was a commanding officer of an APD, which is a high-speed transport, ... with a company of Marines, with their complete equipment.  That was down in Guantanamo, for ... the coming invasion of Japan, which never took place.  [Editor's Note: APDs, US Navy destroyer transports, garnered the nickname "Green Dragons" because of their camouflage paint.] SI:  Going back to when you were going to Europe for the first time, what were your daily duties as the engineering officer?  What would you do? RY:  Well, I had to stand a deck watch as well.  You know, it was four on and eight off.  So, when I was on for the four hours, I spent half of the other eight hours on the bridge, you know, checking the charts, and so forth.  ... Then, the rest of the time, I was down in the engine room, to make sure that the crew was down there doing the job they were supposed to be doing.  SI:  How did you get along with, say, the chief who told you to stay out of his way? RY:  Well, ... by that time, you know, he realized that I wasn't going to get in the way.  I knew enough to know that he knew a hell of a lot more about engineering than I did.  He'd been twenty years in the service at that point and I didn't bother him and he didn't bother me, because I knew he was doing the job very, very well.  SI:  Tell me about getting over to Africa and your initial impressions of North Africa.  RY:  Well, it was an excitement, because it was an adventure, going by the Rock of Gibraltar, ... into Gibraltar, seeing Gibraltar.  ... You know, it was a sight I never expected to see.  ... The towns in North Africa were interesting, because they were Arab and French, most of those towns, ... the ports we got into.  Because we were a small ship, the only big port that we ever got into and stayed any time was Algiers.  Most of the time, we're in small ports, so that it was an experience that I would not ordinarily have seen before my time.  ... Because I was able to speak the language--French was the basic language--I could speak it moderately well, so that I was able to get along.  ... We used to go ashore.  All officers who went ashore had to carry a .45-caliber pistol, because you never knew who you were going to run into on the beaches, but it was, basically, mostly peaceful. SI:  In the diary, you wrote that you would often have to go off the ship to search for supplies and procurements. RY:  Yes. SI:  Was that pretty routine, or did you have to actually scrounge around for things? RY:  ... Most of the places that we got supplies, where we got off the ship, were close to where the ship was docked. SI:  Did you have any trouble getting supplies, getting the things that you needed? RY:  Well, we occasionally had a little trouble, but, very often, there were bigger ships, Navy ships, in the area. For example, ice cream--we didn't have enough refrigeration to carry much ice cream.  So, if we wanted ice cream, if we saw a cruiser, US cruiser, we would go ashore.  We'd go next to it and sort of beg, and they'd look down and say, "These poor slobs," and they'd give us some ice cream.  ... I had one guy from Boston on the ship who was really a hustler.  You could send him ashore and he'd come back with a bunch of stuff.  I don't know how he did it, but he must have conned a lot of people to get the stuff.  Most of my crew was from the Boston area and they had their own story.  They all enlisted in the Navy, because, at that time, they needed inshore patrol.  ... They all figured that if they were inshore patrol out of Boston that they could go home in the evenings and on the weekends, but they got fooled, like a lot of people, and so, they got sent to us instead, going overseas.  So, most of them were very unhappy about that, but they were all Boston area guys, with the big Boston/New England accents. SI:  On small ships like this, from what I have heard, the line between officer and enlisted men was not as strict. RY:  No, none at all. SI:  You became more familiar with the men. RY:  Yes.  Hey, you had to, because you were living so close to them.  The only place where there was some restriction was on the APD, the high-speed transport, because that was a bigger ship.  It's the size of a destroyer, and the officers had their own mess hall and the enlisted men had their own mess space.  ... The restriction was just that the enlisted men were not allowed in the officers' mess hall and the officers were not allowed in the enlisted men's mess, unless on a disciplinary mission, just they weren't even allowed to walk through it.  That was the enlisted men's space.  SI:  Was everyone in the same mess on the subchaser? RY:  The substance was the same, if that's what you mean. SI:  The mess or the galley? RY:  The galley was in-between the two mess halls.  So, the food was the same. SI:  That was on the APD. RY:  That was on the APD.  Certainly, it was on the APD, as well as on the subchaser.  It was exactly the same. On the subchaser, the eating space was no larger than ... this table over here or this table here seven feet-by-three feet. SI:  When you were at sea, would the men still call you, "Sir," or, "Mr. Yoken," or was it more informal? RY:  No.  They would still call you by your term.  ... When I was a captain, they'd say, "Captain," you know. DY:  What about that one incident with that anti-Semitic situation?  I don't know which ship it was on, with the guy; was he from Mississippi?  ... He had gone ashore and there was something and he asked you whether you knew any Jewish people. RY:  Oh, yes.  I had one guy, was from Mobile, Alabama, real Southerner, with all of the feelings that Southerners have, you know.  ... One day, he came back to the ship.  I was captain at the time.  This was on the APD.  He came back to the ship, and he was actually an officer.  He was a junior officer, and we're sitting down in the wardroom and the guys were talking about their experiences ashore.  It was in Green Cove Springs, Florida, ... up the river from Jacksonville.  ... He says, "I had an experience today."  He says, "I ran into some character who was giving me a hard time."  ... He says, "He was a Jew from New York City," and he says, "and I just hate them to begin with, and this guy was even worse."  ... I looked at him and I said, "That's interesting."  He says, "Why do you say that?"  I said, "Some of my best friends are Jews," and he says, "They are?"  I said, "Yes--my mother and father."  I've got to tell you, he being ... a junior officer and [I being] the captain, ... I think if we were out to sea, he would have jumped overboard. DY:  I don't mean to interrupt, but just very quickly, please talk about the YAG, because that was a converted yacht.  ... RY:  Yes, my first ship was a converted yacht. DY:  And that had belonged to whom?' RY:  YAG-7, it was called.  It was a beautiful ship.  This was when I first went to sea, out of Little Creek.  That ship used to do a patrol between Norfolk and Morehead City, North Carolina, down the coast.  It wasn't very seaworthy, but it was a beautiful ship.  It had, on the bow, ... a Spanish-American War cannon.  So, one day, we decided we'd like to [fire it].  Nobody'd ever fired it, as far as we knew.  We happened to have some ammunition aboard that would fit it.  We tried to fire it.  The thing went out about fifty yards ahead, only about fifty yards ahead of the ship, and I've got to tell you, we bounced around a little bit when that thing exploded in the water.  ... DY:  Who had the yacht belonged to? RY:  What's that? DY:  Who had the yacht belonged to? RY:  It belonged to the Vanderbilts, [a prominent, wealthy American family that made its fortune from building railroads].  They had given it to the Navy. SI:  That was before you went to Annapolis. RY:  Yes. SI:  Okay.  I did not understand.  I thought you just reported to this yacht, and then, went immediately to Annapolis.  RY:  Yes, yes. SI:  How long were you on the yacht? RY:  I would [say] about six, seven months. SI:  Really? RY:  Yes. DY:  ... Were you also investigating the submarine [threat]?  You were looking at the German U-boats. RY:  Yes, we were looking for them--a lot of U-boats right off Norfolk--but we were useless, actually.  If any of them came to the surface, we would have been in trouble.  SI:  In reading your war diary, it was not too long after you first got to Europe that you started being attacked by the air.  Can you tell me about your first experience with an air raid? RY:  ... It was in the Mediterranean and German planes came out to bomb the convoy.  So, that's a picture of it right there.  This is the German plane.  So, we had to fire.  We fired at the German plane and they dropped a few bombs that hit a tanker that was near us.  Is that the one that hit the tanker near us?  DY:  Yes. RY:  Yes.  ... It sunk the tanker and we took survivors off the tanker, and we shot down the plane, actually, and we brought them into Bizerte.  It was in North Africa.  We brought them into Bizerte.  ... There was a pilot and another pilot aboard this aircraft, and there were three German aviators.  We took them aboard, kept them below until we got to Bizerte, and then, took them topside.  In the meantime, the British, who controlled that port, came up to take charge of them.  ... The British soldiers, with their heavy boots, and they had no use for these Germans, they gave them orders to move and, if they didn't move, they'd kick them. SI:  How did you feel being under fire for the first time? RY:  It's scary, it's scary, but, after a while, you get used to it.  One of the black humor situations you can talk about, fire, getting under fire, we were up at Anzio.  A bunch of ships were in the harbor, troopships and cargo ships for the troops, and our job was to patrol around the harbor.  ... We were getting under surveillance from German planes that were coming out of Naples, which was just up the coast.  [Editor's Note: Commander Yoken may be thinking of another city since Naples was in Allied hands at the time.]  They would come over the harbor and probably take pictures in hopes to drop bombs on some of these ships, so that there was a lot of firing going on.  ... One day, I go out to the stern of the subchaser, and we used to lay down smoke.  We had smoke canisters on the stern, so that it would block the ... sights of the German planes from seeing the ships.  ... I go back to the fantail and I see, by where ... we had the smoke generator, ... a big sign, about maybe a third the size of this [table].  In handwriting, big scrawling handwriting, is the legend, "Ships, This Way," with an arrow.  Some clown on my ship decided that he was going to put that out, so [that] if the Germans saw it, they'd know.  He had the arrow pointing away from the ships, that they would see it--if they could read it, they would go the other way.  These are some of the funny things that you find. SI:  One of the incidents from before the invasion of Sicily was the attack on the LSTs, particularly the LST-333. [Editor's Note: This incident took place on June 22, 1943.] RY:  Yes. SI:  What do you remember about that incident? RY:  Well, I remember that they were not too far away from us and they ... really hit that thing almost amidships, and we had to take--we took--one or two survivors off that.  Didn't you run into some ... DY:  ... And there's corroboration on the Internet of that, which is included in the diary. RY:  Yes, there were some casualties in that.  Fortunately, we never had anything like that.  The only thing we ever had was in Palermo.  We had an air raid and it hit the dock that we were at.  ... There was an ammunition base, ... an ammunition center, at the dock.  So, everything was like Fourth of July and shrapnel rained.  We were on [the] right, the first ship on the pier.  Shrapnel rained in and I got a cut on my arm.  It's still there, someplace, a little scar from the shrapnel, but that's the extent of it.  ... I don't know if you read about George Patton.  Is that in there? DY:  Yes. SI:  Yes, you said he came to ... RY:  Yes, he came aboard the ship.  That was quite an experience, fantastic looking man, and this was just after he got into trouble at the Army medical base, where he slapped ... a soldier, that he almost got sent back to the States for that.  [Editor's Note: US Army General George S. Patton slapped and berated a US Army private at an evacuation hospital in Sicily on August 3, 1943, an event made famous after it was reported in the news. According to Commander Yoken's war diary, Patton visited his ship on August 1, 1943.]  He came down after an air raid one day to see what was happening down at the beach, pulls up at the end of the pier, and I see this car come down with the flags ... on both the fenders and I see the three stars on it.  ... I knew somebody important [was inside] and I knew that the only three-star general in the area was Patton.  The guy walks out of this car, he steps out of this car, beautifully shined shoes, his uniform, like joffers-- horseback riding pants-- were pressed, and I look again and he's got two pistols on his hip, two pistol-handled pistols. RY:  Yes.  ... He comes over, stands by me, because we were the first ship and I was the officer of the deck, and he salutes me and he says, "I'd like to come aboard."  He says, "I haven't had breakfast this morning and I understand the Navy has good coffee and donuts and I'd like to have some.  May I have permission to go aboard?"  Here's the General, a three-star general, asking me, at the time, I'm a JG [lieutenant, junior grade], if he can come aboard, and I said, "Permission granted."  ... He knows the protocol.  He stands up, he salutes the ensign at the stern, salutes the flag, salutes me, goes aboard, comes back up about three-quarters of an hour later, reverses that, and says to me, "May I [have] permission to go ashore?" and I said, "Permission granted."  That was my experience with George Patton. SI:  At that time, did you know of him from the papers? RY:  Oh, yes, because he was the commanding officer of that whole army.  ... SI:  Had the news of the slapping incident reached you yet? RY:  Yes, we knew about that, too, yes, but he was probably ... one of our best fighting generals. SI:  In an incident like this air raid in Palermo or during the rescue of the LST-333 ... RY:  And you're also talking about the invasion of Sicily. SI:  Yes, I will ask about that, but what would you be doing during those events?  Would you be working with the engines? RY:  No, ... at that point, I was commander of the SC503 subchaser, was on the bridge. SI:  Okay, when Palermo was attacked, you were commanding the ... RY:  Yes.  Once we got to North Africa, ... I became commander, because ... the other two junior officers got sent back to the States. SI:  What would you try to do during an attack like that, the attack on Palermo? RY:  You didn't have much chance to do much of anything but make sure that your guns were manned and that your ashcans for submarines were loaded, ready to be rolled, and that you had to be alert to all that, and make sure that general quarters had been called and all the men were at their proper station. SI:  Looking at the invasion of Sicily, from interviewing people who were in the invasion in the ground forces, I know that they did a lot of training for it for weeks ahead of time.  RY:  Yes. SI:  It seemed to me, in reading the diary, that you got pretty short notice about the invasion. RY:  Sicily, we did, but I've got to tell you, the invasion of Anzio was practiced.  We practiced that invasion for ten to twelve days.  Every day, we'd go out, the courses we were to take in, what equipment we had to have.  That was very strenuous. SI:  Sicily was your first major operation when you were in command of the ship. RY:  Yes, right. SI:  Tell me about the buildup to the invasion and what it was like that night and morning. RY:  Well, the invasion of Sicily, we were in the van' of the invasion fleet.  We were ahead ... of the ships that carried the troops, the troop carriers.  ... Beyond the troop carriers were the cruisers that were firing the big guns on the beach, to clear the beaches.  The beach was probably about from where the troop carriers were, that those troop carriers landed, ... anchored, were probably about five miles off the beach.  ... They would drop their landing craft over the side with the troops in them.  ... Since they didn't have compasses, we had to lead them in.  So, we lead them into the beach.  That was the job, and then, you'd turn around and go back and get the next group that came in. SI:  In those first few waves into Sicily, did your ship take any fire? RY:  Yes.  ... JU-88s were up on the hills that were about a mile behind.  They were firing on the beach, but the cruiser big guns took care of them, for a while.  ... On your way in, you'd hear these big cannons going over you and, after a while, that stopped the German JU-88s from firing.  [Editor's Note: Commander Yoken may be referring to the German eighty-eight-millimeter artillery piece, rather than the JU-88 bomber aircraft.] SI:  Once you had accompanied the waves in, what happened after that? RY:  Yes.  Well, we'd go back ... and we'd have to get a second wave, until that portion of it, to that beach, was completed.  Then, we'd go back to where the headquarters ships were and wait for other orders.  If there was a problem in getting troops from another group, that may be two miles down, we would have to go that way, but, most of the time, the invasion of Sicily came off pretty clean.  We didn't have too much of that problem. SI:  During that whole period, how much time were you on duty? RY:  Constantly.  You're on general quarters from the moment that they decided to make that run until the time they called it off.  So, you could be on general quarters for twelve solid hours at a time. SI:  Was it very draining, both physically and mentally? RY:  Oh, sure, it was.  You had to be alert, you had to keep your eye out for planes that were coming over, and to make sure that you weren't firing at your own planes, because you had a lot of your own planes in the area, which was a problem at the invasion of Anzio.  We shot down--not we, but the Navy, US Navy--shot down a few planes.  [Editor's Note: Operation HUSKY, the invasion of Sicily, commenced on the evening of July 9-10, 1943. Due to inadequate communication and identification methods, Allied ships shot down twenty-three aircraft carrying American paratroopers, resulting in over three hundred casualties.] SI:  I know the problem at Sicily was that they did not have communication between the forces on the ground and the forces in the air.  RY:  Yes. SI:  Did they address that at all? RY:  Well, I think they eventually got it straightened out, but there were a few casualties before they got around to that.  DY:  I think there's something in my daughter's documentation that she articulates about that. SI:  Yes.  They did not have the friend-or-foe devices and there were no air liaisons, the men from the ground forces on the planes who would communicate with the ground forces. RY:  They were supposed to have them, but I don't think they were completely taken care of. SI:  In future invasions, though, were you more aware of where the friendly forces were as opposed to enemy forces? RY:  Oh, yes.  When we made the invasion of Ajaccio, which is Corsica, and then, the invasion of Southern France, we didn't have any of those problems at all.  That was pretty clean-cut.  SI:  In the diary, much of what you describe in terms of receiving enemy fire came from air raids, but were there any threats from U-boats? RY:  The Mediterranean was really too [unsuitable].  ... It was too shallow for a lot of ... U-boat work.  So, if there were any U-boats in there, there were very few of them.  They wouldn't bother with us anyway.  We're too small. They would go after the bigger ships, if there were [any], but what we did have to be watching out for [was] the Italian Navy.  We were still at war with Italy and the Italian Navy was operating in the Mediterranean, but the standard joke about the Italian Navy was, in the US Navy, ... that the Italian Navy, which had great ships, the Italian Navy had their guns in such a way that their big guns, if they had nine guns, they'd have one turret forward of the bridge and two turrets back.  So, three guns were forward, six guns were aft, and somebody once used the phrase, "Well, that's typical of the Italian Fleet--they're always running in the opposite direction," [laughter] but I think there's an article in there, that we ran into two of them during the night.  That was quite an experience. SI:  Please, tell me about it. RY:  Well, we were escorting a landing barge from Palermo to the Isle of Ustica, which is about twenty-five miles out to sea.  That was a penal institute, at one time, and, also, was ... where the Italians kept a small force.  ... Our job was to go out there, and it was a water barge--they didn't have their own water--it was to escort.  They had no navigational equipment, so, we had to escort them out there.  So, we went out one night from Palermo, I guess probably about ten o'clock at night, and about three in the morning, we're off the beach, about maybe a mile-and-a-half off Ustica.  ... By that time, ... you could [just] barely see the beach, but it was enough for the landing barge, water barge, to go in by itself.  They didn't have to follow us, because they didn't need us anymore.  All of a sudden, we're back there and we get a signal, a light signal, and we look up.  ... I'm on the fantail and I see in the distance two good-sized ships, looked like cruisers, and I look at them closely again and I see that they are Italian light cruisers, because we had identification information on them.  ... First, not knowing that, we didn't know who they were, we signal them back, waiting for a return answer.  Well, they didn't have the proper return answer and we didn't have the proper signal when we signaled them.  The codes were different.  The next thing we knew [is] that we see shells flying over our ship--they were firing at us.  They didn't know who we were, but they thought that, with the size, ... we may be a submarine, and there were no Italian submarines in the area and they didn't know whether these were American or British submarines.  ... The firing kept on for--they must have fired maybe twenty or thirty shells at us and that was scary, I've got to tell you, because if one of those even came within ten or fifteen yards of that ... 110-foot subchaser, they wouldn't be there anymore.  So, ... we had our radio operator get on the radio and radio our fleet that was in Palermo.  ... Admiral Davidson was the commander in charge of the fleet [that] was in there, and told him that we identified them as Garibaldi-class Italian light cruisers and, in about twenty-five minutes, we could hear the drones of the airplanes coming ... out of Naples [Palermo?].  ... They turned right around and went back to Italy, but, for a good forty-five minutes, it was, I've got to tell you, a little scary. [Editor's Note: This incident took place on August 6, 1943.]  ... I had an intriguing thing with that.  At the end of the war, I was down in Miami, Florida, at naval school, advanced naval school, at communications.  ... I had an officer who was talking about proper identifications and how to use them.  ... He says, "You know," he says, "you've got to be very careful about using your proper identifications."  He says, "I have a story here, I'll tell you, about a subchaser in the Mediterranean that ran into two Italian light cruisers, on their way to hit Palermo, that flashed identification signals to Italian ships, which didn't have the right answers.  ... We didn't have the right answers to them, and they got fired upon."  ... He says, "It was pretty stupid on their part to have done that."  ... I raised my hand and I said--he was a lieutenant--I said, "Lieutenant," I said, "I don't think you have the story quite right," and he looked at me.  ... You could see him saying to himself, "Who the hell is this smartass lieutenant, talking to me this way?"  He says, "Well, what are you talking about?"  I said, "I was on that subchaser that you're talking about."  ... He says, "Yes, what was the number of it?"  I said, "The 503."  "And your name?" and I gave him my name, and he looks [in] his records and he says, "Yes," he says, "you're right."  He says, "You were on that, weren't you?"  He says, "Supposing you come up here and tell the story, so [that] it's right this time."  So, that was kind of a [funny story], and I tell you, ... there are three articles that David has got me about that same incident and, for some reason, ... and we've got to straighten this out with the Navy Department, they've got SubChaser 530 on there, instead of 503. DY:  ... I mean, it's really incorrect. RY:  But, that was our major situation of really getting into ... trouble. SI:  Yes, it was very rare to have surface engagements in World War II. RY:  Yes.  ... Well, they thought ... the reason that they turned around after we fired at them [was], ... we were small and so low in the water, they couldn't lower their guns enough to hit us, the first way.  Number two, they thought there might be American submarines in the [area] and they didn't want to get hit, either, and they turned around and went ahead back to Italy. SI:  To get into the Salerno invasion, again, there was not much lead up to it for you.  RY:  Which one? SI:  The invasion of Salerno. RY:  ... The Salerno invasion was, as I say, we brought the troops into the beaches.  After that, we hung around, and then, went up to Anzio, but we didn't bring them into Anzio.  They were already there when we were in Anzio. [Editor's Note: Operation AVALANCHE, the invasion of Salerno, commenced on September 3, 1943. Operation SHINGLE, the invasion of Anzio, commenced on January 22, 1944.] SI:  Going into Salerno, from what I understand, Italy had surrendered, therefore, many servicemen thought there would not be much of a fight in Salerno. RY:  ... No, but there were big German forces in Salerno, big German forces in Salerno. SI:  What could you see from where you were on your ship of what was happening on the ground? RY:  Yes, not really.  You could see a lot of movement and you could see flashes of firing going on, but you couldn't see much more than that, because they were inland, five or six miles, and we were out two or three or four miles from the beach.  We knew there was something going on.  As a matter-of-fact, it got so tenuous there ... in Anzio that ... SI:  Anzio or Salerno? RY:  ... No, this is after Salerno.  Salerno was somewhat like a piece of cake.  Once we got them in there, there was no big problems.  They took care of the German "eighty-eights" on the hill very quickly, and then, ... that's where they moved up to Rome, and then, from Rome forward, but, in Anzio, it was tenuous there, because we didn't have as many men in there, Army men, as we should have had in there.  ... The Germans were ... very tenacious.  They didn't want to give that up, because it was the road to Rome at that point.  ... We had orders to stand by.  ... They were pretty close to evacuating that whole beach, taking them right off again.  General Mark Clark came up there.  He was the commanding officer of that whole area.  [Editor's Note: US Army General Mark W. Clark served as commander of the Fifth US Army and later assumed command of all Allied ground forces in Italy.]  He came up one day, when we were out patrolling the area.  ... We hadn't gotten any word that he was coming out and we had a lot of German motor torpedo boats running in the area, to torpedo the boats, and his boat that he was coming up in looked like a torpedo boat.  We almost blew them out of the water.  We had our guns trained on them, until we finally got the right recognition.  These are some of the things that do happen when the coordination is not that close as it should be.  Maybe the reason was, they didn't want the word out that he was on his way up.  So, nobody knew that. SI:  What would you be doing between the invasions, just running supplies back and forth or patrolling? RY:  Yes, that's right, yes, just running back.  We'd run out of stuff and have to go back to Naples, which was our headquarters, and get fixed up, and one or two of the boys, ... who may have got hit by shrapnel and had wounds, got sent ashore to the dispensaries, to have that taken care of, but that was about it. SI:  Did you lose any men on your ship? RY:  No. SI:  Did you ever have any problem with sailors not being able to handle being in combat? RY:  No, once they were in it, there wasn't much they could do about [it].  I mean, you got to a point where you might have been--everybody, obviously, was frightened and scared.  Don't let anybody tell you that they were not, but, after you're there for a while, you figure, "Well, you know, if my number's up, my number's up.  I can't turn around and go around.  I'd get [hit] just as bad going back than I can going forward."  So, ... I didn't have that; on my ship, I didn't have any of that problem.  SI:  How long were you in Anzio? RY:  In Anzio?  Well, we were there for about four or five days at a time, then, we'd go back.  We'd go back to North Africa, then, go back again.  We were there for a total of about four months, all together. SI:  I understand they also used a lot of artillery against the naval forces in Anzio, particularly the railroad guns. RY:  Yes, right, yes.  There were a lot of naval forces in there, a lot of British.  British had a good deal, many ... troops and ships in that area. SI:  The Germans were able to use their large artillery pieces to attack the naval ships. RY:  Yes, because they were up on the hills. SI:  Yes, like "Anzio Annie." RY:  Yes. SI:  Were you ever in an area where those shells were landing or were a threat to you? RY:  ... They were landing, all of them were landing in the water, close to us, but I didn't see anything get [hit]. Nothing got hit there.  SI:  How did the ship come through all of these engagements?  Did you need repairs often? RY:  Well, the repairs it had were just from usage, not from getting hit or anything like that.  ... [Editor's Note: David Yoken produces a photograph.]  That's one of the ships that got hit at Toulon.  That's in Toulon.  The Germans hit the harbor at Toulon.  Those are French ships that got hit.  [Editor's Note: Commander Yoken may be referring to ships scuttled by the French Navy at Toulon on November 27, 1942, to prevent their capture by Nazi forces.] SI:  Any damage to your ship would be from normal wear and tear.  RY:  Yes, right, yes. SI:  Were you able to get the repairs you needed done in a timely manner? RY:  ... There was places, for example, to get repaired, if we're up in North Africa, Algiers had a repair section. You'd get in there, but they got you in and out pretty fast.  ... Many of the repairs we had were minor repairs.  They were nothing that was serious.  For example, if the radar crapped out, they would send a technician aboard and he'd work on it maybe four or five hours and get it straightened out again--nothing much more serious than that.  SI:  Let me pause again. [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  We discussed the operation at Anzio.  You were there for quite a long time.  What happened after Anzio? That is where your diary ends. RY:  Well, after Anzio, we got the invasion of ... SI:  Southern France? RY:  ... Southern France, yes.  [Editor's Note: Operation DRAGOON, the invasion of Southern France, commenced on August 15, 1944.] SI:  What was that like for you? RY:  It was very quiet.  By that time, the armies were pretty far north.  They're up at Nice.  They're up, yes, around Nice and stuff.  So, it was a piece of cake, actually.  I have an interesting story to say, though, about that.  ... At Southern France, we got orders to turn the SC-503 over to the French, because we're heading back to the States, and they sent aboard the prospective new captain, ... the French captain, whose name was Roger Guillaume, which, in English, would translate to "Roger Williams."  A very fine young man, he was, ... basically, the same as a lieutenant, junior grade, in the Army, and he came aboard.  He spent about a month [onboard while] we were still in command ... of the SC-503, and to learn the intricacies of how to handle it, and so forth.  ... We got orders that, ... after a month, that two weeks later, we would formally get orders to turn the fleet [the ship] over to the French fleet, French Navy, but ... he got two weeks leave notice and, at this point, the US Army was up around Grenoble.  They were north of [there], going into Germany.  [Editor's Note: Grenoble was liberated on August 22, 1944.]  He came to say good-bye, and he said, ... "By the time I get back, we'll have turned the ship over, so, I won't have much time to be with you all, but, so far, you've given me very good lessons and it's very nice knowing you," spoke excellent English, a very handsome young man.  ... I see him about ready to go ashore.  I said, "Wait a minute, come over here."  He comes over by me.  He's got a .45 strapped to his side, and I said, "You're going on vacation with a .45?"  He said, "Yes," he says, "I am," and I said, "Why are you doing that?"  He said, "Grenoble had a lot of French collaborators in it, and, if I go up there and I find any of them harmed any of my family," he says, "that's going to come in very useful to me."  So, I don't think he ever used it, because, by the time he came back, ... I'd got orders to go back to the States. SI:  How did you travel back to the States? RY:  I came back, I flew by aircraft from North Africa, ... from Europe, from Toulon, [France], to North Africa, stayed in North Africa about a week-and-a-half, two weeks, and then, went on ... a US supply ship that was heading back to the States.  SI:  At that point, did you know what was happening next or was your future uncertain? RY:  ... Yes, I knew that I was probably going to be sent down to Miami, Florida, for advanced training for the so-called invasion of Southern France. SI:  Japan? RY:  I'm sorry, for the invasion of Japan, yes. SI:  I saw in the diary that you had put in for destroyer escort work.  RY:  Yes. SI:  Okay.  Why did you want that?  RY:  Because it was a ship that was about three times the size of the subchaser I was on.  I wanted something a little bit larger, and, yet, it wasn't huge.  ... It was a little bit smaller, about the size of a destroyer, but ... I didn't want to be on a big ship like a cruiser or a "battlewagon" [a nickname for a battleship], because you get lost in that kind of ship. SI:  When you came back to the States, were you able to visit your family then? RY:  Yes, I was there.  I had leave.  I had a month's leave at home. SI:  What was that like, to be reunited with your family after so long? RY:  Well, it was very pleasant, and, of course, ... after you've been away for that long a period of time, in the war zone, [and] you come back, they treat you like you're a hero, somewhat.  They don't know that.  They don't know what actually happens, but they think that you did fantastic things.  SI:  Your mother had been running the store by herself.  RY:  Yes. SI:  How was she able to fare during the war, under rationing?  Was she able to keep it up? RY:  ... It was a very high-grade store.  It wasn't a regular grocery store, so that the stuff that she got, she was still able to get--not to the same amount, but certainly was able to get them.  She had, they had, no problems with that, as far as I know. SI:  Businesses also had difficulty finding help, because everyone was involved in the war. RY:  No, because the help she had were people that were probably, when she had them, ... they had children and they were older and they weren't really age-related, available.  If she had those that were, like, young truck drivers, she could get kids out of high school who were below the minimum age ... to be able to be drafted.  SI:  Then, you reported to Miami for advanced. RY:  I reported to Miami for advanced training, and then, that's when I was then selected for the APD that was supposed ... to go to Japan, the invasion of Japan, which was called off.  SI:  How much time did you spend in Miami before you were assigned to the APD? RY:  Probably about six, seven weeks.  The course was about six or seven, about seven, weeks.  The course, basically, [was] in navigation, primarily, navigation, and ... that was mostly basic navigation.  The officer's training, I'd already had quite a bit of, and, actually, not only training, but I actually had experience.  So, there was no need for that.  ... I didn't have need to study more engineering, because what I had ... to begin with was for small ships and, secondly, ... by that time, they had men out of the Naval Academy who had engineering experience.  They didn't need Reserve officers for that kind of stuff. SI:  Were you able to get any leave while you were in Miami, or just to go out and see the town? RY:  Well, I had a leave between Miami and being assigned to the APD, because, at that point, ... my orders, after Miami, were leave for a month, and then, assigned to the building, the new building, of the APD outside of Boston. So, it was right near the home.  I used to commute from home to the APD. SI:  Okay.  You were there for the entire building of the ship. RY:  From the very beginning, from when they laid the keel.  ... I was assigned to the building of the APD in Hingham, Massachusetts, which is outside of Boston, and then, I went aboard that as a junior officer; eventually, became the skipper of it.  We went [on] a shakedown cruise [the testing period for the ship] to Florida.  It was down in Florida, Jacksonville, Florida, the St. Johns River, up Jacksonville.  [Editor's Note: The USS Hunter Marshall (APD-112) was launched on May 5, 1945, and commissioned on July 17, 1945.] SI:  What did you do while the ship was being built?  What were your duties then? RY:  When you're watching the ship being built? not a thing, truly.  You just make it your business to be there and to see what's going on.  ... If something doesn't strike you as proper, then, you get in touch with the people that build it, but, generally, you just stay out of their way.  SI:  When you were forming a crew, how much input did you have into who got on the crew, or did you just accept whoever they sent to you? RY:  Oh, you don't have a great deal of influence.  You have a table of contents [table of organization and equipment], of who's to be, of what positions have to be filled, but you have no choice in who the Navy Department sends to that [ship].  Once they get on there, then, it becomes your responsibility to make sure that they do the job, and, if not, then, you can ask to transfer them, but you don't have any initial responsibility to pick the crew. SI:  How many men were on the APD? RY:  There were eight officers and there were probably, I think, between thirty-nine and forty-two enlisted personnel, and that doesn't include the over-and-above.  ... The enlisted personnel is forty-two, and then, you've got the [additional personnel].  In those days, the crew was segregated, so that Afro-Americans were not [regular crew members]; they were basically in the [ship] as servants, in the wardrooms or in the cleaning part.  ... To have an Afro-American who was in the crew as a coxswain or a seaman, every so often, you would promote one of those people, one of the good ones, and they could become apprentice seaman, which was the lowest brand of seaman, which took them out of the wardroom and out of the cooks and servant area.  A good many of them didn't want to leave, because they had it made in the servant area, and we had a black guy on the APD who was a great, great young man.  He was a servant in the wardroom, but ... everybody loved him, and he was great for the crew, because he'd be in the wardroom, serving, when the conversation was going on.  He knew everything that was going on on the ship, and the guys, ... the regular guys, always wanted to know, "What's happening?" you know. SI:  You promoted him. RY:  Yes, we promoted him up to apprentice seaman, ... which didn't make him too happy.  He was happy where he was, made more money when he was an apprentice seaman, but that wasn't that much different.  SI:  When you promoted him, would he still serve on the ship? RY:  Oh, yes, yes.  He just moved into a different department. SI:  That kind of very localized desegregation was okay, to have an African-American sailor working with white sailors in other departments. RY:  Yes, ... it was okay.  It wasn't something that ... all the ships did, but he was such a likable young guy and that all the guys liked him, the officers and enlisted men.  So, they were very happy and very pleased that he was promoted. SI:  Okay, nobody had a problem with that. RY:  No, because it sort of gave them an idea that if they were straight and out of trouble, that they might someday be promoted, too.  ... Some of the enlisted men, you know, were really--on the SC-503, that crew was basically, ... I think they opened the Navy [prisons].  When we went overseas, to fill the crew, I have an awful impression that they must have opened up the Navy prisons, let them all out, because, you know, it wasn't the kind of a deal that most people would want, because they would know that, number one, they were going to a war area and, number two, they were going on a very small ship, which didn't have the stuff that the bigger ships had.  So, they weren't too happy with that.  SI:  Was there anything about what they did that made you think that as well? RY:  Well, they were always complaining, always complaining about something. SI:  You said the crew, most of the crew, left and was replaced when you took over, correct? RY:  Pardon?  ... SI:  When you took command of the subchaser, before Sicily, you said a lot of the crew had been sent back and you got a new crew. RY:  No, some were sent back, but most of them were veterans by that point.  I think we only replaced two or three of them. SI:  I was wondering if you had the same attitude about them. RY:  No.  The ones that we replaced were a better grade.  ... In some cases, they [would] even opt to come on a small ship. SI:  Were there any African-Americans on the subchaser? RY:  No, not because they were excluded, just none of them were qualified, apparently, to be on the subchaser. We didn't have any Afro-Americans. SI:  When was the APD launched? RY:  The APD was launched in, let's see, I got aboard ... [in] the late Spring of '43.  DY:  I don't think so.  It has to be after '44.  ... RY:  ... Is it there in the papers? DY:  Yes.  ... I don't think they have the dates on your separation papers.  I should check that.  We can cross-reference that. SI:  Yes.  Was it towards the end of the war? RY:  Toward the end of the war, yes, yes.  SI:  You said you did not go to the Pacific. RY:  No, we didn't.  As a matter-of-fact, we were shaking down in Guantanamo [Bay, Cuba], when the war ended. SI:  It might have been in the late spring or early summer of 1945. RY:  Yes.  We were scheduled to go to Japan--the invasion of Japan--but the war ended before.  ... About the second or third week that we were shaking down in Guantanamo Bay is when the war ended. SI:  How did you hear the news?  What was it like when you heard the news? RY:  Well, the news came over the radio.  Everybody in the Navy knew ... when the armistice was signed. [Editor's Note: V-J Day was declared on August 14, 1945, in the United States.] SI:  Was there any kind of celebration when they surrendered? RY:  I think, well, ... wasn't much of a celebration.  I think there was a feeling of relief that they didn't have to go to Japan, and ... that they knew that, in a short time, that most of them would be discharged out of the Navy to begin with, which is what they were looking for.  We had very few men on our ship who decided to make the Navy a career, not on a small [ship].  On a small subchaser, that wasn't what they were looking for.  I think we had one young man who was very bright and he decided that he would rather stay in the Navy ... than go on a small ship to the Pacific.  ... The commanding officer of our unit, we were part of a unit, designated him so that he could go to the Naval Academy.  He went to the Naval Academy, came out as a midshipman four years later, or an ensign four years later.  SI:  At this point, when the war ended, what were your plans for the future?  Did you see yourself staying in the Navy?  RY:  No, I wasn't interested in it.  I'd had enough time in the Navy.  I wasn't interested in staying in the Navy.  I thought I wanted to go back home, and I must tell you, frankly, at that point, I didn't have any, really, ideas of what I was going to do.  I got a job working for an uncle, but it was a very pedantry type of job, wasn't a supervisor's job.  He had a large wholesale grocery and I worked in there, ... you know, just to make a few bucks.  ... My mother wasn't very happy about that, because I used to be hanging around at home, but I got a girlfriend who lived in Boston.  So, I used to travel back and forth to Boston.  That girlfriend is now his mother.  [laughter] SI:  How did you meet your wife? RY:  Pardon? SI:  How did you meet your wife? RY:  Family connections, you know.  It was a blind date, actually. SI:  Was that right after you got out of the Navy? RY:  Yes.  SI:  All right. RY:  I was in the Naval Reserve at that point, and there's a cute story about that.  I was in the Naval Reserve and I used to go to drills on 90 Church Street in New York City.  ... I was due to go on two weeks training duty, which was part of the Naval Reserve [commitment], and I had been selected--there had to be one officer from each naval district, of which there are twelve in the United States--to go to an advanced school in Washington, [DC].  ... In the First Naval District, they selected me, not because I was outstanding, but because I had this long war experience.  ... I went home and I told my wife, who was pregnant with David, ... and I had two other kids at the same time, a little bit older.  I told it to the captain that ... was in charge, that I couldn't go, and he said to me, "What do you mean you can't go?"  I said, "My wife tells me that if I go, ... when I come back, she won't find herself or my other kids [at home], ... because they'll have gone back to Boston to her family's house," and he said to me, ... "Want to repeat that?" and I repeated it to him.  He says, "Listen," he says, "you go back and you tell your wife that we have in the Navy a certain saying, that when you get an order in the Navy, you have to do it, and, particularly, ... this kind of an order that I'm telling you, is that what you gave me as an excuse is no excuse, because, in the Navy, our answer is, in the Navy, you have to be there to the laying of the keel, but you don't have to be there for the launching."  So, that was the answer I got there.  [laughter] So, I came back and I said to Joan, I said, "I'm just going to [go].  There's nothing I can do about it."  She says, "Supposing I come and talk to them?"  I said, "Yes, you try that and you'll find yourself in the [Navy].  You'll be a Navy WAVE.  They'll take you in."  She said, "No, I don't want that."  So, that's what happened there.  [Editor's Note: Starting in 1942, US Navy WAVES ("Women Accepted for Volunteer Emergency Service") served in administrative and operational capacities during World War II.] SI:  When did you leave active duty and go on Reserve status after the war? RY:  Well, when I left, when the APD was finally put into non-commission, into the fleet that they were holding in reserve, this is at the end of the war, ... I was transferred.  ... The captain I had, ... he had been transferred to Boston, ... to the First Naval District Headquarters, as the executive officer, and he knew that my ship was going to be put into mothballs.  So, he said, "Don't resign now.  Stick around for a while, because jobs are not available on the outside."  He said, "I'll get you to come up to Boston and you can be the administrative assistant to the executive officer at the naval station," is ... [what] would happen, and I said, "That's fine."  He said, "That would be great for you, because you can commute from Fall River to Boston," which was forty miles, "and, if you have duties over the weekend or two or three days, you [First Naval headquarters will] have special rooms for you.  ... It'll be a good job and you'll get good money.  You'll get good pay out of it."  So, that's what happened.  So, I stayed in that, oh, what? you've got the discharge papers there someplace. DY:  Yes, the separation papers. SI:  1957, was it?  I think you wrote on here that it was 1957. DY:  That's from the Naval Reserve, yes, but, from Boston, ... that would be more ... RY:  Yes, but it's in there, someplace, should be, shows the discharge papers from the Navy.  DY:  This says August 24, 1946; uh-oh, August 31, 1946 is this, is what this is dated. SI:  August 1946, almost into September.  You said you had this job working for your uncle while you were courting your wife. RY:  Yes.  I went back to Fall River and I had general work.  It wasn't a great job, but I had a job working for him and I was living at home.  So, that didn't cost me anything. SI:  Did you ever use any part of the GI Bill or consider using the GI Bill? RY:  Yes, yes.  I went to Columbia [University].  I took a course at Columbia in economics and I used the GI Bill for that. SI:  When was that? RY:  That was back in ... DY:  In the late ... '50s?  RY:  Yes, ... but that's the only reason I used the GI Bill DY:  ... You mentioned insurance, a life insurance policy, also. RY:  Well, I had life insurance, probably, but that wasn't the GI Bill.  That was ... SI:  You just continued your life insurance from when you were in the service. RY:  Yes.  I had that bill, first, had it as annual insurance, but, then, it was changed to long-term.  So, I haven't paid a thing for it in thirty years and I still get benefits of it. SI:  Yes.  Many veterans either regret that they dropped it or are happy that they kept it, because it turned out to be a much greater benefit than it was originally intended to be. RY:  Yes, yes. SI:  After this period where you were working for your uncle, what was your next step?  What did you want to do with your family then? RY:  Well, I knew that that was a dead-end, because I was a laborer there, you know.  So, I decided that ... maybe I'd better get a job that had something to do with my naval experience.  So, I went to New York City and, having been an engineering officer in the Navy, I felt that I should go to some ship company that was stationed in lower Broadway, see if I could get a job with them in the engineering department.  ... I went to the Istraband Ship Company, which is a big company, and I walked in and I showed my credentials to the guy that was hiring, and he said, "What specifically are you looking for?"  I said, "Well, I'm sure when your ships come in that they come in to be checked for repairs, and so forth, and that would be right down my alley to do that," and he said, "Well," he says, "that's a good idea," he said, "but I want to show you something."  He says, "Take a look over there in that room," and there were about six desks in that room.  He said, "All those six desks are held by men who were in the engineering department who do the work that you're talking about, and they're very senior."  He said, "If you get a job like that," he says, "you will be working at the lower end of the scale for the next twelve years."  So, at that point, I says, "That's not what I'm interested in."  So, I left there and decided I should go see what was doing at Sears Roebuck, because I figured--I had a friend, a shipmate on the APD, who was out of the Navy, who lived in Baltimore, and he said to me, ... "There's a big office in Baltimore for Sears Roebuck."  He says, "Why don't you check Sears Roebuck and find out if you'd like to have [a job there]?  They're looking for people.  Maybe they'll use you with Sears Roebuck.  That's merchandising and that ought to be pretty good for you."  So, I went to New York City, to the headquarters of Sears Roebuck.  It was the ready-to-wear headquarters--women's dresses and coats and hats and millenary, and so forth.  ... I walked up and I got an appointment to the employment office and I went up to the employment office and it was in a room about twice the size of this.  ... As I walk in, there was a table at the end of the desk of a man sitting next to it, behind it.  ... He looked out and he called and he said, "Come over here, I'd like to talk to you," and he walked over and he looked down at his paper and he looked up at me and he said, "My God," he says, "that's Dick Yoken."  ... He didn't have my name, but he said, "What are you doing here?"  I said, "I'm the guy you're supposed to be interviewing," ... and I recognized him.  I said, "You were over in the Mediterranean."  He happened to be one of the officers in the Mediterranean ... that my ship served with.  So, he was in charge of the New York office, and he says, "I'll put you to work in Sears Roebuck, but, first, you've got to work down at Allentown, Pennsylvania, in their receiving department," and he says, "to get acquainted with what's going on."  So, I used to commute, for about six months, from New York City to Allentown, every single day.  I'd go down in the morning and come back in the afternoon, except Sunday, and I had a young man that I reported to who was the head shipping clerk.  I had to work for him.  ... I found out that he'd been an enlisted man in the Navy, and, when he saw my credentials--and he apparently did not have a good time in the Navy--and he must have said to himself, "Here's my chance to get even."  So, he was Pennsylvania Dutch.  ... I got a job in the receiving department, and he made sure that every job that was difficult, I got.  One of the things that came in one day was garden hose, big rolls of garden hose, and that had to be put into a warehouse, which is right across an alley, up a second flight, no elevator.  ... My job was to take that up to the second flight and, boy, that was backbreaking, and then, when I'd come back, he'd have some cleanup work for me to do, nothing that I was hoping to get.  ... He used to speak with Pennsylvania Dutch [sayings]--he'd say, "Come over here, (vonce?)," which means, "Come over here right away," and I'm standing there and he says, "You understand English?"  I said, "Yes, I understand English, but I don't understand you.  You start talking English, I might understand you."  Well, that didn't make it any easier for me.  So, he said to me [that] he'd find every tough job he could find, [which] he gave to me, and, eventually, I got transferred to the New York office of Sears Roebuck, and that's where I worked for many years, at Sears Roebuck.  So, that brings you up to the time that I opened my business myself. SI:  That was in 1960. RY:  That was in 1960, yes.  SI:  Tell me a little bit about why you decided to open your own business and how it came about. RY:  Because I ... had been trained by my father that you had to work for yourself, you shouldn't work for anybody else, because, if there were anything good [that] would happen, it would happen through your efforts, alone, most likely, and, if everything bad [happened], that would be your fault, too.  So, by [not] working for somebody else, you would have more incentive to do the job properly.  He was a self-made man.  ... SI:  What kind of business did you develop? RY:  A commercial stationary business, office equipment and commercial stationary.  SI:  Where was it located? RY:  In Scarsdale.  SI:  In Scarsdale.  RY:  Well, at first, it was located out of my house.  I worked it out of my house, and then, I finally got a space, and I've worked in Scarsdale for many years.  SI:  What are some of the major challenges you have seen?  On your survey, it said that you owned the business until--do you still own the business? RY:  ... I didn't really sell it.  ... The business was interesting.  It was a good business.  The problem of it was that the type of business it was was too small for anybody to be really interested in it and too big for anybody who might be interested and was not able to handle it.  So, it was right in the middle, and to get a buyer for it would have been a tremendous problem.  So, I, eventually, after many years, just closed it down. SI:  I think you had 2010 listed here.  You closed it down this year. DY:  Basically. SI:  All right, you closed it down this year. RY:  No, it's been about five years since [then].  ... SI:  What were some of the biggest challenges you faced?  Did you have to face competition from the larger outlets, like Staples? RY:  No.  As a matter-of-fact, I had a certain niche of the business, so, I didn't have much competition.  I dealt, basically, with small companies who had, maybe, three or four offices and about three, four people working for them, and that was it.  ... The purchasing agent of this small business would be somebody that would be looking for somebody from which they could buy seventy or eighty percent of their material.  They didn't have to go to many places, and, also, ... having been an officer and an engineer and having a scientific background, ... I had architects, small architects, that dealt with me and I could talk their language.  ... I knew what a T-square was and I knew what a prowell straight-edge was and that sort of stuff, which most people in the stationary business wouldn't have any idea what it was.  ... If they'd want to know ... if they needed a certain pencil, I'd have to know what question to ask you, "What are you using it for?  Do you need a 2H or a 3H?" whatever it was, along those lines.  DY:  You were also one of the largest packing suppliers.  ... RY:  Yes, packing, that was another [part of the business]. DY:  When Cuisinart, the food processor, ... first came out, you worked, actually, with the inventor of that.  |RY:  Yes, right, with the inventors, packaging material.  ... DY:  Supplying all the packaging material for the original Cuisinart.RY:  Corrugated cartons.  That was a big portion of the business, and drafting supplies with architects, and then, I had my own stationary items.  I had what was known as Today Brand pencils, that I would sell.  "Today" stood for Tony, my oldest boy, Anthony, Tony, and David. DY:  "D-A," Yoken, "Y." RY:  And then, I had rag paper [paper made from fiber products, particularly cotton], twenty-five percent rag paper, writing paper, that was called Holly Brand, after my daughter, whose name was Hollyce, and pencils, Holly Pencils, that I had made up.  So, those were very good, because, price-wise, you didn't have competition.  If somebody'd say, "Well, your price is too high," or, "You should be less," I'd say, "But, they don't have the Holly Brand twenty-five percent rag paper," which was true.  Now, somebody else may have had the same basic paper, but with a different name to it.  So, that was a merchandising kind of thing, and I still have a lot of Holly Brand pencils that I still have, that I use, myself.  Do you have any of them? DY:  Yes, they're collector's items.  [laughter] RY:  Yes, David has some. SI:  Would you have to develop relationships with businesses, like you did with Cuisinart? RY:  Yes. SI:  Was that a large part of what you would do on average?  RY:  Yes. SI:  Were there other firms that you developed a relationship with in packaging? DY:  Union Carbide. RY:  What's that? DY:  Union Carbide? RY:  Yes, Union Carbide was one of my bigger accounts, and Casual Corners, if you know [them], have heard of them. DY:  Did clothing.  Were they clothing?  Casual Corners was a big clothing line, right?  RY:  Casual Corners, yes, was clothing. DY:  Who was the outdoor furniture company?  Did you work with them?  RY:  Yes.  Finkle Outdoor Products, New Jersey. DY:  Here in New Jersey. RY:  It was a big outdoor furniture company that I dealt with.  It's been some years since I've been doing that.  I basically retired this business five, six years ago, because ... I didn't have the inclination, nor did I have the help that could work at it.  My kids were not interested in it. DY:  Well, I was for a moment, but, when I came to work for you, my dad said, "Listen, you work for me for six months, you can do a good job, but you know what?"  I'm a musician, and you told me, you said, "Go out and do your music.  You're a talented musician and you should go do that." RY:  Well, a funny story with that is, David used to come down to my office, and my office, outside, had a big driveway with a hill on it.  ... David, one day, used to come to my office, and I had a desk here and the other desk was facing me, and he used to drive me nuts, because he ... had pencils and he was always tapping the table, like he was doing a drum.  ... One day, I'd had enough of that.  So, I said to David, "Look, let's knock that off.  Don't do that anymore," and he couldn't stop it.  So, I just went over and I got so annoyed that I picked him up in the chair.  I picked him up, took him outside, put him outside of the building, so that he wouldn't disturb me.  ... I get back to go to work, and, all of a sudden, I hear tapping again.  He's outside on the driveway, with two sticks, tapping on the driveway.  [laughter] So, I couldn't break him of that.  Now, he's a first-class professor and musician right now. SI:  It seems like your children primarily went into the arts.  Your daughter was a dancer. RY:  Yes, she was a dancer, and she then became a teacher.  ... She got a degree in teaching.  She teaches early--what do you call that?  DY:  ... Early education expert, pre-K expert. RY:  Yes, pre-K.DY:  ... She was at PS 234 on 9/11 [the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States], which was just north of the North Tower [of the World Trade Center].  So, she was dealing with [the] evacuation of all the little kids.  RY:  Then, she moved to Italy.  She's in ... DY:  Monza. RY:  She's in Monza, Italy, which is right outside of Milan.  She teaches ... kids in a private Italian school. SI:  Were you interested in the arts?  Was that something you encouraged your family to get involved in? RY:  No.  Basically, I was in sciences; mine were all sciences. DY:  Yes, but you always took us to the New York Philharmonic, we always went to see museums, when we were growing up. RY:  Well, yes.  My family was very interested in taking me to concerts and museums and places like that, because my father was a very good musician.  ... Although he was an excellent businessman, he was an excellent violinist, and my mother played the piano quite well.  So, they were always [playing], there was always music around, that I could hear.  ... My mother made it her business to make sure that I saw good art, and my father, I remember, as a young kid, ... first thing he did was get me a subscription to the Reader's Digest.  ... Books, there were a lot of books around the house.  There still are a lot of books around the house.  I have what I think is a first-class collection of Civil War books, that I intend to, one day, call the Rutgers library, give them the information on it and ask them if they're interested.  If they're interested, I will leave it for them; if not, I'll leave it for the Fall River Library or the high school library.  SI:  That is wonderful. RY:  I must have fifty, sixty ...   DY:  Try about three or four hundred.  RY:  Yes, maybe, Civil War books.  ... Even now, I spend a lot of money on that stuff.  SI:  Does anything else stand out about your time in the Reserves, any assignments that you want to talk about on the record?  You were in the Naval Reserves up until 1957. RY:  No.  Naval Reserve, well, I was commanding officer of a battalion in Jersey City in the Naval Reserve, and I was with that for about three or four years.  DY:  Only if I hadn't come around and you had stuck around for--how much longer?--you would have gotten a nice, fat pension. RY:  Yes, right, if I would have stayed [in].  ... Now, I have a rank of commander in the Naval Reserve.  Now, that's equivalent to a "light" colonel in the Army, [a lieutenant colonel in the US Army, US Air Force or US Marine Corps].  If I had stayed in another five years, or ten years, I would have probably made rear admiral, which would have [resulted in] a good piece of change with thirty-five, forty years of naval service.  Your annuity on that would run, right now, probably, twenty-five thousand bucks a year.  So, ... whenever my wife gives me a hard time, I tell her, "It's your fault," [laughter] because she wouldn't have any part of that. SI:  You described the one incident, on the APD, where the junior officer made an anti-Semitic remark.  RY:  Yes. SI:  Were there any other incidents of ... RY:  Anti-Semitism? SI:  Anti-Semitism? RY:  No.  SI:  No.  I have heard from many Jewish veterans that they either anticipated facing anti-Semitism in the Navy or they actually experienced it.  Yours was almost the total opposite. RY:  That's the only time.  I didn't have it, [an experience of anti-Semitism], and that was with a junior officer who came from the South.  He was from ... DY:  Mobile.  ... RY:  Mobile, Alabama, and he didn't like anybody, didn't like Northerners, or anybody who wasn't [from the] Deep South. SI:  In all the different places that you visited, did you get a chance to get to know any of the local people or have any exposure to the locals, in Europe, Africa or around the US? RY:  Not really, because ... we weren't there long enough and didn't have the time to socialize. DY:  There's one incident where you were invited to have dinner with a French family or a Frenchman. RY:  Yes, but in Algeria. DY:  Right. RY:  I went ashore one day and he was a [Frenchman] and I walked into, it was a jewelry store, ... hoped to get, to buy, a present for my mother.  ... As I walked in, I saw on the wall a Star of David.  So, I knew that he was Jewish.  ... I said to him, "I see that star," and he says, "Yes," and he says, "Je suis juive," "I am Jewish," and I said, "Moi aussi", "[Me, too]," and he got all excited.  He said, "Et tu?" "[And you?]"  I said, "That's right."  So, next thing I knew, he called his daughter out.  He was thinking, "What the hell?  Here's a chance to get rid of my daughter," [laughter] and she wasn't that particularly interested in me and I was certainly not interested in her, but I got invited to their house, to dinner and a few other things, which I [attended], but ... you didn't have enough time, because you're in port for maybe a day or two, and then, you're in another port. DY:  But, you did meet Josephine Baker.  RY:  Well, Josephine Baker, the American, Afro-American, singer.  ... We were in Algiers, [the] ship was.  I had to go to Algiers to get supplies one afternoon, with a couple of other officers, and she was performing and we went to see her and she said, "Are there any [Americans here]?" and she saw us in uniform.  ... She sent somebody out to say, "She would like you gentlemen," there were three of us, three officers, "to come to ... where her room is. She'd like to talk to you," ... because she was originally from New York City, and it was an interesting conversation.  She was a great singer, and she was very interested in what was going on in the United States.  So, that was an interesting situation.  What else have I forgot, David?  [laughter] DY:  ... You haven't forgotten a thing, because it's all here. RY:  Yes. SI:  Yes, much of the material that we have not covered or have only covered in part is in your war diary, which your son has transcribed.  RY:  Yes. SI:  Also, your granddaughter produced a paper for her school, all of which will be on file with this interview at Rutgers.  Is there anything else you would like to add to the record, anything that we missed or skipped over? RY:  No, I don't think so.  I would have liked to have stayed in the Navy, to get the rank of a rear admiral, which would have been probably another ten years, not only for the monetary effect of it, but for the fact that it would be the pinnacle of my Navy experience, but that wasn't to be.  ... SI:  Were you concerned at all about being recalled for the Korean War?  RY:  I was worried about that.  I thought I was going to be recalled for Korea, [and I] am surprised that I was not, because they needed officers at that point, but, apparently, they had enough that they didn't [need to recall me]. They figured that I'd been out long enough, so that I wouldn't be of great use to them.  If so, if I had been recalled, it would probably be a shore job someplace.  It wouldn't be at sea.  SI:  Is there anything else you would like to add? DY:  Just ... RY:  He's my alter ego.  [laughter] DY:  Mostly, to thank you. SI:  Thank you for bringing your father down.  Thank you both for all of your time. RY:  ... You're a very good interviewer.  SI:  Thank you. RY:  ... You know, some interviewers can really annoy you, because they press a point that you're not interested in enlarging, but you know the questions to ask, you know the questions to stop asking. SI:  Thank you.  We do not want to pressure anybody into bringing up things that they do not want to talk about.  RY:  Yes. SI:  We let the interview go where it is going to naturally go. RY:  So, you say that you transcribe that?  ... SI:  Yes.  If there is anything that you think about later that you want to add, you can always add it to the transcript. RY:  Okay. SI:  Thank you very much. -------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW--------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Dan Kessler 3/9/11 Reviewed by Ariel Ramirez 3/9/11 Reviewed by Kevin Easton 3/9/11 Reviewed by Thomas Baldino 4/7/11 Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 5/20/11 Reviewed by Richard Yoken 7/10/11

Woodward, Jr., Carl R.

Kurt Piehler: This begins an interview with Carl R. Woodward Jr. on April 21, 1995 at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey with Kurt Piehler and ... Maureen Prado: Maureen Prado. KP: And I guess I would like to begin by talking a bit about your family background and history. Your family has a long military tradition, you noted that your great-grandfather served in the Civil War. CW: That's all. KP: That's all. Although your son then also served in Vietnam. CW: That's right. Those are the only two. KP: Those two. CW: The rest of the time they worked on the farm. They were farmers and they stayed there. One of our distant relatives, Abraham Van Neste, was an assistant to General Washington. And he came across the Delaware in the boat with Washington on that particular day. Captain Abraham Van Neste who was-- ... you might say he was a very great lieutenant for Washington, because he did a lot of the legwork. That's the way we got the message anyway. KP: What about your great-grandfather's Civil War story? CW: I don't know very much about it, except he was wounded at the Battle of Chancellorsville, spent time in a hospital in Washington and then was discharged. .. And that's about all we know. ... Nobody made any big deal about it so ... I can't really tell you any more than that. Except that he did return to the farm in Tennent. And then ultimately his son took it over who was my grandfather. And it stayed in the family for a good number of years. The reason we know about Abraham Van Neste and his connection with Washington, was the fact that my sister wrote to the Office of Veterans in Washington and wanted more information. And they sent us a copy of his petition for a pension. And in this petition he enumerated all the things that he did. He was in a number of the battles in New Jersey: Springfield and Princeton and Trenton. And he was ... [at] Monmouth, he spent a lot of time right next to Washington. So that's how we know about that. Now that didn't happen with the Civil War. I mean there's not very much about it. KP: You have not been able to find anything else? CW: No. Nothing much. All I have is some relics at home. A few little things that the soldiers had, but that's about all. KP: Your family and Rutgers are very closely associated. When did the first Woodward go to Rutgers and do you know why? CW: It was my father. KP: Your father was the first. CW: It's a very interesting story about that too. He was one of three sons in Englishtown, Manalapan Township, on the farm. And he was the middle son. He had a younger brother and a older brother. And he wasn't certain he wanted to stay on the farm. He graduated from high school at the age of sixteen, and he was very interested in teaching. He was very interested in teaching. He spoke to his grandmother, Grandmother Reid who was a very dominant, domineering individual, a big woman besides. I mean in stature. He told her that he thought he might like to go on for further education. But in the meantime he had a job ... in a one room schoolhouse as a teacher of, I think, five grades. They were all together in this one room. And after two or three years he decided, "I've got to get out of this and really get a good education." So he applied to come to Rutgers as an older person. He entered in 1910. So that made him ... twenty years old when he entered. Which ... at that day was a little old. So he was very serious about this, that he was a very good student. He was Phi Beta Kappa. And he took all the courses necessary at that point. And he got into agriculture, ... which was a result of his farm background. Jacob Lipman at that time, was the dean, and there's an interesting story there I'll get to. But Lipman says, "I have just invented a new journal. Soil Science, Journal of Soil Science and I'd like you to be assistant editor." Well fine, so. ... "And I also would like you to be editor of the New Jersey Agriculture," which is a bi-monthly flyer or bi-weekly flyer I believe they put out-- the state, the College of Agriculture. And so my dad was doing that. Now that was up until the time ... he graduated in 1914. Lipman said, "You go on for your master's degree, but while you're doing your master's degree you can do this." And even after he did his master's degree he continued in the same position. After a few years Lipman said, "I think you should get your Ph.D." And he says, "I suggest you go to Cornell." So my father went to Cornell. ... That was in 1923. I was six years old at that point and my sister was four. And ... we lived in Ithaca for almost two years while he got his Ph.D. His thesis was a book entitled, "The Development of Agriculture in New Jersey, 1660-1880." This was published in 1927 by the New Jersey Agricultural Experiment Station, now known as Cook College of Rutgers University. So by 1926 he had his Ph.D. and Lipman still wanted him on the faculty over there at the experiment station. Well, in the meantime, in the middle twenties, around 1928, John Martin Thomas who was president says, "I need an assistant." And they looked around and my father turned out to be the assistant. So he moved from the farm over to Vorhees Library. And that's where the president's office was. And that's where his office was. So my dad was assistant to him for three or four years until Martin retired or resigned and Clothier came in after a year or so. Clothier kept him on as assistant, but he renamed the job Secretary of the University. And in that position my father was the go-between between Trenton and the University. Anytime anything needed to be done, legislature, whatever, "You go down to Trenton and straighten it out. Do whatever you have to." My dad was very good at that. He was very political. That was his career here at Rutgers, and in 1940 he began to get offers to go to Rhode Island State College. He took a couple of interviews and they wanted him to be president of Rhode Island State College, which was a land-grant college the same as Rutgers. But it was much smaller and didn't have university status. It was just a, they called it a "cow college" and people in Rhode Island were very, indifferent about the college. They did not make much of it. They thought it was, well it's like a little college off there in the country somewhere. Well, he decided he would take the job. And believe it or not, he went up there in November of 1941, one month before Pearl Harbor. He had big plans because he knew how to take from Rutgers and plan it up there in Rhode Island. Which he did ultimately. He was there as president for seventeen years. And he made it a university by adding all the curriculum necessary and extension program, which is still in existence up there, just as they had here. He was very high on that. KP: He thought the extension was very valuable? CW: Oh, very. They are. And he, the people in Rhode Island just loved it. They couldn't believe they could get all this stuff. It was so bad up there in Rhode Island he told me, he says, "They don't even invite the legislature to come and see this place. Can you imagine that?" I said, " No, I can't because I know what they did here at Rutgers." They ... always .. were entertaining the legislature at games or whatever, which they never did that up at Rhode Island. But he started it and they loved it. So that's his career-- pretty much so. He retired in Rhode Island and ultimately died in Rhode Island at the age of 84. He left quite a mark for himself. KP: I guess I have a few more questions about your father, but more in relationship to you is, getting a Ph.D. is a difficult thing. How did your father, and you were very young, what do you remember about living in Ithaca and your father working at his Ph.D? Did he spend a lot of time in the library? CW: Oh, did he. Oh yes, oh yes. He spent a lot of time. He was a writer. He really was a writer. And he would work till one o'clock in the morning, writing. He was one who could take a fifteen minute nap and then be up and charging all over the place. It was very, very noticeable. I remember as a child ... this is kind of funny. [laughter] The school I went to, the primary school I went to was just around the corner in Highland Park. Hamilton School. It was only 200 yards away. And I'd come home from lunch, and this also happened when I was in junior high which was in Highland Park. I'd come home for lunch and my dad came home for lunch. He rode a bicycle before he got a car, back and forth to Highland Park. After he had his lunch, I used to see him lie down on the sofa and I thought, "Geez, what a neat job he's got. He comes home, takes a nap, goes back." Faculty members here told me many times, that, "Your father in the late afternoon is wide awake, charging around, full of fire while we're ready to go home and take a nap." So I told them, I said, "Well, you know he used to come home and take a nap every, ... almost every noon, he'd take a nap." Now I don't-- the time was pretty much his own and that's how he did it. He still did that all the way up till the time he died. He was always taking a nap whenever he felt like it. He would just sit in the chair and bow his head. Fifteen minutes later he'd be all right. It's a nice little technique. It really is. I've learned so I can do it now. [laughter] So as far as the experience up at Cornell, I found very valuable even though I was so young. Because I'm interested in nature and birds, particularly birds. Comstock Publishing Company, which ultimately became, I think, a part of the laboratory of ornithology at Cornell. I spent a lot of time in there. It was a great experience for me, because I saw all these books and papers and paintings. Louis Agassiz Fuertes was the Cornell man, a very famous ornithological painter. He published several books, and as a result of my experience up there, I came back here really full of energy when it came to nature and particularly birds. I've followed that ever since. I still do and I now even correspond with Cornell on a regular basis keeping data of counts of birds. Winter feeder counts for one. It starts in November and runs through April. I just finished the last count a week ago and I sent all that data back. This is a very fine organization, and they publish regularly on this. And they are showing the changes in populations of birds, including the ones that are endangered, and the ones that have disappeared. During the past year, year and a half, they found ... the house finches were coming down with an eye disease. I remember seeing last spring, before I got into their count, a couple of birds at my feeder that had funny looking eyes. Well this disease, I don't know how serious it is, but it spread only with the finches apparently. It was from North Carolina to Massachusetts and they wanted to get a handle on this. So they asked us if we were willing, if we would make these counts of how many, and observe daily, how many-- not necessarily the count of birds but whether they were ill or normal. And we would, they have a sheet you fill out for a month. Then you send it in. I've been doing that now for, the best part of year, and I haven't seen ... any sick birds fortunately. But I know that from their data that they send to us, and they send data to everybody who was involved, that they have found that this is now beginning to spread to the Midwest and even farther South. They've asked us if we want to continue this during the summer and those of us who do say, "Sure, we'll do it." I'm around so it's no problem. It's just stay at the window, watch the birds and look at them through the binoculars and you can tell if they're ill or not. MP: What was the relationship between Cornell and Rutgers? CW: Well, Cornell was the land-grant college of ... New York and also the large experiment station. Now our Dean of Agriculture is moving to Cornell, Dean Lund. MP: That's what I was getting to. CW: Dean Lund. I'm sorry to see him go, because he's a great guy. You know there's another interesting story I should tell. My father was told by Lipman-- Lipman hired my father and he told him to go to Cornell. Now I'm going to back up to George Cook who was the first dean. George Cook hired Edward B. Voorhees. And Edward B. Voorhees, he told him, "You go to Cornell. Get your Ph.D." Edward B. Voorhees went to Cornell, got his Ph.D, came back and Cook kept him and trained him to take over for him. Voorhees hired Jacob Lipman. Jacob Lipman ... came from Russia initially, but he also went to Rutgers. He was a Rutgers grad. And Voorhees told Lipman, "Go to Cornell for your Ph.D." He came back and he replaced Voorhees as dean of the agricultural experiment station. Now Lipman hired Woodward. Carl Woodward, my father, and he told him, "You go to Cornell. Get your Ph.D." And he came back. I'm sure that he was lining him up to be, to take his place when he retired. But instead Woodward went up to Rhode Island. I think that's kind of an interesting tale. MP: It is. Was there a sense of who was better in the field between Rutgers and Cornell? Was one more highly noted in the field than the other? CW: Is one better than the other? MP: No, back then. Was there a sense of one is better than the other in terms of academics? CW: No, I don't really think so. I think Cornell is a very great agricultural experiment station. But so is Rutgers. And ... one thing that I noticed as a kid when I was up there with my father who was doing his Ph.D., that there were a large number of Orientals, at Cornell. More so than here. Rutgers was a much smaller school, I would say at that time Cornell probably was the twice the size in the number of students. Although I'm not sure of that, but I think it was. I mean, here at Rutgers when I was in school we had only 1,800 students, so before that they may have 800, 1000, 1,200. ... Cornell was at least three or four thousand at that time. And their experiment station was a very famous one. But Rutgers with George Cook, and he's the man who really started it, really drew in a lot ... of people from all over the world. He was worldwide, worldwide known and worldwide famous in his line. And that continued through Voorhees and Lipman and even today. Rutgers is a very well known school agriculturally. I remember one time we were on a trip, ... visiting the Canadian Rockies, ... that was a very interesting trip. When we got into Glacier National Park in Montana, we wanted to go over the Sun Highway, and you can't take an ordinary bus to do that, because the road is so narrow and winding. There is a special van that they have, a 1925, I don't know what ... Packard or something, and it takes X number of people, and the driver. They use kids from Montana State College. I happened to sit in the front seat with this kid, I was talking to him while we were riding, and I said, "Where do you go to school?" and he says, "I go to Montana State College." ... And then he says to me, ... "Where did you go to school?" I said, "I went to Rutgers." "Rutgers, geez, that's a famous University." I mean like that. And that's out in Montana. Some people around New Jersey don't even know Rutgers exists. MP: Seems to be the big dilemma. CW: Amazing. Okay, that covers it maybe. KP: One question in regards to your father and you. What do you remember about the early Rutgers presidents, both from the perspective of a child growing up and then as a student? Could you talk a little bit more about your father's relationship with President Clothier? Did you watch your father interact with both these presidents? CW: Well I even knew President Demarest. He was very fond of Demarest. Demarest was a really sharp man, very, very scholarly, very academic and also a very fine gentleman. ... Who came after Demarest, ... there was an interim president here ... Phillip Brett. I didn't know him too well. But I knew Clothier well. ... In fact, I played golf with Clothier. He was a very, very fine gentleman, ... very stately, executive type, ... very friendly, very knowledgeable. Good administrator, I felt. My dad was always very high on him. And he was also very high on my dad. ... It worked very well. KP: He had a good working relationship-- because usually people in those positions, when a new president comes in, they find themselves in a very awkward position and sometimes just be pushed aside. CW: ... Well Thomas had a problem with the Board of Trustees a couple of times, and he was a little stubborn. He was a Vermonter, Yankee so to speak, and I only know pretty much what I've read about that. But he wanted to do something, and the Trustees were not at all endeared with it. He ultimately was frustrated and ... retired. And then Phillip Brett took over again, and that's twice he was interim president. And then Clothier came in. Now Clothier was here for about nineteen years, I think. ... Nineteen years it always sticks on my mind. And then, of course, after Clothier came Lewis Webster Jones. I never knew him very well. His wife was more popular than he was. After Jones came Mason Gross. KP: Almost everyone has had a good word to say about Mason Gross. CW: Oh, The Mase-- he was terrific. He was so, I mean know, there was a statesman, believe me. He never had a note when speaking. He would get up and he would speak extemporaneously, and it would be solid, it would be something. ... When he talked to the alumni on Alumni Weekend, when we would be at the luncheon, the place was as quiet as a mouse. Because they knew he had something to say. And everybody respected him and they wanted to listen. I can't say as much for Bloustein, people would get up and walk out, they would make noise. They could care less. And ... [laughter] KP: You do not have to go to the current president if you do not want to. CW: It was so different, it was noticeably different. Gross was great. I really liked him. Everybody liked him. He was one who would give a class if he only had one student. And he wanted to continue teaching. He told the trustees when they hired him, "I'll be President, I was Provost and I was teaching, and I'll be President, but I want to teach. A couple of classes." And they said "Fine, go ahead." There was one class where he only did have one student. And he invited the student, ... "When we have our class, just come into my office, and we'll have it the office." ... I mean, that's the kind of a man he was. KP: You mentioned that your father was the Secretary of the University and in many ways, served as the government relations person in Trenton. Rutgers in the 1930s and 1940s, even into the 1950s had a very awkward relationship with the State of New Jersey to say the least. CW: Sure. It was, it was I know. KP: Do you have any insights in that from growing up or from your father's role? Because you said father was very good at this. CW: Yes, he was. He was, well, he did the same thing in Rhode Island. He was politically motivated. But he was honest. And he was sincere. There was not a false hair on his head. And when he said something, I mean, he really meant it. It wasn't any malarkey. No baloney. I mean, this is it. And ... he would certainly listen to advice. He took advice readily and genuinely. Well now, let's see. I do remember sometimes when he would come back from Trenton, that he was a little down. Because there was a Catholic power there that was not happy about Rutgers being the state university. It stemmed from Mayor Hague, Jersey City, who was very heavily Catholic and a very Catholic area. This is not to say anything against the Catholics, but that was a big factor. Then when he went to Rhode Island, he had already been through the mill. Rhode Island is heavily Catholic. And yet he got every one of them to do exactly-- they were glad to do what he asked for in Rhode Island. At Rutgers it was a real problem. They didn't like to see the money which they felt should go to them going to whatever we were doing here. KP: Do you think that the fact that Rutgers was still in many ways a Dutch Reformed school was responsible? CW: Oh, that had something to do with it. No question, no question. And there was a real move to put Seton Hall at the top of the list. There really was. KP: To make Seton Hall the state school. CW: Seton Hall. But that died fortunately. I mean, Rutgers was ideal. Really an ideal place. ... Rutgers was first a private college. And you see, that was one of the factors. Seton Hall was a private college. Rutgers was a private college. And there were these legislative moves to try and make them the state university here. It was a real pulling teeth to ... get it through the legislature. I know he worked hard at that. It finally ... came into fruition but it took a long time. And there still is some feeling about it I think. I notice it every once and awhile. I don't seem to know why. Well, money here, money there. But ... with the experiment station here as a result of the Morrill land grant act, we get federal funds that come in. And that has to be. Now the state should supply some of this too, I think. And I think they do. I'm not up on all of the money schedule right now, but it's worked out for the better I'm sure. I mean, after the war, World War II, Rutgers just mushroomed. I mean, all of these veterans came back and they were all over town here, going to school and really studying. My fraternity, Phi Gamma Delta, was always on the borderline of whether you're going to be on pro because you're poor scholastically, or whether you're into some mischief or something when I was in school. When they came back, the first graduating class after the war we had eight Phi Beta Kappas. [laughter] And that's the difference. These guys were older. ... They had a goal in mind. They were going to get it. And, of course, it was the federal money, the GI Bill, that was helping to subsidize that. It was a great thing. Really. Put these kids ... through college after they went through what they did ... on the war. I just finished reading a book, The Story of Ernie Pyle. I don't know if you've ever read it. KP: No. CW: Do you remember hearing about him? KP: Oh yes. CW: He was the correspondent who really told what the war was all about. And he finally was killed in Okinawa, but ... it's the most visible account of the war I've read. I mean he was right in the trenches. Sleeping in the trenches. Ducking into the trenches. Digging the holes and everything. That's the way he wanted it. He says, "I can't write about this unless I'm with them in the front lines." And he spent the whole time in the front lines-- 29 months he was over there ... in the European Theater. Unbelievable. It was a very enlightening book to me. I'm glad I read it, because, you read about these things in the paper ... and you see it on T.V. and all that stuff. But when you read what the man had to say, and he got the Pulitzer Prize for this, his column, 700 newspapers and magazines. 700. He was a rich man. A rich man-- $125,000 a year minimum. In that day [laughter] I mean, what do you do with it all? And he wasn't even in it for the money. ... That's aside, but I mean I was so enthusiastic about that book. KP: You spent some time in Ithaca, but you spent a good part of your youth growing up near Rutgers, because of your father's job. CW: Oh, yes. Right. I did. I learned to swim in the Rutgers pool. [laughter] The old Ballantine pool. MP: Up at Cook I did. I didn't know how to swim until a couple of years ago. CW: There was no pool over at Cook when I was there. MP: I know. CW: But this Ballantine pool was, ... there was a day or two when the faculty could come in, that they could come in and bring somebody with them. So I wasn't the only son that was there. But there were three others. But the faculty would come in and they'd have a swim in the afternoon. Late in the afternoon. It was great. KP: You have a lot of memories probably, of growing up with different faculty members and their kids and so forth. CW: Well, I used to go to all the football games. I never missed a football game. All the way back to Homer Hazel. I remember, in the 1923s. That was one thing up at Cornell. ... 1923, Rutgers played Cornell at Ithaca. And Homer Hazel was on the team. Homer Hazel was great fullback. He was a triple threat man. Burly guy. That was the days when you played both ways. I mean, you had a squad of twenty men and that was it. Cornell had two All-Americans on their team. George Pfann and Eddie Kaw. They were both expert backs. But Hazel was the Rutgers man. And Hazel scored ten points. Rutgers won the game ten to nothing. That was a great victory, really a great victory. Hazel graduated I think in 1924, so that was the end of him. But I do remember him. I remember my father used to take me to all the games before I went with the kids, because I was small enough. And he said, "Now Hazel is number eight." I remember this just as clear as it happened. He said, "Watch for the fellow number eight." So I watched the whole game for number eight, what he was doing. It was great. The kids used to have a cheering section on Neilson Field and they would let the kids in off of George Street entrance. They had ... a bleacher section there. All the town kids were let in for free. The Rutgers cheerleaders would come over and they would lead the cheers. The kids all knew the Rutgers cheers. That was great. [laughter] They were cheering louder than the main body. So we had a good time and we learned a lot about who the players were and so on. It was lovely. Very fond memories of that. KP: In 1930s it was a tough time economically for the school. CW: Oh yes, yes. KP: How did it affect the faculty? CW: Well, my father happened to be on a committee that was ... determining whom they were going to cut salaries on and layoff. There was a layoff. I remember one night he came home and my sister and I, my mother were around the dinner table and he made the announcement. He says, "We're going to have to tighten our belts. Unfortunately, because of the Depression, because of lack of funds, were going to have to lay some people off. I will have my salary cut, but I will still have a job. Almost everybody will have their salary cut, but those who do, retain their job. But they are going to layoff some people." And he says, "Some of them are our best friends here in Highland Park." I remember that very clearly. And they were. They were some of our very good friends who lived right around the corner from us or on the same street maybe. They were laid off. One of the top ones on the list I think was Waksman. They wanted to lay Waksman off, this committee. They thought, "Well, what's that fellow doing over there in the lab. All he's doing is looking at soils and talking about certain bugs in the soil and that sort of thing." My father stood up and said, "No way you lay that man off. He is doing vital work as far as the soils are concerned." And ... his recommendation held. He did not get laid off, but he had his salary cut. He had already discovered the organism that produces streptomycin, but didn't know what it could do. That was an actinomycete. The actinomycetes are the ones that made streptomycin, neomycin and ... actinomycin and so on. So he was classifying these organisms. His book is about two inches thick on the classification of actinomycetes. It's still the bible of actinomycetes. So my father held his ground and they just cut his salary and left him over there. Lipman didn't want to see him go either, of course. ... But some of the other fellows got laid off. Ultimately, Waksman came up with his streptomycin which is a lifesaver. Multi-million dollar product. ... He was a very interesting chap. If it hadn't of been for Waksman I don't know where I would have ended up. KP: Really. He was very important in your career? CW: Well, yes. ... I didn't take an undergraduate course with him. I took a couple of graduate courses. But I knew him. I knew him very well and he knew me. And when I was graduating in 1940 and I had a degree in microbiology. That was what they called it then, although originally it was bacteriology. ... There were three of us who graduated [with] degrees in microbiology. One day, I think it was March of 1940, he called me to his office. And he says, "I want you to go over to Merck. They are looking for a young graduate. One who is just graduating to go in and be an assistant to the man they just hired to head up a microbiology research lab." I thought, "Well, that's very nice." And he told me, "See these two men. Doctor Major and Mr. Woodruff. Go talk to them." That was it. I made the appointment. Went over. ... They wanted me right away. "Can you start tomorrow?" [laughter] I said, "I want to get my degree first!" "Well, you can get your degree later." I said, "No. I'm going to get my degree. I'm almost there. I want to get it and I'll be here June. June the ninth was when we graduated, and June the tenth. I said, "I'll be here June the tenth." ... We graduated on Sunday in those days and held it in the gym up here . I went over to start my work, and that's where I started my career. ... I was in the pharmaceutical industry my entire career. But I started at Merck, which was a really, a great place to start. No question about it. Waksman was a consultant for Merck. That was another thing. He knew my father very well, and he knew me very well. I knew his son. I knew his wife, and I was very delighted to be able to have a job like that. $135 a month. KP; Jobs were tough to get in 1940. CW: Oh yes, yes, yes I know. $35 a week. Now that was good salary in that day. ... The laboratory had been set up by one of his graduate students, and I'm sure he was instrumental, in him going there. Fleming's penicillin-- and his organism was making waves because they found this antimicrobial activity, and they wanted to get into it and really produce, because ... Britain was already in a shooting war. We weren't. We were on the sidelines, all we were doing was giving them wherewithal. But they wanted us in the States to take over the research and the production of whatever we could. So, believe me, every batch we made and all of our tests that we did were all ... if and by gosh. Because we didn't really know where we were going, this is a whole new spectrum of microbiology, as far as the testing of it, the production of it, the development of it, how do we produce it what do we have to do, and all that. ... It was basic research in a sense, but it was applied, applied basic research and industrial microbiology ... right in the middle of that, and I was right in the beginning, the very beginning. I feel very fortunate that I had this contact and got this start, because my five years at Merck all during the war, were instrumental in what I did and basic to what I did for the rest of my career. Because wherever I went I was involved ... with the ... basics that were involved in making antibiotics. ... In the quality control, in the production of toxins and vaccines, which I got at Squibb and ... blood products which I got at Johnson and Johnson Ortho. Then ultimately up at Warner Lambert where I got into cosmetics and baked goods and candies, and antibiotics in addition and other chemicals and other type of things. Everything that I did was all based what I learned at Merck. I frequently had colleagues ask me, how do you know what do so quick? I'd explain to them. One of the organisms that I became very involved with pseudomononas aeruginosa. Now this is a very common organism all over the place and it is a very tough organism. It can synthesize its own nutritional necessities. ... Now that's a tough organism that can do that. It can live its own dead bodies and multiply and multiply, and keep multiplying. And it contaminates water supplies, it contaminates cosmetics, it contaminates antibiotics, it contaminates anything you can name because of its ability to live in distilled water. You know, distilled water by definition is sterile, but it may not be. You have to make sure that you've got sterile water there, because that bug will go through most of the filters you can think of, its so small. Really minuscule in terms of ... half a micron, you can't see without a microscope. ... That's where I got involved with that almost immediately at Merck, and I knew it was this green organism that makes a slime. ... The very fact that I worked with it so early, all the way down the line. ... The rest of my career no matter where I was, I would run into that bug. And nine times out of ten, ... that was ... the problem. It was very difficult, I had a difficult time, every once in a while explaining this to some of the administrators of the pharmaceutical companies. "What do you mean this is in the water? How can it be? Nothing lives in the water." No! Plenty lives in the water. [laughter] So anyway, I had a good time of it, and I really enjoyed it, and I felt that I made quite a contribution. At Warner Lambert, I remember when I was hired up there, and I was up there for 23 years, the fellow who hired me was a quality control manager, and he said we need a microbiologist here who knows what bugs are, all we have are pharmacists and they don't know anything about bugs. Well I know pharmacists are a very, very vital science and I have total ... 110 percent respect for these fellows, and gals whoever do it. Because they are great. They can tell you all kind of things about the anatomy and the physiology of the body, which I don't know. But I went into the microbiological part and I had to deal with a lot of these pharmacists who kind of looked at me askance every once in a while, but they believed me. And It worked out very well. KP: So in other words you had a very important niche in the pharmaceutical industry. CW: I would say, yes. ... At Warner Lambert they would not release a product unless I told them it was okay. I mean ... that was the quality control. Quality control took a lot of my career. And quality control-- I mean I was a lot in production. I was in production at Warner Lambert, but I was also basically, the largest percentage of my time was spent in quality control. Quality control at Squibb. No quality control at Merck per se, but nevertheless I learned that because we were working with it. It was vital to get the production out as soon as possible. Ortho was quality control. That was a big one. Because they couldn't understand why, after the serum had been put through a filter, these millipore filters, cellulose filters, why in the world after standing in the refrigerator for maybe two months before they filled them, they'd have these five gallon bottles, why was that contaminated when they filled it? And I remember the vice-president over there, made me very angry one day. He says, "There's something wrong with the filling operation." I said, "There's nothing wrong with the filling operation." I said, "It's in the manufacturing." And he says, "Well, I want you to go in there and I want you to put on a gown and I want you to go in there and audit the entire procedure of filling." And I said, "I'm not going to find anything. I'm going to find their technique is perfect, but the bug is already in the bottle." He wouldn't believe this. But I did what he said. ... And then after it was all over and I had to write a report. He says, "Well, what's the problem? Where do we find this thing?" And I said, "If you want to know, it's in your distilled water. Because ... I took a look at your tank. It's got a green scum all around it and all of the joints. The bug is in the tank." "Oh, how can that be? This is distilled water." "I know," I said, "but distilled water by definition is," as I said, "sterile. But you're not keeping it heated. Now if you keep it heated at 180 ... -----------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE ONE----------------------------------------- CW: ... You've got to scour it and heat it and there's nothing like steam or fire to kill bugs. But ... you can never use a fire down there. You have to use steam. Steam, live steam. I learned this at Merck in making penicillin. We had a terrible time getting the product started because we did not know where the contamination was coming from. And we had a crude tank with agitators that had nipples and everything else flowing to take samples. We had a bottom valve. All of these valves ... are potential contaminant areas. It wasn't until we learned how to put steam on all of these joints, all of these valves, all of the agitator wells, everything. When we learned how to steam that with live steam so that you could see the steam flowing out, I mean actually seeing a wisp of steam, then you know the stuff is not going to be contaminated. That was how we licked the problem. Penicillin in production in a tank is very highly susceptible to contamination. Contamination destroys penicillin immediately or within a few hours. I applied the same procedure to the blood products over there at Ortho. I said, "You've got to run steam through these lines and have them bleed into the laboratories for 24 hours." He says, "Well, you'll steam up the whole lab." I said, "You won't steam it all up. It's just a little wisp. That's all you need. Just so you know everything's hot coming through." So ... he says, "Okay, ... we'll put a coil in there." ... I think they put a coil around the tank. It was easier to put it around than it was to put it in. But they had to clean it out first. They put that in and once they kept it at 180 degrees, no more contamination. ... To me that was simple. [laughter] I mean, it was costly, but it was simple. I had to do the same thing down in Lititz, Pennsylvania, at our Warner Lambert plant. They were getting contamination in their creams-- cosmetic creams. That's an organic compound and ... lot of stuff in there that bugs can chew on. Especially this psuedomonas. And every time we had a contamination or a test of anything, it was always psuedomonas. It was nothing else. Because it's a tough bug. I kid you not. So anyway, I kind of like to talk about this stuff. [laughter] Because it brings me back. ... I've been retired for thirteen years now and I can still remember a lot of this. MP: You talked about your production of penicillin. I know that when penicillin was first getting started, or when they were first working on it, they had trouble producing enough of it. CW: Oh, that's right. MP: What was your involvement in that? Because I know there were a lot of pharmaceutical companies, I think there were about fifteen trying to produce some. CW: Well, when we first started, Merck was the only company. Merck was the only company and then Squibb got into it and then Pfizer. ... And this is all during the war period. But Merck was first. But anyway, my involvement was supervising the production. I had a crew of about four people who were on the tanks as we call it, and I had a laboratory helper. We had to test the utilization of sugar. ... The utilization of sugar indicated how fast the organism was growing, because it needed sugar to reproduce and grow and produce its penicillin. As soon as we got to a certain point or a certain level, lower level of sugar in the media, then we knew it was time to harvest. So we immediately shut off the incubation period and turn on the brine to cool it. Cool it as fast as we could, because that would stabilize it, and then it would have to be filtered out and then extracted by the extraction people. We didn't have to have anything to do with the extraction, because that was the chemical end of it. They had that process. We would pump it over to the extraction group, we were in this area and the extraction group was over here. Then they would extract it and crystalize it. It was a very crude process at that time. ... The big thing was getting it out uncontaminated, and until such time as we had the steam on it we were not producing very much penicillin. Now everything we produced was a very low level by today's standards of potency. ... If we had 60 to 100 units per milligram that was terrific, I mean now it's up in the thousands per milligram that's the difference. ... Penicillin ... was at the time all earmarked for the military. Everything went to the military, and it was shipped immediately over to Europe. ... I forget exactly the year, Norman Heatley from England came to our lab, but it was probably around 1942. Norman Heatley was a part of the Oxford Group. I don't know if you ever heard of the Oxford Group, but they were the ones who were working on penicillin in England. They [had] no wherewithal, no equipment, everything was going to the military, everything was going to airplanes, into bullets, in this sort of thing, rifles, what have you. So they couldn't take anything and build shakers or laboratory equipment, so they pleaded with the U.S. to please help us. So they sent over Norman Heatley who was a part of the Oxford Group, and he worked in our lab at Merck. I worked right along side of him. He was the one who invented the assay, the way to determine what the potency was. And that assay today is still utilized, that's how good it was. ... It consisted of a petri dish, which is about that big, and he had little cups on the agar medium. He could drop the drops of penicillin into, and the agar was seeded with the staphylcoccus aureus, and as it grew and as the penicillin seeped out from this cup, as it seeped out, it would kill the organism. The zone of inhibition would be clear agar, after incubation. Depending on the size ... of the zone it would be dependent upon the potency. That's how you measured it, and you always had a control that went along with it. You always had to put a control in, if you don't put a control in, your data is not valid. So he invented that and you could just take a look at and all you had to was measure in millimeters. The widths of this zone, and then you knew how potent it was. You could take it from there and in order to increase the potency we had to maybe reformulate the media. We were always dickering with the media, to get the best growth, the quickest growth. These different nutritional factors were provided by and researched by the research laboratory at Merck. They were doing a lot work on trying to evaluate which nutrients were the most valuable in order to make the best penicillin, or the most potent penicillin. There were a lot of trace elements involved in this, zinc, for example. Manganese also is a trace element, and if there is just enough of that in the medium, and you always have C,H, & O. But we needed ... what we called trace elements. ... Zinc-- ... that was startling how much better it grew with zinc in it, a zinc compound. Lead was toxic. That's the kind of research that they had to do. Then we would apply it to the tank. Now in the tank we had to work ... on the amount of air we would put into it. The larger the tank, the more air it needed naturally. The flask we had, we put them on the shaker and plenty of air. But in a tank you had to bubble air in from the bottom, and ... if you had a thousand gallon tank you would put so many CFMs through. And if you had a 10,000 gallon tank, or a 40,000 gallon tank, which Squibb ultimately had, and they had 40,000 gallon tanks, which are like a swimming pool. ... You needed, the ratio of air and oxygen and all that sort of thing was very important. MP: How did the gramicidin patent issued to Merck in 1944? ... CW: A patent? KP: How did the product development go on that patent? CW: We didn't work with gramacidin too long. It wasn't as potent as penicillin. But ... it was good. It was a stepping stone that we utilized. That initially was founded by Rene Dubos who worked over here at the farm with Waksman. And ... he's the one who originally isolated that. We were working with it at Merck only because it was ... the one at the time that we could see anything with, and maybe learn from it. ... It had its value. It was a sort of an adjunct antibiotic. But it was very important in the initial development. ... The big one was penicillin, of course, because ... it was non-toxic. Gramicidin at certain levels was toxic. Actinomycin was very potent. More potent than penicillin, but it was also much more toxic. You could kill an army with ... with actinomycin. It was very potent. That was one of the first ones we worked with-- that was one that Waksman came up with ... Woodruff. We sort of gave up on that, because it was something really that we couldn't use. Pyocyanin which came from this psuedomonas aeruginosa was an antibiotic too, but that was again too toxic for animal use. But there it was. Even this tough bug that I told you about had an antibiotic property. It really did. MP: I know in 1941 they used penicillin for the first time on a police officer over in Britain, who eventually died. CW: Yes that is correct. MP: I think he had a blood disease. CW: ... He was lucky. He would have survived, but ... they didn't have enough material. It was too bad, because it short circuited that project. Well, I had a mastoid when I was at Cornell. I'll never forget that. Radical! My semi-circular canal is exposed. I have to keep cotton in here. And I was only six years old and I had this terrible ear ache. ... I guess I was kind of delirious anyway. I remember going to the hospital and it was awful. But they chopped this bone out. Everybody has a mastoid bone up here, which is like sponge. It is a spongy bone. This was ... highly susceptible to infection. So they cut that all out. Well now, this is 1923, there are absolutely no antibiotics, nothing, not even sulpha drugs. So you either lived or died. ... It was a highly mortal disease for kids. But I survived. I was a tough one, I guess. (laughter) KP: Did you know how serious it was at the time? CW: Oh I didn't know. I had no idea. KP: You parents must have been very worried? CW: Oh, my mother was beside herself. I guess she thought I was going to die. I have pictures of myself with the bandage I had around my head. God, I looked ... like I was the Sultan or some sheik or whatever. Wrapped it around. Every time I had to go to the doctors to change the dressing, I ... just petrified, I really was. I screamed and hollered and kicked the nurses. [laughter] Anyway, I survived, ... but I missed a year of school really. Because I was in terrible shape. I had to get some life insurance after I got married, because I had this, I wanted to get some life insurance, because I didn't know how long I was going to live, really. Even at that point. They told me ... my life chart was 40. ... "We're going to have to rate you. Your ... life expectancy is 40 years." Well, I've long since passed 40. But when I got to be 50, I thought, "I'm going to ask these guys-- I've lived beyond my life chart. ... Now why don't you reduce my premium, so they did. They did. The doctors always told me never to fly. Of course, in those days you didn't have pressurized cabins and all that sort of thing. They didn't know what the effect would be. The air, up and down, and sometimes how you get clogged, ... you get your ears clogged and all that. So I didn't fly for a long time. I didn't fly until 19--, oh it was around the middle '70s, I guess, or the late '70s. Well anyway, my wife got after me, why don't you go see a real ear man again. Maybe they can change it, maybe it's better now. All that sort of thing. Well it took me a long time to follow her advice, but I did follow it. I went over here in Highland Park. And I said, "Now doctor, I'm only here for one thing. I want you to tell me is it all right for me to fly, because I have this mastoid." Well, okay. He put me through the most thorough ear exam I ever had. [laughter] I guess he was examining me for a half an hour. He says, ... "I'm putting you under a microscope." I said "A microscope, my God." He put something in my ear and looked at it. After he got all finished, he said, "Now to answer your initial question. .. You can fly anytime you want. You will have absolutely no reaction, because you've got a hole in your head." (laughter) But it's true. I go up and down, and I never feel a thing. It's amazing. So I missed a lot of good flights. But to replace that, I took the trains, and I rode all around this country on trains. KP: Really, up until the late 1970s. MP: I know that Merck published a brochure on penicillin in 1945 or 1946. CW: Who did? MP: Merck. Did you have anything to do with that brochure? CW: No, I had nothing to do with it. ... The only thing I wrote up was the experimental work we did in the laboratory. ... We all had assigned notebooks. Numbered and everything. Merck was very good that way. And all of my writings were in the notebooks. But I had nothing to do with the writing of that brochure. MP: Who was this brochure aimed at? CW: Well, it was aimed at the medical profession, the pharmacists. And just general bio-science. MP: Did they feel they needed to educate everybody on what penicillin was doing? CW: Oh, yes indeed. MP: Because it was such a new thing, they wanted to take advantage of it. CW: Yes, it was a new thing, it was a hot thing. I mean, it was exciting, it really was. And microbiology, the science of microbiology is completely transformed by it. It is entirely different. I mean, here, I graduated in 1940. By 1945 it was a new science. I mean it really was, because ... of penicillin. And the war effort, there was a tremendous effort put on. Merck made one mistake. They were offered, ... by the government, because the government was so interested in this, "We'll build you whatever kind of a plant you want. Cost, don't worry about it. Design it, we'll build it." And the management at Merck turned it down. I was appalled. I mean, at that point I was appalled. Because I figured, why did they turn this down? Merck figured they were going to synthesize it, and it would be cheaper. They had synthesized successfully, several vitamins very readily, and they were producing them in this synthetic fashion at that time. So they figured, penicillin will be no problem. We won't waste the government money. Anyway, that's hindsight. But it turned out that the synthesis of penicillin was much more difficult that they had anticipated. It wasn't until Dr. Joseph Alicino over here at Squibb, many years later found there was a sulfur radical, not just C, H & O. But there was a sulfur radical which nobody had thought of or even had seen until he had located it. But at what a cost. It was much too expensive to produce it synthetically. Which is unusual, because usually when you produce something synthetically it's cheaper. It didn't happen with penicillin. And they still, as far as I know, they still produce it in the tank. It's much cheaper. KP: Were you there at the time they were making that decision at Merck? CW: Yes, I was there at Merck. KP: What did you think at the time about this decision? Did you agree? CW: ... We didn't like it. I mean, we who were on the tanks thought, ... "Gee whiz, what a great idea. We could have a nice big tank house here and make lots of penicillin." ... We were very disappointed. KP: What year was this offer made? CW: I think it was probably 1943. I would say it probably wasn't beyond that. Because we had at that time, ten 500 gallon tanks. Now that's not very much. One 1,000 gallon tank, ten 500 gallon tanks. In the meantime, Squibb had a 10,000 gallon tank. They had one ... or two 10,000 tanks. And ... when you sterilize the media in these tanks, you have to vent it properly, otherwise you create a vacuum. Somebody over at Squibb forgot to vent, and the tank collapsed -- imploded, I mean it just went like newspaper. I remember, we were told that at Merck, and they said go down and take a look at the tank at ... Squibb that collapsed. This is when I was still at Merck. So we came down, and saw the thing just laying there like a piece of, just an old piece of metal ... all wrapped up. And ... our boss, "Boy don't any of you guys ever miss venting a tank, cause if you do, oh boy!" [laughter] There was another thing too, to talk about something else on this, is women could work all night. ... They waived the law where women ... couldn't work beyond ten o'clock, or whatever it was at night. And they said they could work all night. Because everybody was working on shifts in this penicillin business. You had to, because you can't shut off a fermentation and go home. Somebody has to be watching it all the time. So I had ... two laboratory assistants, both female. One of them would come in on the midnight shift, and one of them would come in on the ... second shift. One night one of these gals came in on the midnight shift and she was really under the weather. Too much to drink. I mean, I was very upset. MP: How old was she? CW: Oh, she was only 19, 18, 20, something like that. Her husband was off in the navy. And I said, this gal has got to go home. I called the guards and said, "Please come down and get this girl and take her home. She's not fit to work. And all I've got to do is have some trouble, and you're going to have all kinds of trouble." So I did the right thing, and I had to take over the lab for that night, because I didn't have anybody. [laughter] KP: What about your other female assistant you had? Did you have any problems? CW: No, she was okay. KP: How old was she? CW: She was a college grad. She was a little older. She was good. She happened to be a graduate of Rhode Island. Just turned out that way. She lived in the area, ... and she had a degree in microbiology. And she was good. ... I had some excellent female help, especially at Squibb and at Warner Lambert. They were good. These ... two colleagues at Warner Lambert, they would do anything. And if they made a mistake, they'd tell you right away if ... something went wrong. ... I couldn't say enough of them. These were both-- one of them was an English woman and the other one was from Bulgaria. She had escaped from the Communist regime over there. She came over here and didn't even know English. Very bright gal, she had some medical training, she had scientific training. And when she came over here, the government wanted her immediately to teach the U.S. troops the Bulgarian language. She could speak about six or eight languages: ... German, French, Spanish, Italian. ... She says, "Well I don't speak English." "Well you go to Columbia and we'll give you a course." ... She picked it up like that. ... These are great people. Salt of the earth. MP: Another funny note, while I was researching for your interview, I came across in the brochure that Merck put out that in JAMA, Journal of the American Medical Association, they had put out an article about who made penicillin. CW: Who made it? MP: Yes, and they were worried that people would start making their own penicillin because they were desperate for it. CW: I don't know how they would do that. MP: They thought they could form it, because they knew it was something that grew on bread and cheese. And they were worried that they would go out and try to make their own. CW: That would never work. MP: Of course not. CW: ... They couldn't possibly do that unless they knew the techniques involved, and what's involved. I mean, ... when you use [a] microbiological procedure, you have to be sterile. As sterile as you possibly can. ... That was one thing we never had. In those days, we didn't had sterile rooms. We had ... a little cubicle, and this would ... keep you out of the flow of air, ... and airborne organisms are all over. But now we have sterile rooms, they're a must now. Positive air pressure, everybody's gowned, everything is spotless, really. It's much, much different than it was. One time ... when we had to make up a batch of inoculant for a penicillin batch, we had to take our flasks, we grew it in flasks like so, and we'd shake them around, and ... inoculate a bigger flask so that we could dump it into the tank. One of the fellows who had this job, it was in the middle of summer, this was before air conditioning also, and it was very hot in the summer. (laughter) He went into this closet, ... and he started working with this cultures. He put on a burner, you have a bunsen burner, going. He was working away, working away. All of a sudden, ... the sprinkler system. The company has sprinkler systems all over the place. All of a sudden it got hot enough, the sprinkler system went off. (laughter) ... He got soaked, and, of course, ... it ruined the inoculant. So ... that's the kind of sterile rooms we had before we really had sterile rooms. They weren't sterile either. But they were better than nothing. As long as you weren't too hot. But it was in a hot summer day. Humid. ... Probably the temperature got up to 115, 120 in there. It was a low ceiling, and that burner going all the time, and he had a lot of bottles to make, so that's one of the little comical things that happened. He came out soaking wet. MP: You talked about the army wanting to build that plant for Merck, but Merck refused. What other type of contact did Merck have with the army or the armed forces, because I know during that period they were trying to speed up the efforts for antibiotics. CW: I really couldn't tell you. I just know is that they were constantly in touch with each other, the government. ... I was not in a decision making area for that, and ... I was really not privy to it. My big job was to make penicillin. And that's what I did. KP: Ralph Schmidt who also worked for Merck, but doing DDT. CW: Oh yes, oh Big Ralph. KP: Yes, he mentioned at the time that the army, that there was a real push for production. That for example in his plant ... CW: He was DDT. KP: The initial equipment was not very good. CW: That's right. KP: What about in your case? Did you always have enough equipment? CW: We had enough equipment, but like I said, it wasn't all that great, because we didn't know how to keep the batches free from contamination, until we learned how to run steam, flowing steam through it. KP: But if you did need something, were you able to get it? Were you given a high enough priority? CW: Yes I would say so. Because those industries that produced that kind of equipment got priority. ... We were never short of equipment. Now DDT, I couldn't tell you how to make that. ... But for penicillin, we had all the equipment we needed. We had the flasks, the pipettes, the plates, the burettes, the shakers. There was a little company, New Brunswick Scientific, here in New Brunswick on Burnet Street, who invented a shaker. When you make penicillin, you've got to have lots of air. And these shakers would go like this, and you could put these ... erlenmeyer flasks in these holders, ... and just turn on the shaker, and it would shake and shake and shake. Growth was rapid. ... That replaced the old surface cultures. When we had surface cultures, we would inoculate the flask and then just let it sit, and it took about a week. Whereas the shaker took at the most, 72 hours, sometimes 48 hours. So that was a big improvement. You could get an inoculum out quicker. ... When Britain was initially making penicillin, they were using bedpans from hospitals, which gave them the flat surface. They didn't know how to do anything in a shaker. We were the first people over here to do anything in a shaker, or a tank. ... Can you imagine using a big bedpan? ... When you talk about it, it sounds kind of funny, but they were desperate. They used anything they could get. Bedpans were an ideal medium for a flat surface culture. The culture itself, the depth of the medium was never more than an inch, maybe two inches at the most. And then you just let it sit and that's the way it was produced. ... That could be sterile, no question about it, because ... there was nothing moving. Then you'd pour it out of the lip into a extraction bottle or whatever you were using to extract it, and that's the way Britain was first making it. That's what they did when they used this penicillin for the cop who didn't have enough. That's the only way they could do it. KP: In terms of the workers you had, how much of a priority did you have in terms of the draft? In other words, did you lose any critical people to the draft? Or did you ever have arguments with War Department? CW: In our Merck areas? No. Didn't lose a one. Not even an old gentleman who came in, and I call him old, he was in his ... early sixties or late fifties. He was a luggage salesman, but ... he was a patriotic individual. And so he went to Merck. He lived in Rahway I believe or nearby. Linden maybe. They hired him, and he ... was one of the guys on my crew manning the tanks. He was very good. He was not a mechanic. He had very low mechanical ability. But if you trained him, he was right. He would learn it, turn the valves this way, turn the valve this way, this way or whatever. He was good that way. ... We had a foreman who was very good at handling the men. He would make sure that they all did their job correctly. I can see ... that old fellow still walking around. He didn't like the steam. He didn't like the noise. But he was patriotic. I mean a fermenter house is noisy, believe me. Oh, you've got all the roar of all those motors going and the steam. And it's a noisy, noisy place. In fact, frequently you'd plug your ears, because it was too noisy. At Squibb ... they had ... 40,000 gallon tanks in a big fermenter house, that whole area. Every time you walked in there ... it was bedlam, noise wise. Because, at least half of them were running all the time. Then there's always occasional breakdown. You have to maintain these fermenters, because the wear and tear on them was terrific. You're sterilizing the batch of 10,000 gallons in one of these tanks. You build it up to a pressure of fifteen pounds which is 120 degrees centigrade and ... that's a lot of wear and tear ... on a tank. Then you cool it down, and then you incubate it at 20 to 22 degrees room temperature. The motors are constantly running. The shaft on the motors were huge, running all the way down from the top to the bottom. Three stories high. ... That was quite a place. That was a showplace really in a sense, because that was industrial fermentation. KP: How many workers did work in your branch of Merck? KP: How many roughly? CW: Three shifts. KP: And how many would be on a shift? CW: Well, let's see there'd be myself, laboratory helper and four men and/or women. We had ... one woman on the fermenters who was just absolutely [great], she was like taking care of a baby. I mean she was that conscientious. So I had to have a crew of ... myself, laboratory and four people. KP: Do you remember anything about the four people? Could you tell us something about the four people? Do you remember any details about them? You mention one of them who was older and ... CW: The foreman was a tobacco chewing guy. KP; Was he from Jersey? CW: Oh yes. They were all right from nearby. Merck ... was a real focus for workers, because they treated them so well. We'd get Army E's ... every six months. They'd put them up on the flag and you'd get a pin. I have a half a dozen different Army E pins. ... The foreman was very good, very knowledgeable, very mechanically inclined. And he knew how to handle the men very well. But he was a tobacco chewing son of a gun and that to me is a filthy habit. There was Little George, he was a very conscientious, ... he came from somewhere near the shore I think as I recall. ... All these guys wanted to do a good job. They really did. ... This was a time in this country when everybody was helping everybody. It really was. It was amazing. They were all behind what was going on. We didn't like this thing going on in Europe and we didn't like this attack from Japan. And it really brought the country together there's no question about it. No matter what industry you were in, many people left the store and took a job that was more geared to the war effort. And, of course, many of them were drafted. I was never drafted, I was never even called. I always got a 2-B classification which was deferred for, every six months I'd get a card. KP: Did you ever have to appear before the draft board or was it just automatic? CW: No. Never. No, never ... went to the draft board. KP: So it was widely known by your draft board that, how important penicillin was? CW: Oh yes. The draft board had a civilian chairman. It was up to the chairman to get the data on the individuals. And he would, when your time came up, I don't know exactly, they must have had a roll over or something out so they knew when to call you again. When my ... time came up why he'd always check and see if I was still doing the same thing and that was it. Long as I was still doing it, why, that's it. Now, in 1945 I went to Squibb. By my contract with Merck, I could not work on penicillin, vitamin C and something else. I forget what it was. Anyway, I went to ... Squibb, and at that time it was tough to change ... industry. And I know that the ... War Board was a little upset that I was leaving Merck. But I was so miserable physically. That shift work after two years, I was a wreck. I really was. I'd lost weight. I was down to about 130 and I was having all kinds of migraine headaches and I just felt [terrible]. I mean there was no air conditioning and I'd come home, ... I would come off the midnight shift. I'd come home and I'd lie on the bed and hot and the kids screaming from school and all that stuff. I couldn't get enough sleep. KP: What year did you leave? CW: 1945. I finally, I'd said to myself, well I went to them and I said, "Look, you've got to take me off of ... this shift work. I'll work somewhere else, but I can't do this anymore." MP: How long were the shifts? CW: Well they're eight hours. But you'd changed every eight days-- or every seven days. It had eight to four, four to twelve and twelve to eight. MP: So it was never constant so you could not plan your life. CW: You'd just about get used to one shift and you had to change. My whole physiological self was totally in turmoil. It just got me, and I wasn't the only one it got, it got a few others too. KP; What about the workers? Did their shifts change as much? CW: Their shifts changed the same, yes. ... Every seven days is too much. If you did it a month, that was much better. I know that I felt that it was too bad that they didn't do it for a month. Well anyway, ... at that point I was so sick. ... They said, "Go have a physical." So I went and had a physical. And I told the doctor ... how I felt. This was on the company. And he says, "Well, there's no reason why they shouldn't change you. I mean the condition you're in you're out more than you're in." And that was true. I was out more than I was in. ... One time I had a migraine headache, I was out for ten days I was so sick. I was miserable. I felt like I was dead. Maybe I should have been. But anyway, I finally told them, I said, "If you can't change me." This was one thing that annoyed me. My boss at that time was a guy I really didn't have too much respect for. And I think he probably felt the same way about me, but I told him, I said, "I can't stand this anymore. I've got to get a change. The doctor says I should change." "Well, you go back and work on the tanks. That's it. Period." So I said, "Okay." That's when I started looking around. I went over to Squibb and the fellow over at Squibb says, "Well, are you sure you can get ... the War Manpower Board to change you?" I said, "I don't know, but I've got to get out of this job at Merck it's killing me." Well, they checked with the War Manpower Board and they said, "Sure, he can change. He's doing war work here at Squibb." Which I was. Because they were making tetanus toxin, influenza vaccine, smallpox vaccine, dysentery vaccine, all these things are war things. And like I said, my contract at Merck said I couldn't work for two years on penicillin or vitamin C and something else which slips me now. But I said, "That's all right. I don't care." They paid me one half of my salary to do that. That was part of the contract. So for two years I got that from Merck, plus the salary I got at Squibb. At Squibb I had never worked on vaccines. I had never worked on toxins. But it was easy. It was duck soup. I had no problem with it at all. ... The people were very nice and they seemed to like me. I had a nice lab. They gave me a lab with, oh must have had, let's see, I must have had five people in it making these vaccines and toxins and toxoids. I learned animal work, because we had to do all the testing in animals eventually for these vaccines and toxoids. You've got to make sure toxicity isn't there anymore. So you had to check it out in guinea pigs and rabbits and mice. I learned all that. I didn't mind working with animals, I kind of loved that. I had a good career at Squibb too. KP: A lot of the people I interviewed spent their career at one company and then retired. CW: Oh yes I know. A lot of people. KP: Did you find you were exceptional for moving around? CW: Well, no. KP: Now it's very common. But at the time. CW: Yes, I agree it was not that common in those days, but ... I felt each time I moved, I felt I hit a dead end. I was fifteen years at Squibb, and I didn't seem to be going anywhere. So I went to Ortho. I was only two years there because that was a total loss. I mean I did a good job I know but they promised me the sky and I got nothing. So I said the heck with this. And then I went to Warner Lambert. Warner Lambert boss says, "We need a microbiologist. ... Come on aboard." So that was that. ... I had a lot of nice opportunities at Warner Lambert, I really did. I got around a lot. I had many trips to [different installations]. ... Warner Lambert's a big company, a big corporation with many different installations. Foreign and even in the country here. We had a place in Lititz, Pennsylvania. We had a place in Chicago, Rockford, Los Angeles, Anaheim, San Antonio. I mean I got around to all these places. It ... was nice. And it was all involved with microbiology. So you see even though I was a microbiologist and I spent all my time in the pharmaceutical industry. People think, you must have been a pharmacist. Well, no I wasn't a pharmacist. I was a microbiologist. But the pharmacy people need microbiology. And the thing that ... surprised me at the Warner Lambert when I went there was the fact that ... microbiology was like a foreign language. (laughter) ... Some people were: "What do we need that for?" But my boss who hired me, ... said, "We need microbiology." He was right, he was a good boss. ----------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE TWO----------------------------------- KP: This continues an interview with Mr. Carl R. Woodward, Jr. on April 21, 1995 at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey with Kurt Piehler and MP: Maureen Prado. MP: I know that in the survey that you filled out for us that you said that you had helped out during air raids? CW: Oh yes, ... I was an air raid warden locally in Highland Park. MP: What did that entail? CW: What did that entail? That entailed going out in the middle of the night in the pitch black, you can't have a light or anything. Its amazing how black it gets. Right now, with all the lights around the city and everything else it never gets that black. But in those days, all the lights were out, street lights were out, automobiles ... had their headlights painted half black, ... so they only had their lower part where it comes through, hardly anybody on the road at night. Very few people on the road at night. You wouldn't get all this reflection from those shopping malls and everything you get now. So when I walked out, and I had a neighbor down the street who was also on the same street that I was, we just walked up and down the street to make sure there were no lights showing from any of the houses. Because even a match, we were told, don't even light a match. Don't have a little flashlight or anything. And, of course, everybody had to pull their shades down at night. I mean, it was a different style, lifestyle [than] they were accustomed to. I'm not kidding, when I walked out, as familiar as I am with Lawrence Avenue, I wasn't sure where I was. [laughter] Really. It's that black, you can't see your hand in front of your face. KP: How long did the blackout restrictions continue? CW: How many years? KP: Yes. CW: Oh I would say at least four, three or four years, they did. They turned all the street lights out. MP: This must have been when you were traveling back and forth from work at night, right? CW: Yes. MP: So it must have affected your night driving, right? CW: Oh yes, oh it did. KP: Did you drive to work or take the train? CW: ... Well I took the train during the day, but ... once I got on shift work, I had to have the car. Because the trains were so [irregular at night], and I wanted to move as quick as I could to get rest, and all that. But at night, it was tough driving. There were many close calls, so to speak. Because there were people who would walk along the road, and they would be totally black, I mean with black clothing on. When your lights are only half showing, that's not an awful lot of light out in front of your car. We never drove very fast, in case we would hit anything. ... And the gasoline in that day was terrible. They cut out the octane way down, ... it was almost like kerosene. I had to have ration cards, ration stamps for gas, but because I worked in a critical industry, I had no problem. KP: So you got extra gasoline? CW: Oh yes, I had plenty of gas. ... In fact, I had enough gasoline to drive up to Rhode Island. I mean you drive up during the day and drive back during the day. A couple of times I went up to Rhode Island, because I was only using the gas, basically, just to go back and forth from Merck. Now it was about 30 mile round trip-- 30 miles round trip from here to Rahway and back. ... I had a small car, six-cylinder Plymouth, and it didn't burn an awful lot of gas, but by today's standards it was pretty inefficient. [laughter] I mean, cars have really improved tremendously, as have a lot of other things. But, you go out of the house now, you don't even need a light, it's so bright, you get all this reflection. KP: You lived in Highland Park almost your entire life. CW: I was born in Highland Park. I was born in the house I live in. The only time I didn't live in this house was the first six months of being married. MP: You said you rented. Where did you live then? CW: ... We had an apartment in Metuchen. A brand new building they had just built, and we were the first ones in our apartment. My wife was from Jamaica, Long Island, and I had met her through a mutual friend from camp, and I invited her down here in my junior and senior year to dances and so on. We had a good time. ... She was a pretty nice gal. I really liked her. [laughter] So we got married. We were married in the oldest Presbyterian Church ... that has a continuing session governing body. The oldest one in the country. It was in Jamaica, Long Island. It's over, ... by now its about 350 or 75 years old. We were married in that church. She was a member of that church, and I was a member of the Presbyterian Church here in New Brunswick. We were married in April, in fact next week is my anniversary, 54 years-- April 26. This is in '41, this is before the war started, for us, that is. We moved into this apartment in Metuchen. She was working in New York at that time, at the Bank of New York. She was a secretary. So she continued working for a while. MP: Did she take the train? CW: ... She took the train to New York, and I took it to Rahway, until I got on shift work. But I took the train to Rahway ... from New Brunswick here, too, ... before shift work, and I used to meet a few colleagues along the way, they lived in New Brunswick or Highland Park. We would walk over the bridge. They were a good bunch. There was ... always a train for North Rahway for Merck people. Merck had a way with the Pennsylvania Railroad like you wouldn't believe. They had a special train from Philadelphia that came to Rahway and stopped at North Rahway to let these people off and pick them up on the way back. There was a gang from Philadelphia who were a part of Rosengarten and something else company which Merck had merged with, or they had merged with Merck. These fellows didn't want to move, they were old timers. So Merck made arrangements ... with them, and Pennsylvania stopped the train at North Rahway for them. I mean it was a big passenger train. It was the only stop along the way. It didn't stop at New Brunswick. It stopped at Philadelphia, Trenton and North Rahway. ... I don't even know if they have trains at North Rahway anymore. KP: They still do, the tradition continues. CW: And then they'd come back from New York and pick these fellows up from North Rahway. MP: Did Merck hire more people during the war? Did they have an increase in workers? CW: Oh yes, they hired a lot of people. Because they needed to. Because people were being drafted. Not everybody who worked at Merck got a deferment. You had to be in ... MP: Critical part. CW: ... a critical part. KP: In your area did you lose any workers? CW: No, no didn't lose any. Anybody who was working on a critical project, they didn't have any trouble with them. MP: I know that you had women assistants, did they hire lots of women to work to replace the men who were being drafted? CW: Yes. ... They had women on, for instance, pyridine. I don't know if you ever smelt pyridine, but it is God awful smell. It's used in the manufacturing of sulpha drugs. Merck had a big sulpha building where they manufactured sulpha drugs, and pyridine is a basic, boy it just about knocks you over. I mean especially on a damp, wet day, I don't know how these people stand it, but they did. You get used to it, I guess. It's like ether. That's another thing that Squibb had, ... they had an ether house-- anaesthetic ether, which they don't have any more, because they don't ever use this. But you go by that ether house, and you think ... you're in a hospital. God it's terrible. [laughter] And that's a very volatile product. Fires, ... they were always alert to make sure there's no sparks or anything. ... Ether will go off like that. ... That's one of the disadvantages of anaesthetic ether, there have been explosions in hospitals where they did use anaesthetic ether, ... and they had a real problem with it. Because a spark will ignite it. The fumes from ether just evolve and they are heavy. And chloroform is another, but chloroform is ... not flammable. I was doing an extraction one time over here at Squibb on aspergillic acid, I think it was, and that was a chloroform extraction. ... I was in a rather closed area, bigger than this room, but nevertheless, I had to use a lot of chloroform, and I was working with this thing, and all of a sudden I felt like I was drunk. (laughter) Really, it really got me. ... All I could do to walk down the steps and go out and get some fresh air. That's how it affects you. But Merck took good care of their people. When I first went to Merck, you wouldn't believe it, and I couldn't convince any of my friends that this was happening, but every month we got a little bonus. Bonus was based on their sales for the month. Every employee got a portion of it. There was no union at Merck at that time. And it was just, .... well, for about two years I think that went on. Then the union came in and they did away with that. But that was a real neat little subsidy. KP: Did the union come in when you were there or after you left? CW: It came in when I was there. KP: Was there any tension when it came in? CW: Oh yes, there is always tension. And the same thing at Squibb. Oh! Squibb was much worse. Merck handled it much better than Squibb, I thought. KP: What were the differences in the way they handled it? CW: Well actually, that's why I left Squibb, because of the union. I was fed up, I was spending twenty percent of my time on grievances. That's a waste of time and ... it's totally unnecessary. For years and years, Squibb and Johnson and Johnson almost ran ... a competition as to who could hire the most, and who would get the best. Squibb finally decided they were going to get a union. They had voted it down twice already. You vote it down three times, and then forget it, that's it. They can't apply any more. But the third time they applied, there weren't quite enough votes against it. A lot of people didn't like it. Squibb was very, very good to its employees. They subsidized all kinds of activities: bowling, tennis, softball, bridge, knitting, a dinner everything month, you know, things like this, ... that's all gravy. (laughter) Then the union came in, and everything quit. I sat through two strikes, two or three. Two, I think. The first time was twenty some days. We were locked in. I spent my whole twenty some days in the plant taking care of the animals, because I was the only one who was left there to take care of the animals, and I had thousands of animals. I absolutely couldn't do it. I finally chloroformed a lot of them. The rabbits-- it was an interesting thing. Rabbits were used for chronic toxicity testing. ... Once these rabbits get standardized, they don't want to do anything to them. Well when this strike hit, this was in May 1958, no ... '56 I guess it was. We decided we'd put all the rabbits outside. We'd built a fence around the building and then we'll put the rabbits out, and then I won't have to [feed them]. ... I couldn't keep up with them. Couldn't keep up cleaning them or feeding them. Even though I was working all day. There were so many of them. KP: This is the plant in New Brunswick? CW: Yes, right here in New Brunswick. So we let the rabbits out, and then we fed them outside. You wouldn't believe what happened with the rabbits. Rabbits have a very brittle skeletal structure. ... They can snap their own backs that's how brittle it is. They are so strong, very muscular. We let them out and the first thing they were doing was digging holes. The love to dig. Dig a hole and go in the hole and they'd get stuck and break their backs. We had to pull them out and sacrifice them. Some of them dug under the fence. We had a couple of calls from neighbors in the area, "We've got some white rabbits running around our lawn. We think they must belong to you!" So we had to go and catch them and bring them back. Well after twenty days, everyone of the females, the does were pregnant. I had a friend ... over here in North Brunswick, who had a mink farm. He doesn't have the farm anymore, he finally gotten rid of it. But ... he was coming into Squibb to take all of the discarded animals, grind them up and feed them to the mink. And this was great. So I called him up. I said, "Art come on over and pick up all these rabbits, because I can't use them anymore." ... They were wild now, they weren't domestic anymore. That was after having been outside. He told me that everyone of those females was just about ready to lay their young. We would have had young rabbits running all over if the strike had continued. So that was quite an experience. But Squibb ... was never the same after the union got in. There were hard feelings, ... very much so. I don't know how it is today, but from my friends and contacts I have over there, it's still not as great as it used to be. It was a great place, originally. KP. Living in Highland Park and New Brunswick during the war, could you tell us something about the impact of Camp Kilmer? Because they put up Camp Kilmer very quickly in World War II. CW: Yes they certainly did. KP: What kind of impact did it have on this area? CW: It took over. I'll never forget the night they opened Camp Kilmer. The town was just crawling with G.I.s, all over the place, they took over the town. ... I watched the construction, I'd ride by on my way up to Merck on the train. We were watching the construction of all the sidings that they were building, and all the barracks they were building, and it was taking over a big area. ... Well there's still some of it remaining. ... It had a big impact on the town. A lot of people were very upset over it, even though it was part of the war effort, because some of the men would get drunk, and they would make a lot of noise, and carry on. But on the other hand, there were a lot of guys, this was their last depot, and they were on their way across and never get back. So my wife at that time volunteered to work with the Red Cross over here. She just quit her job. So she worked with the Red Cross over here at Camp Kilmer for a while, which was an interesting experience. We even rented our house out to a couple of military people, a husband and wife. ... I mean a room, not our house. We had one fellow from the Red Cross who was one of the executives, he rented a room here, because they didn't know where they were going to be sent from day to day, practically. ... Well we got a little extra income from it, but that got to be kind of [difficult], one time I just had to throw the couple out. They refused to leave. I said, "Well we're having another baby coming along, and we need the room." I said, "I'm sorry, but you'll have to leave." "We're not leaving." I said, "Well then I'll have to call my lawyer, and have him come over. ... Whoever he sends over will through you out bodily and all your belongings." He didn't like that, so they left. I was going to do it. I had already made the contact. I said I'll tell you, if they're not out by tomorrow come on over. They were out, they left. It was incredible. [laughter] KP: When you say there was sometimes trouble, what types of incidents, do you remember any incidents in particular? Were there any community meetings? CW: Oh, ... I don't think there was any kind of community meetings. But word of mouth was there was a lot of noise. ... It was kind of like over here at Rutgers, a lot of noisy students. That bothers a lot of residents, especially when they're trying to sleep. So, I would say that's about the extent of it. KP: Any concern about the safety of women? CW: At that time? KP: Yes. CW: I imagine there was, but it's nothing like it is now. I mean now, ... it's incredible how it's mushroomed. At that time, I'm sure there were a few people who were upset about the women, but I really don't remember any violent episodes. I mean, now you have the Shollar case and so many others. ... It's just incredible, these guys think they can do what they please. And that's more upsetting than anything that ever happened during the period that they were here. There weren't here all that long, but there was a continuous flow. In other words here's a bunch of 5,000 that came in and they took over the middle of the city. Which they did, you couldn't move. They were all over. They were looking for bars and they were looking for restaurants, and theaters. We had a lot of theaters then, movie theaters. We don't have them now. But that 5,000 would be on its way, another 5,000 would come in, or whatever the number was. So they were constantly moving, but there was always a flow. So nobody was-- only few people would stand around very long. They would be out, and ship them overseas. KP: You mentioned you had no problem with gas rationing, but what about other rationing? Did you ever have a problem? CW: ... We had ... food problems. We had problems with that. Butter for instance, sugar, meat. Meat was terrible. I mean you were lucky if you got meat, really. And you had to have coupons. You could stand in line for an hour before you'd get waited on. The minute they would announce that there is ... a shipment of sugar coming in, the people would hear about it, and they'd be in the store, and they'd bring it in and it's gone like that. Sugar was a real problem, it really was. I love sugar. ... Let me say this. Even though this sounds in a sense sort of facetious, it's really true. We as our family, we were never short of good nutrition. Fruits ... were always available. Canned vegetables were always available. Canned soups, these sort of things. But fresh meat, butter, no trouble with milk. Sugar. Those were the big ones. Flour was a little scarce, for baking purposes. That's the ones that I remember anyway. I used to do the marketing quite a bit. ... Sometimes we'd both go over so we could get in line. But we had to have the coupons, you couldn't get it without coupons. You'd go up there and say, well, I'd like to have a hamburger. Hamburger, we haven't got any hamburger. You know, a simple thing like that. So ... it was tight, very tight. Bread, we always had bread. No problem with bread. Maybe it wasn't as good as it is now, but ... it was there. Cold drinks, always cold drinks. We had plenty of that. Alcoholic drinks, which we don't use ... much, but beer was always available. ... That's about it. MP: Since you had remained in Highland Park, there must have been a lot of people that you had known growing up who had gone to war, and perhaps they had some families that had remained in Highland Park. CW: ... Oh yes, there was a lot of them. A lot of them got drafted. MP: How was the relationship between families who got drafted? CW: Well the relationship was ... okay. No, there was a good relationship. ... You always felt sorry for somebody being drafted. I know how it was with my son when he went to Vietnam. That was the first time we had any experience with that. ... Even though he was in the legal profession, he still was subjected to who knows, bombs or pipe bombs. And ... he had to go out on missions, and inspect. He would fly in helicopters. Have a pilot take him. ... He and his colleagues were in charge of construction that they needed to build over there in Vietnam, and then they'd fly out to, say they were in Saigon, and they'd have to fly ... to the bay of, whatever they are. I don't remember all those names, but he said some of those helicopter flights were pretty hairy. They weren't sure if they'd get shot down. Because they don't really have much defense. But he came through it all right, and he kept in touch with us. We'd get a tape every once in a while in the mail. He took ROTC here at Rutgers, so he was graduated as a second lieutenant, and he ended up being a captain. But he didn't want to stay in the service. They wanted him to stay, but he said, no. He'd had it. ... He's in the legal profession now. But it's tense. You always wonder if something's going to happen. MP: Was there any sense of helping out the families, the wives, who had kids? CW: Oh, I suppose there was. I don't really know that. But I have a hunch there might have been. You mean from the government? MP: No, no. Just from the community itself. CW: Oh, the community. I don't really know. That was World War II you were talking about. MP: Right, yes. CW: I know that Vietnam was a disaster. My secretary at Warner Lambert had just been married to a marine lance corporal. That's the lowest you could be in the marines. She was a lovely girl and a very, very efficient secretary and I liked her a lot and she got along well with me. They went on a honeymoon, and when they came back from the honeymoon, he had to go. That was it, never came back. She got word within a month he was gone. So she was pretty upset. ... It was terrible. ... That affected our office staff ... [terribly], that incident, because she was the only one that had anybody over in Vietnam. ... It took a while to get over it, it really did. You feel it, something like that, when you're in that close proximity working with someone. KP: President Clothier would also lose his son in World War II. CW: ... Oh yes. Clothier lost all three of his children. KP: Yes, I had only read one account, I had not realized he had lost more than that. CW: Well, his daughter committed suicide. She married a friend of mine, they moved to Boston. I knew them very well. I used to date her as a matter of fact. She was a lot of fun. She was very athletic. Liked to hike, liked to play tennis, all that sort of thing. ... She was a nice gal. She married a friend of mine from Highland Park, and they moved up to Harvard, Cambridge or somewhere around there. He was a teacher there. ... He was a bright boy and very scholarly. I have a hunch he taught English or English literature. Although I'm not positive of that, but I know that was his field. She had two or three children, and then we got word that she'd blown her head off-- depressed, manic depression. My cousin lost a wife like that. And I should say, ... he lost a son like that, his only son. Very depressed. ... It's sad, that something gets into you. Ernie Pyle's wife was that way. She tried to commit suicide and didn't. She was cut all over the place and bleeding like crazy. She was in and out of the hospital for years. Manic depression. And then he was killed, and six months later, she just died. So ... it's a serious mental ailment, which some people are very highly susceptible to. But there are medications now that have worked ... marvelously, they can save you a little bit. ... Do you know the name Valium, the term Valium? That's a tranquilizer. MP: Yes. CV: Well that originally came out as Milltown. Because it was made over here in Milltown. That was the original name of it, and then they changed the name of it. Well, it got to be that everybody wanted Milltown. They'd go to the doctor [and say], "Give me some Milltown, because I just can't stand it any longer." They were prescribing this like crazy. They called it, "Don't give a damn pills." (laughter) And this the way you got, so you relaxed, and you weren't tense. It really was good. ... There are incidents when valium is very helpful if you have sleep problems. Doctors will prescribe it if you have a sleep problem. And pharmacists will recommend it ... as a very good sleep item. Help you get a good night's rest, make you feel better in the morning. But you ... don't want to lean on it. That's the only thing. KP: I wanted to take you back to your Rutgers years for a little bit. CW: Okay. KP: Did you think about going elsewhere besides Rutgers? CW: No. No, I had no idea I would go anywhere else. I loved Rutgers, ever since I was a kid. KP: So you just assumed and wanted to go? CW: Oh sure, yes. KP: Your father did not have to notion to send you up to Cornell? CW: No, no, no. He said Rutgers? Fine. ... My father was one who would advise, but he'd never really put pressure on you if you didn't want to do it. KP: So if you had said to your father you wanted to go elsewhere? CW: Well my brother did. My brother didn't want to come to Rutgers. He went to Amherst. But that's all right. He did well. Amherst is a-- he wanted to be in a smaller school. My brother is fifteen years younger than I. So, ... he's like another generation, basically. My sister went to Douglass, she went to NJC. KP: And your mother went to NJC? CW: No. My mother never went to college. KP: Oh okay. CW: ... She went to high school, graduated from Freehold High School. But no, I always loved Rutgers, ever since I was a kid. ... I mean, I spent time over here. I used to come to the reunions with my dad. Those days they weren't so big. I mean, you could feed them ... in the barn up here, maybe 200 people. ... I used to really enjoy those. And sometimes they had tents up around College Field, where the different classes would meet. ... It was a much smaller group, much smaller. He would introduce me to a lot of his classmates, whom I knew well, and see around up until the time that they would pass on. But ... nobody survives [in] the Class of '14 at this point. But I really enjoyed it. And I'd go to the ball games, ... he would always take me to the football games. My father loved football. And I would go the other games, like basketball or baseball. He didn't care much for them, but he liked football. He would cheer his head off. I can hear him yet. ... And the whole atmosphere here. I was into the tradition of it, if you might say. I appreciate the tradition. I think Rutgers is a remarkable institution in the fact that it has, it is the only land grant college that is a colonial college. And that is a real, ... I think that's a real thing. I heard a talk last night up at the seminary by a fellow from Holland from Utrecht. Rutgers has a connection with Utrecht, as you well know, I hope. (laughter) When we were over in Utrecht we saw this, and I was really thrilled. Anyway he gave a talk last night about this woman who married Frelinghuysen. Theodore Jacobus Frelinghuysen. She was Dutch, Dutch, Dutch. She didn't know if she wanted to come to America. But she finally was persuaded. Her father didn't want her to go to America. But she came. She was a remarkable woman, she really was. She was a God fearing person. Make a wonderful wife for a minister. The two of them-- this fellow reviewed her life last night, and she's buried here in the cemetery of the First Reformed Church. He spoke for three quarters of an hour on her life, and what she went through. The connection with Rutgers and Queens and Utrecht. He brought that all in. Now the tradition, to me tradition means a lot. I mean, I just feel kind of a thrill over the tradition that exists here. The other day, my wife and I went to a movie to see Jefferson in Paris. Thomas Jefferson spent four or five years in Paris, and he had part of his family. His wife had passed on and he had a couple of his slaves. The movie itself, I was disappointed in. But since I came back from the movie, I decided I was going to reread the biography of Jefferson that I have. And I started rereading it, and I had forgotten some of the things. He went to William and Mary. ... He was a brilliant man. He went to William and Mary and in two years, he had taken all the courses they could offer. The professors and the administration there was just thrilled with him. They knew he was a brilliant man, there's no question about it. ... I was glad to reread that, because I had forgotten that. ... William and Mary is a colonial college you see. In fact, there were only two other colleges at that time. Yale and Harvard, and he didn't want to go to Yale or Harvard. He wanted to go to a southern school, so he went to William and Mary. ... There's that tradition, you see. ... I was brought up with tradition, so I'm into it. And I try to teach it to my kids. Now my daughter works here at Rutgers. MP: Does she? CW: She's in research and funded projects, where somebody wants to get a grant, funded grants. ... She graduated from Rutgers. She's ... 28 years here, something like that. KP: So there is a on-going tie with Rutgers? CW: (laughter) Well, my mother used to go along to the football games, but she didn't really enjoy it. But ... I never thought of going anywhere else. ... I applied to Rutgers, and that was it. If I didn't get into Rutgers, I don't know what I would have done. But ... I was certified by the principal of the school at that time. ... I didn't have to take any college exams, any boards. But I did have to take Latin. Rutgers wouldn't let me in without Latin. I had to take at least two years, and I took three years of Latin, because I wanted to be in a scientific curriculum. The requirements were two years of Latin, period. MP: I know you went to New Brunswick High School. Was there a reason you did not go the the Highland Park High School? CW: ... Yes, ... there was no high school at that time. Highland Park had Franklin Junior High. MP: Is that the one on 5th? CW: It's up on Fifth Avenue. That was Franklin Junior High when it was built, and it went the 10th grade. So all the Highland Park kids, at that point had to go to New Brunswick. ... New Brunswick High at that time was a regional school. Way before its time. When you talk about a regional school now, you wouldn't think about it like New Brunswick. But there were three shifts. ... I was on the early shift for two years. The early shift was eight to one. Then there was 9:30 to 3:30. Then there was 10:30 to 5. Those were the three shifts, depending on ... where you came from and what they put you on. Well we came from Highland Park. A lot of the Highland Park kids really liked it over there. I thought it was excellent. I know there were many parents in Highland Park who were very upset that their kids were going to go to New Brunswick to be mingling with lesser lights as they called them, Polish and Hungarian, etc. ... To me this was, I was never brought up like this. Everybody's good. And I've met some great people, some real good friends over there. My best two high school years were in New Brunswick, not in Highland Park. [laughter] ... They came from all over around here: Edison and Browntown, Middlebush and Milltown, and North Brunswick and South River. They all went to New Brunswick, aAnd they did a great job of this. People today now just don't understand this, how we ever did that. ... It was very efficient. We had good teachers. KP: You lived at home while you were going to Rutgers, but you did join a fraternity. CW: ... Yes, I was in a fraternity, and I was active with the fraternity. I played on their teams, and did some of their things. KP: But you did not want to live in the fraternity house? CW: No, not particularly. I was content. To tell you the truth, I might not have studied as much. [laughter] I admit that. I don't know that I would have been all right or not. But I was so close to it. ... I think another thing too was expense. I had to pay my own way. My father said, it's all right, I'll be glad to help you, but I think it'll be good if you pay your own way. So I did. I would work, I would earn the money, I paid my whole way. KP: Where did you work? CW: Oh, I worked mowing lawns, shoveling snow, washing windows, anything, working in a store. Wherever I could find an odd job. I made enough money. It was very cheap in those days. I mean it was ... expensive for me, but to live in a fraternity would have cost me much more than what I had to pay. Now we didn't have all that kind of money. My father was not a wealthy man at all. Even when he retired as president of Rhode Island, $16,000 as the president, 1957. That's not an awful lot. (laughter) Now what do these presidents get. It knocks your eye out. ... I enjoyed commuting. I had a bike, and most of the time I'd ride my bike back and forth. Whenever I had to be at the fraternity, I was there. I helped them doing whatever they needed to be done. I enjoyed playing on their teams, intramural. ... I always enjoyed the fraternity. Fraternities are are a lot different now than they were then, though. We used to have very nice house parties. I don't know what they do now. The formal dances we used to go to. The big dances at Rutgers, oh the Junior Prom, the Soph Hop, ... they were gala events. Everybody dressed up formal, they had corsages and they looked nice, and everybody had a good time. And it cost us three to five dollars and you'd get the top bands in the country. Duke Ellington, Glen Miller, all of these people, Tommy Dorsey, Glen Gray, Gene Krupa, etc. We had it real nice. KP: Maureen and other students have gone through the Targum from the 1930s and the 1940s. And invariably Paul Robeson would be invited back to the campus. CW: Oh yes, that's right. KP: How did students feel about Paul Robeson? CW: Then? Oh, he was a hero. They loved him. He gave several concerts in what's the Barn now, and that's what he would do. They kept calling him back and calling him back for more encores, and he always obliged. He was very athletic, a big guy. One time he admitted, ... after about four or five encores, he said, you know, this reminds me of an end run, because he played football, you know. (laughter) Great football player. I never saw him play, but my uncle did, and my father, both of them saw him play. They said he was massive. My wife and I saw him in the theater in Princeton in the role of Othello. I've never seen it better. I've seen it several times. But he was-- he dominated the whole thing. He was a great actor, he had a rich voice, he could sing, and he could fill that barn with his voice. I mean, he had a big voice. ... And a deep voice, a rich deep voice. No, he was a hero, no question, in those days. KP: So he was widely admired. CW: Oh, very widely admired. There was a lot of upset when he went to Russia, or made a few remarks that people didn't like. The State Department rejected his ... passport for a while, which ... I can't figure it all out. But that's the way it was in those days. Now, I have a friend from Notre Dame, who is a colleague from Warner Lambert, who is a great admirer of Paul Robeson. He's my age. A little bit younger, but still my generation. There was an article in the ... Newark paper, I think it was, or one of those papers, which he cut out and sent to me. It was a synopsis of Paul Robeson and what he had done. He sent it to me, because he knows I'm from Rutgers. He even sent me a couple of books on Paul Robeson which he had, he didn't want them anymore. ... There are those who think he got a raw deal, and I can't agree more. I think he got a raw deal too. KP: From Rutgers or from the rest of the country? CW: Both, both. I think he got a raw deal from Rutgers. But, they finally have tried to ameliorate it and make up for lost time, but there was a time when the people around here, I don't know what was the matter with them. But they just ... KP: They wanted to ignore him? CW: Yes. He was a real hero, he really was. ... He would come down here and give a concert anytime we wanted. I mean, ... he loved the university. His father was a minister, ... and he told Paul what it is going to be like before he came here. He says you may be the only black man on the campus, which is true. He says, you're going to be harassed and all that. He told him, now here's what you do. So he told him what to do, and Paul did it. ... He was Phi Beta Kappa in his junior year, valedictorian when he graduated. His father, one time, he took his marks home, and one time he had a B. (laughter) "What Paul, what's that B doing there? You're supposed to get A's." They marked then A, B, and C then. ... This is small talk, but that's the way it was. ... His father was a big influence on him, because his father was a fine man, a real fine man, and Paul was a real fine man, too. He was a hero over in England, and he was a hero over in Russia. They loved him over there, and he liked it, he thought the people were good. ---------------------------END OF TAPE TWO, SIDE ONE----------------------------------- CW: Well, ... that was Robeson. ... My uncle was infirmed and I was taking care of him in Philadelphia, and he's since passed away, at 98. ... In fact, this ... June he would have been 100. But, he used to talk to me about Paul Robeson. Because Paul was in the Glee Club, ... and my uncle was in the Glee Club. He remembers going to-- when they did concerts here in town, of course, he was there. But when the Glee Club traveled, they used to travel around the state, and they'd go to the girls' schools or some other school, and perform a concert, but he wouldn't go. He said, ... "I'll stay home, you'll go without me." It was too bad, because he had the best voice in the Glee Club, according to my uncle. KP: In 1939, President Clothier right after Germany had invaded Poland, he made a note that America should stay out of the war. But then in 1940, he joined a group supporting Roosevelt's policy of all-out aid to England. Did Clothier's attitude match up with the other students and the other faculty? CW: I really can't comment on that, because I really don't remember. I know that the general populace was against going into the war. That I remember. But this individual case, I can't comment on. KP: We noticed in the Targum there were a lot of stories in 1940 over the draft. CW: Over the draft. KP: Over the peace-time draft. How did your classmates feel about the peace-time draft, because we weren't even in the war yet. CW: I know, they didn't like it. They didn't like it at all. And, they were worried, they really were kind of concerned. I know that I didn't really care for it, and yet, ... I talked to a couple of people in the ... military, and knowing my physical condition with my ear, they said you won't have to worry, you'll never go. You could never protect yourself against gas. And, of course, gas was a thing they worried about, because of what happened in World War I. ... After I had talked to them, ... so we'll have the draft and I guess I don't have to worry. [laughter] But I got into this industry, which was critical, so I still didn't have to worry. But, he said, if you're ever called, you'll be rejected, I'm sure, no problem. KP: Did you participate in ROTC when you were here? CW: For two years I did, yes. We had to, that was required. I didn't elect to take the next two years. I don't know if I could have passed the physical for that. You had to take a physical for that, and I'm sure this ear would knock it down. So I didn't go, I was glad I had the two years, though. I thought that was good. It was good to have the discipline. I was in the Boy Scouts all my young days. KP: What rank did you make? CW: I made Life. I had a whole string of merit badges. I was a junior assistant scout master at one point. I liked the scouts. I went to camp, ... and we went to all the rallies we could have, and we learned the Morse Code and the semaphore code. I enjoyed the scouts. I thought they were great. The first merit badge I took was bird study. Believe it or not, bird study was a required badge in those days. One of the professors from the farm over there, was my examiner. I know him very well, and ... you're supposed to show a list of at least 40 birds that you've identified. That was one of the requirements. I had on there, mockingbird as one of the birds. I had a list of about 60 birds, but I had written mockingbird. He says, "What's this mockingbird?" I said, "Yes, there's a nest of them over there, where what is now the Rutgers golf course, there's a nest over there." [He says], "Oh no, there's no mockingbirds up there, that's a southern bird." Well that's true, it was a southern bird, but its migrating, its up north now, and this is back in the '30s. I said, "It was a mockingbird." [He said], "Oh no, no. We can't have that." He struck it off. He says, "Describe it to me." I says, "Well it's about the size of a catbird, its gray, it has white stripes on its tail and its wings." "No you mistook that for a catbird, there's a lot of catbirds around." And there were, I agree, a lot more catbirds than there were mockingbirds. But he wouldn't take my word for a mockingbird. I said, "I'll take you and show you the nest." "No, it's not." He wouldn't even do that. Oh boy, my opinion of him went like that. [laughter] Been watching birds ever since I was up at Cornell. ... It was one of those incidents. But I did enjoy the ROTC, I really did. We used to march every Tuesday. Had to march around the streets, and if it was raining or something, we'd go inside in the gym. And we learned all about the rifle, we had to take it apart, put it together. Learned how to shoot. ... We had target practice down in the basement of the old gym over there. I don't know if they still have it. But, maybe they do. ... I thought that the colonel was good and Captain Cook I liked. ... Captain Colette, he was good. They were all good. ... There were all good guys. They took us with a grain of salt, I think. [laughter] "These guys, they think they know it all." KP: You never played any sports did you, but you managed the wrestling team. CW: ... I managed the wrestling team, ... and I went out for the baseball team. ... I was in the reserve for a baseball team, but I got badly hurt, very foolishly, and I had to really quit. I was on Nielson field, which was anything, but level. And I was running in the outfield, and I stumbled and I kicked the back of my left knee with the heel of my right foot, came right up like that. I didn't think anything of it at the time, and I fell. I got up and I continued to play. That night, even before supper, my left leg got hot, and it was stiff, and I couldn't walk. ... I went back home, and I didn't know what to do. I could sit down, I was all right. But the minute I stood, it just ... pulsated, ... real hard. So the next day I went into see Greenwood, who was the school physician at that point, Dr. Greenwood. And he says, "You've got phlebitis." I said, "What's phlebitis?" He said, ... [laughter] "You've aggravated your blood vein there somehow. It's swollen and enlarged." He said, "The best thing for you to do? Go home, get in bed, put ice on it." ... I was in agony when I was in the library that night. So I went home and I went to bed and put the ice pack on. I was there for three days trying to take that thing down. He said, "Don't put heat on it, it'll only make it worse." But he was right, the ice did take it down. So I didn't go out for baseball after that. I would like to have played tennis. I went for tennis also. I had made the tennis team in New Brunswick High, I was on their team. I went around a bit and played with the high school kids. I was for the tennis team here, you had to go through a tournament. I went through about three or four fellows, and I won. But then I came against this one guy, who was just about equal, ... we were very close. And he finally beat me after about five sets, so I didn't make the team. [laughter] That was it. It was different then, than it is now, but that's the way it was. I enjoyed it. I loved tennis, I play a lot of tennis. But I couldn't play now though. KP: Is there anything that we have forgotten to ask you about. CW: I don't know. It seems to me you've done pretty well! ... Oh my father, ... when my father died in Rhode Island, he became president emeritus, and then ... when he died, why we dedicated-- ... we gave all of his agricultural library collection to the University of Rhode Island's Agricultural College, and it's called the Carl R. Woodward Agricultural Library. He had a collection of a large number of books which I had appraised, it was worth about six or eight thousand dollars, as I recall, something like that. ... He had been collecting all of these old agricultural books. Because, he was really an expert in agricultural history. And he loved that. ... KP: All three of your children went to Rutgers. Are there any grandchildren who went to Rutgers? CW: My grandchildren aren't going to Rutgers, I'm sorry to say. (laughter) My grandson, the oldest one is up at Syracuse, he's finishing up his sophomore year, my granddaughter, I don't know what she's doing. She's applied to six colleges, she was accepted at Rutgers, he was accepted at Rutgers. She was accepted ... at Brown, Cornell, Rutgers, Johns Hopkins, William and Mary, and Washington University at St. Louis. Why any would apply to ... six college boggles my mind. ... I mean she's a very bright student, no question about that. But ... I told my wife, I think she's on an ego trip. (laughter) Anyway, my other grandsons, my three grandsons in Virginia aren't of college age yet. I'm not sure what will happen with the oldest one, Philip, is totally deaf. He was born that way. But he gets along very well. He's a brilliant kid, he's an A plus student, and a very nice person, personality. ... Andrew, he's got three years yet before he'll go, and Stephen, he's got at least five years before he'll go, so. That's my youngest son. He, incidentally, Richard, is one of the top administration down at the Virginia State Museum of Fine Arts. He's got a very nice job and he loves it down there. ... He really knows his art history. I love to hear him talk. He can speak and speak, and speak, and I listen. I never cared much for art, but I love it now. [laughter] Only because he makes it sound so good, so interesting. He's a very, very interested, talented speaker. My wife, every once in a while says to him, "Gee, Richard, don't you think you're doing too much?" ... He says, "Mom, don't you worry, I love it." ... He's very personable. And then my other son is a lawyer, he's the one who was at Vietnam. I guess that's about it. KP: Actually I have two questions that just came to mind. One was Tom Frusciano gave me two clippings on you that noted that you ran for council in Highland Park. CW: Oh yes, I ran for council four times. [laughter] I'm in the wrong party. MP: Yeah that's true, it's pretty Democratic over there still. CW: God, yes they're solid. When I ran, though it was still a mixed bag. MP: Was it? CW: Yes it was, fortunately. And unfortunately it's changed now. ... Actually, even when I was a kid, it was all Republicans, there were no Democrats. The Democrats didn't put up anybody, and the Republicans would always win. ... It was total Republican, all the way, mayor and council. Now it's the other way. But I started running in 19, first year, I think it was '57, '55 or somewhere in there, I forget. But I ran four times. One of my classmates was telling me, he says, "You've got to run seven times, you know, Lincoln ran seven times before he was elected. Who gave you that? (laughter) KP: Tom Frusciano. CW: Oh, he did? Oh, he found that? KP: It was a clipping. And one point, you wrote a letter to the editor, protesting the plans by Rutgers to develop the Kilmer reserve. CW: Absolutely. Yes, I was very much upset over that. Because that is a great place, and the university should hang onto it the way it is. ... I made Bloustein a mortal enemy, because of my stand on that. He was always very friendly to me, until I told him what I thought of that. That was the last I heard from him, and that didn't sit well with me. I mean, after all, I have my right to my opinion as what you do with that. ... That was a gift to the university. What are you going to build a shopping mall for? We've got too many of them now. I had lots of support with that, and that's one thing I really got into. Also I got into the Great Swamp, when they wanted to ... build the airport there. KP: So you opposed that too? CW: Oh, did I. I mean, I was working at ... Warner Lambert. I would ride across that every day, and back and forth, that was part of my commute. Great place-- ... national reserve. And they wanted to make an airport out of it. You know, these wetlands are very, very valuable. ... Some people think so, some don't, they don't care. Well I remember in Highland Park, Donaldson Park. You know Donaldson Park on the south side? That used to be a wetlands, a good part of it. When I was a kid, we used to go sleigh riding down 3rd Avenue. South 3rd Avenue, there's a long climb, ... all the way down, and we'd go out onto the meadows there. That was a great place to sleigh ride. In those days they used to block off the streets when it snowed. They didn't plow them. They block them off and the kids would sleigh ride. Even Lincoln Avenue, same thing. Well anyway, I used to go .. birding down there in that wetlands and that was great. There were marsh wrens in there and woodcock, and many other species of birds. They came along and they wanted to fill that thing in. I raised a fuss over that, but ... that didn't even make a dent. But I did make a fuss over this thing with Kilmer Woods and fortunately they listened. I even went down to Trenton one time. ... The Great Swamp, I wrote letters on the Great Swamp, and fortunately they didn't make an airport out of it. ... But there still is a lot of feeling about they should do something with the Great Swamp as far as development is concerned. KP: I also should say I grew up in that area, and I hope they stop developing. CW: It's terrible what they're doing. I mean, they are gradually encroaching on it and it's filling in. It's a shame. ... Where did you grow up? KP: I grew up in the Roxbury, Mount Olive area. CW: Oh yes. ... Well the great swamp of Morris County, that is a gem. ... That's a jewel, and I think it should stay there. Of course, I think this Kilmer Woods is a jewel over here. ... I can go over there during the bird migrating season and there's a lot of warblers go through there. Although I will say there are less going through now than before. The warblers are having a tough time in South America, and Central America. Go down there in the winter and there's no place for them to stay. Bird migration is a fascinating subject. I gave a paper on bird migration once, when I was in college. [laughter] KP: It sounds like if you had a choice of doing another career, you would probably be an ornithologist? Had you ever thought of it? CW: Well, I could do it. I could do it. I mean, I have been in so long. ... Actually, I remember Leon Hausman. He was a professor at NJC. He taught zoology, but he also taught a course in ornithology. And he was a great birder. I said, "I'd like to take a course with you, what could I do." "Oh!" he says. "You don't need a course with me. Gosh, all I do is teach them a little bit about birds." He said, ... "You already know all that stuff." I said, "Well." [laughter] I didn't get very far with that. But, ... I'll tell you, two things I like, history and like you say, ornithology as another subject. Although I loved microbiology and I did well in it, I've really become a history buff. Especially ... since I've retired. Reading nothing but history, practically. And I just love it. We went to England in 1971 as a wedding anniversary, and ever since I came back from England in 1971, because our antecedents all come from England, I've done an awful lot of reading of English history. Monarchs and government and all this sort of thing. ... I really love it. ... I added up my books one day and ... I think I have about 150 or 160 books of nothing but English history. (laughter) ... And I haven't read them all yet either. But anyway I do love it. ... I keep active, I work with RU-ALL, that's kind of an interesting-- I really enjoy that. ... I get to meet a lot of nice people. ... Keep active, it keeps you thinking. And when you turn your brain off, then you might as well be planted. KP: I wish we could have interviewed you father and your uncle. It is a shame they did not have oral history projects earlier. CW: Oh gee, yes, ... this is really quite a project you're in. I look forward to reading the results of it. KP: You will be reading the transcripts, probably hopefully sometime this summer, Maureen will be done sooner, but I will take some time to get reading them all. CW: I guess so. Are you going to be doing the typing of it? MP: Yes. It takes a long time. CW: I know. And you have to listen to all of this chatter. MP: It's worth it, but trying to figure it out sometimes is what is what. KP: We'll probably have yellow slips for you, some of the microbes. CW: Okay, whatever. Be glad to help you. It's been a pleasure. MP: Thank you.     --------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------   Reviewed: 7/28/97 by Melanie Cooper Reviewed: 9/15/97 by G. Kurt Piehler Edited: 9/17/97 by Elise Krotiuk Revised: 10/15/97 by Carl R. Woodward, Jr. Entered: 10/20/97 by Melanie Cooper Reviewed: 10/28/97 by G. Kurt Piehler

Woodruff, H. Boyd

Shaun Illingworth:  This begins an interview with Dr. H. Boyd Woodruff on August 18, 2004, in Watchung, New Jersey, with Shaun Illingworth and ... Nicholas Molnar:  ... Nicholas Molnar. SI:  Dr. Woodruff, thank you very much for having us here today and for sitting down for the interview.  H. Boyd Woodruff:  Okay, fine. SI:  To begin, could you tell us a little bit about your father?  Can you tell us his name and where he was from, when he was born? HBW:  Well, my father was Harold E. Woodruff and he came from southern New Jersey, Hopewell Township, just outside Bridgeton, New Jersey.  He came from a farm family.  The family had been there since the early 1700s, farming various farms in this general area.  He spent all of his life in agriculture, except [for] about five years when we lived in Buffalo, New York.  During the Depression, things got pretty tight and, in order to earn some money during the winter, we moved to Buffalo, where he worked in a restaurant; actually, the portion of the restaurant that dealt with fresh seafood.  ... After the end of the year, he decided he was making money, so, we stayed on for about five years.  ... I guess his love for agriculture, finally, brought him to the stage that we went back again to Southern Jersey and he obtained a farm in the area where my granddad was still farming.  So, he was a true agriculturist, mostly vegetable crops, asparagus, especially, and tomatoes with corn, to feed the animals that were there for service purposes, one cow, two horses.  So, I really came from a farm background.  SI:  What was it like growing up on a farm, where, even without the Great Depression and its influence, your life is based on the cycle of the crops? HBW:  You know, because of the Depression, especially in [the] New York City area, many people were suffering.  On the farm, we had all we needed to eat, so, there was no question about that.  There was little money, obviously, but at least food was there.  ... My dad eventually reached a stage where he had to do sharecrop farming and we moved from one sharecrop to another sharecrop farm, still staying in the general Hopewell Township area.  He was very active in both the town and the school system, was on the school board, served twenty years or more.  ... He was on the Town Committee also for ten or fifteen years, so that he was very active in the community and lack of money didn't really cause any serious limitation.  You could really have a lot of fun as a young kid without much money.  ... With the Grange and various ... church affairs and socials and the like, we lived a very happy life.  SI:  What was the 4-H like in those days? HBW:  4-H, I was active in that.  The main activity, really, was related to showing various things in the county fair. It was held in September and we were always selecting things to go there.  Eventually, Dad would allow me to have an acre to raise whatever I wanted to raise.  I did various things, but, mainly, I had some chickens and, through the chickens, I really got to know the county agent, the county agricultural agent, very, very well, because he taught me how to vaccinate the chickens for diseases as well as other things.  So, really, the reason I came to Rutgers was the county agricultural agent.  He couldn't see me going anyplace else.  He made sure that a lot of things happened that really brought me to Rutgers.  ... I knew I wanted to go to college, but thought I would go someplace in Philadelphia, because we could commute there by train, an hour's trip by train, but Mr. Ramaley, [the county agricultural agent], would have none of that.  [laughter] He wanted me to go to Rutgers and I, of course, was really quite fascinated by the various things he taught me that I could do, the vaccinations and things of that sort.  So, it was a good background for a good life, yes.  SI:  Before we proceed to your college career, could you tell us about your mother and her family background? HBW:  Well, ... her family name was Smith and she came from a family that lived in town.  Her father had a part-time farm, fifteen, twenty acres that he farmed, but his main activity was serving as a butcher.  ... He'd served as a butcher in town for some period of time and he and my grandmother lived there until they died, in the same home, in Bridgeton.  ... Dad's father had homesteaded in the State of Washington during the period that he would have been going to high school.  So, he had no high school education, because, where they were homesteading, there was no high school within a hundred miles, but, when he did return back home, he attended a short course at Rutgers and enjoyed that experience really very, very much.  Mother did not go to college.  She took a job, a secretarial job, after she graduated from high school. SI:  Did she work after you were born?  Did she stop working when she got married? HBW:  ... Yes, but, actually, moving to a farm home involves work.  She hadn't been in a farm home in town, but moving to one, many responsibilities fall on a farmer's wife.  During that period, my granddad had a dairy farm, as well as a regular farm, and Dad helped with that for some period of time.  So, Mother got involved with a lot of things, like cheese making, with the excess milk.  I don't think she worked at all after they were married, in terms of gainful employment.  She just joined into the farm responsibilities.  SI:  When you are working on a farm, there is a lot of work for every member of the family.  HBW:  Yes. SI:  Southern New Jersey, at that point, it sounds like, was almost entirely agricultural. HBW:  It certainly wasn't like North Jersey.  I had never been to New York City until I came to Rutgers, for example.  ... Our flow was to Philadelphia or to Baltimore.  ... That's the way the railroad trains went.  There's no direct train line from Bridgeton to New York.  You had to go to Camden, a ferry to Philadelphia, then, change, and so, that became our main city.  Everybody down there, of course, sort of joked about the fact [that] we're below the Mason-Dixon Line, which we, in fact, were, and they also ... point out, which I had never realized before, that back in the days when Lincoln was President, ... a state could divide their votes.  So, southern New Jersey voted not for Lincoln; northern Jersey voted for Lincoln.  So, they always joked about our area being a little bit of the South, but, in any case, it was an isolated area.  It was an agricultural area and the main manufacturing was glass, using the sand in that area.  The agriculture was very important, because it was close to the city, so that, in those days, of course, you couldn't ship farm crops around the way we do now, and so, it was very, very important to have your asparagus [to market] early, maybe the first two weeks of the season, or three weeks [of] the season.  You made almost all your money then, because that's when the prices were high and you could get it into the market immediately.  The soil is relatively sandy in South Jersey, so [that] crops matured maybe a week or two before they could in northern New Jersey.  So, it was an isolated area to be sure, but, on the other hand, a significant area, particularly for the Philadelphia-Baltimore complex, as a source of food. SI:  Can you talk a little bit about your early education, your elementary school and high school years? HBW:  Yes.  I started school in Buffalo, during that five-year period we were there, and went through third grade there, and then, my mother simply could not take the Buffalo winters.  She'd get sick every winter and, of course, in those days, you didn't have antibiotics or anything to treat infections.  The doctor finally told my dad, "Look, you've got to move out of this country or you're not going to have her much longer."  So, we set out to go to the southern part of Virginia to live.  When we got to the southern part of Virginia, it was still Depression days, so, we had a tent to live in on the way down.  We nearly froze to death in Virginia.  [laughter] ... It wasn't the middle of the winter, but it was approaching winter and it was very, very cold, and we'd never really done travels of this sort before. We had piles of blankets to put on top of us on our cots, but we didn't think of putting something underneath us.  It was cold from the bottom coming up.  [laughter] So, we kept on going, ended up in Florida, and we stayed down in Florida for one winter.  I was in fourth grade there.  Then, we came back to South Jersey and I went to the local school.  At that time, [in] Hopewell Township, all their schools but one were two-room schools, which covered the whole eight grades, but, in Buffalo and in Florida, they had two school years.  They either started in September or they started in January, and I was in the January group, so that you would change grades in January.  Well, they didn't have that in New Jersey.  So, I either had to skip ... a half year or go back a half year.  One of the schools was in Shiloh, which is a ... Seventh Day Baptist center, in South Jersey, and they did have an eight-room school, so, they allowed me to go to this eight-room school.  I had to walk a couple of miles in order to catch a bus there, but [it was] designed to help me make up the half year I was going to miss.  Then, finally, Dad was elected to the school board and became very active in it.  They decided to build an eight-room school for the town and give up their two-room schools.  So, my last two years, ... in seventh grade and eighth grade, ... I was in the new Hopewell Township School.  Then, students from Hopewell Township went to Bridgeton High School.  About forty percent of the students in Bridgeton High School came from the city and the others were from outlying areas, a far-ranging distance, actually all the way down to Port Norris, twenty miles away, and our area was maybe about ten miles away.  So, my four years of high school were in Bridgeton High School. SI:  In interviewing other people who went to a one-room or two-room schoolhouse, I have been told that it often advances your education, because you hear what other grades are doing.  Did you have that experience? HBW:  Well, ... coming from a sending school, you got to know people from a wide variety of areas, yes.  I mean, the people down in the Port Norris area were all involved with fishing and this is where, at that time, a tremendous amount of clams and oysters would be obtained from the Delaware Bay.  So, you got to know those people very well.  Seabrook Farms was an enormous conglomerate in Deerfield.  It produced Birds Eye frozen foods. Students came from there.  My aunt worked at Seabrook Farms and was treasurer there.  In fact, it became very important for us, as students, when we entered Rutgers, because we students cooked our own food and she was able to get dented cans.  They were unlabeled, but they were vegetables.  So, we never knew what we were going to eat at night for a vegetable.  We'd open an unlabeled can, [laughter] whatever it was, we ate it that night.  ... In any case, at Bridgeton High School, you did get to know people from a wide range of areas, just because of the sending district situation.  SI:  What do you remember about growing up in Buffalo, and in the South?  HBW:  Well, of course, Buffalo, cold weather, [laughter] really cold weather, lots and lots and lots of snow, and what I enjoyed so much [was] the fact it's only about twenty, thirty miles away from Niagara Falls.  So, we used to drive there often.  The Falls is really a beautiful place, especially in the winter, but, whenever visitors would come, of course, we'd take them out to see Niagara Falls.  ... What I enjoyed probably more than anything else [was] the factory that made Shredded Wheat, which was located in Niagara Falls.  So, I always made sure we took the Shredded Wheat tour, because, when you ended [the tour], they gave you free Shredded Wheat to eat with supplements.  [laughter] So, I had a good time there, but, you know, I was a ... young kid, only through third grade.  ... I still know where the school is in Buffalo.  ... About the only thing I can remember about the school itself was the two or three times I got into trouble for running on the benches or doing things of that sort.  ... I remember, we always marched in.  You'd have to be outside the school up to a certain time, then, everybody would march in to The Parade of the Wooden Soldiers, [The March of the Wooden Soldiers].  So, whenever I hear The Parade of the Wooden Soldiers, I think of us, as kids, marching into the school.  ... It was an enjoyable period and we made the most of ... living there, because, of course, in a new area, we were always going around seeing new things.  ... There's a park outside of Buffalo where there are remains of embedded leaves and small animals from many, many years in the past, so, we'd go out there and hunt around to see what traces of the past we could find.  Both Buffalo and Florida were interesting places to grow up.  ... I must say, in the upper grades of grade school, we really had some excellent teachers.  In seventh and eighth grade, only seventeen students were in my classroom, but the teachers were very, very good.  They believed in an approach of teaching yourself and they would set up projects with two or three people working on the project.  ... When we were studying South America, we had the assignment of doing a report on the economic background of South America and how the people make money and things of this sort.  ... Maybe it's because the classroom size was small, I don't know, but they really did a fine job of education.  You know, it's not just book learning ... and work learning, and that was fine.  High school teachers varied.  ... Biology was taught by the football coach and it had a bad reputation.  The first year students were allowed to make a choice between general biology or agricultural biology.  ... I took agricultural biology.  The teacher was Mr. Bowen.  He would have us doing all kinds of experiments.  ... One time, he had a local farmer allow each student to be assigned to an individual tree.  So, we had to prune these trees in the spring, but, then, the farmer kept a record throughout the year of how many apples came from each tree.  So, in the end, we were all judged, basically, on the farmer's record.  ... That freshman year teacher really got me interested in science, ... in investigative science.  ... Then, the teacher that really convinced me to major in chemistry was my high school teacher, and very much for the same reason.  She allowed us to do a lot of individual experimentation during the laboratory period, which was really quite fascinating. So, throughout my school system [experience], it's not only a case of having contact with varied people in Florida and in Buffalo and a farm community and those in town, but the teachers were truly exceptional teachers. SI:  Was there a vocational agricultural course in the high school? HBW:  ... Yes, there was a vocational agriculture program.  I didn't take it, other than the first year.  When you came in, you either had the choice of agricultural biology or general biology and I took agricultural biology, mainly, I guess, on hearsay [laughter] that the teacher was good.  ... Beyond that, I simply took what ... they used to call in those days a standard scientific course.  That prepared you for the university.  You had a choice of either a scientific course or the classical course.  In one, you took Latin, the other one, you took French.  That was the main difference.  [laughter] ... SI:  Were your parents encouraging you to do this? HBW:  They encouraged me very much, as far as education is concerned.  ... Even though, as I mentioned, Dad had never attended high school, he was involved in the local education system, very, very actively, for many, many years.  ... So, they certainly did encourage me.  Admittedly, I enjoyed it, so that I guess I made it easy for them.  In other words, some kids get so involved in sports and things of this sort that parents have a hard time convincing them to do their academic work, but I always found academic work easy, [not] being a challenge, and I could get it done and over with easily.  ... Beyond that, I'd spend whatever free time I had reading.  I just loved to read.  My dad finally found the best way ... to get me to do work on the farm was that we'd have a row, for example, of carrots.  If I would weed a row of carrots, I could read a chapter of the book at the end.  That worked well. [laughter] I'd do this weeding as fast as I could, to get to the end of the row, so [that] I could read one more chapter.  So, I always loved reading and, in fact, got into trouble a lot of times with it, because, back in those days, we didn't have any electricity, yet, in our area.  ... Electricity only came there when I was ... in high school.  ... We had just standard lamps, kerosene lamps, and then, there's a gasoline-type lamp that we had, too, but I'd get [to] reading and one of these lamps would start smoking.  The parents would be out and they'd come back and there would be a dirty spot on the ceiling, because the lamp had smoked, and I'd been reading, so, didn't know what was going on.  [laughter] So, I guess the fact that I read a lot really helped more than anything else.  SI:  From your high school, did many of the students go on to college?  Was it normal? HBW:  Well, a fair number went to college, but I think only two went to Rutgers, even though it was a big high school.  It's just [that] North Jersey was not the place to go.  I mean, it was mostly farm country and ... students would go to the University of Maryland ... or Penn State, both very popular, but I really don't know what percentage went to college.  It would be normal for that period of time, whatever that might be.  ... There were enough families from the town, and from the glass companies, who had appreciable money that would permit their kids to go to college.  So, it wasn't what you would call a blue-collar school.  It was sort of a wide-ranging school, ... but whether it was fifteen percent or twenty percent or twenty-five percent, I couldn't say at this moment.  It was just normal, from a good high school. SI:  When you were living in the South, were you aware of segregation? HBW:  I wasn't aware of segregation there; I really think I was more aware of it in Bridgeton.  We had one black farm worker who was permanent, who was there year-round, and he was treated perfectly as a normal, equal individual.  In other words, there was no segregation situation there.  In eighth grade, of the seventeen of us there, I think there were only two or three black [students] among those.  Again, the high school had many more, because [there were] a lot of black workers, general workers, mostly individuals that would work all summer and have nothing to do all winter, but they still were able to get enough money to remain in town over the winter. Supplementing that, we had many migrant black workers that would come in for the summer only.  They were actually not migrant in the way you usually think of them.  They were actually imported by the government.  The Department of Agriculture would bring in hundreds of workers, usually from Puerto Rico, and they would put them up in camps that were in the Glassboro area, and you had your choice; you could either go in each morning and get a certain number of workers ... to work on your farm or you had the option of giving them housing yourself and having a set number come and work with you all summer.  You had to guarantee you would keep them all summer.  ... This is one of the reasons my dad had tomatoes and asparagus.  Asparagus starts early, somewhere around March, and he would normally get, ... oh, five to ten workers that would come down, start, and then, by the time the asparagus stops in July, tomatoes are starting.  So, that would carry them through the year.  We had an old farmhouse on the property and it ... was very old.  The stairways had been put together with pegs, rather than nails, but it was a two-story one, had about six rooms, and the people would stay there.  Dad had a terrible time about it.  He didn't speak any Spanish, these people that came in spoke no English, and what the government did was have a roving man in a car with a radio system that went around.  If you got in trouble, you would call and he would come and straighten things out.  He spoke Spanish.  Well, Dad had a difficult time, the first year he had these people, ... it was obvious something was wrong, but he couldn't find out [what].  So, he finally got the government representative there and he said, "Well, these people have never lived in a two-story house before and believe there are ghosts upstairs," and they were all so concerned about ghosts.  ... He said, "I don't know what you can do about it, but this is [their] culture."  Well, Dad went downtown to the hardware store.  He got the biggest lock that you could find and he locked all the doors that went upstairs and, from that point [on], there was no trouble at all.  I mean, you would think that, as a ghost, they could still be able to get through, but the workers no longer worried.  ... The point, [why] I'm saying all this is, that group, which was a migrant group, in a sense, was not treated as equivalents.  So, there was discrimination, but I don't think it's particularly the South-based discrimination, but it was more on [the basis of], as a separate group, their culture is entirely different from ours.  ... I never ran into any particular obvious discrimination in the school system, other than an economic discrimination, and I wasn't aware of it at all in Florida, during the period I was there, but we were in Miami Beach.  At the time, Dad was working in one of the hotel systems there, ... so that there were black people around, but I just didn't have any feeling.  ... So, I don't think I could say that I was truthfully aware of discrimination, other than articles read in the newspaper.  I never really ran into those problems.  Obviously, jumping ahead, when I was at Merck, there was strong pressure to find PhD black people to join the organization.  So, I did spend a lot of my time recruiting and going around, trying to find people that we could bring into the organization, so that you could not get charges of discrimination, but, personally, I really never ran into what I'd call serious discrimination. SI:  Was this program of bringing in the migrant workers a New Deal program? HBW:  ... Well, it could have been, of course, because it was during the New Deal period, ... but I don't know the origin of it, other than that it was a United States Department of Agriculture financed and organized thing.  There was a certain time they flew everybody in and a certain time, in the fall, they flew everybody back.  ... Well, in fact, even the ones that came in who couldn't speak English, the representative made arrangements with Dad that he would give them probably about ten percent of their salary to live on, mostly to pay for rice, ... and the rest would be sent home to the family.  This was all arranged, so that the family would get it, and a couple of the fellows who did speak some English said, "The main objective of working in the States is, we always feel, if we have worked three years, we can move the family to New York."  They'd get enough money that they could come to the US, but, unfortunately, to New York, and we always wondered what they would run into there.  I know we visited Puerto Rico and I expected it to be just terrible, on the basis of the background of these individuals and their desire to get away, to get out, and I found it such a wonderful place.  You'd drive around in a car and everything is beautiful and, at least in these days, more recent days, people seemed to be employed, but, maybe, back in the days when it was not long after the Depression, it was pretty serious there, I don't know. SI:  Were you aware of the New Deal, particularly the WPA [Works Progress Administration], CCC [Civilian Conservation Corps] or the AAA [Agriculture Adjustment Act]? HBW:  Yes, aware of it.  It's a stage, when you become older, you ... become aware of politics.  My family was always Republican, strong Republicans, and they ... tended to be critical of many of the New Deal things that we take for granted now [laughter] and are glad exist.  ... As I think many people did in those days, you voted your party, you didn't vote for any specific aspect of the individuals, and so, during the New Deal period, the people that were there, ... in our community, which was primarily a Republican community, everybody was opposed to it, but, on the other hand, you know your life has changed.  There's no question about that.  There's no question, in my mind, that Eleanor Roosevelt was one of the most important people of the age, so that things have changed.  ... I was clearly aware of the New Deal, but I think more in a critical sense than in a favorable sense, due to my family's interest.  NM:  You mentioned that you traveled to the South.  How did you get there, by train, by car, from Buffalo to Florida? HBW:  ... We traveled from Bridgeton to Philadelphia by train, and that's the main reason that Philadelphia was our big city, why we didn't go to New York.  There was no direct route from Bridgeton to New York at that time, still isn't, but, ... going back and forth to Buffalo, we occasionally would take the train.  We would come back once or twice during the year, but, usually, ... we would drive down.  My dad would drive us down for a vacation, and then, he would go back by train for [work].  We'd stay in South Jersey for maybe a couple of months.  Then, we would drive back.  ... But, mostly, that was ordinary driving.  We did travel some, in the sense that my dad would always observe a holiday, for example, Fourth of July or Labor Day, and we'd get in the car and drive about as far as we could, there and back, in a day, so, maybe going to Washington, DC, or going out to West Virginia or things of this sort.  We did a lot of that, because Dad would do the driving.  Very often, my aunt who worked at Seabrook Farms would ask Mr. Seabrook for one of his big cars, which took eight or ten passengers.  ... The four of us, I had one sister, and, usually, [our] grandparents, we would all pile in this one car and my dad would drive us all around.  So, that was our big, preferred holiday trip, always, to get one of those cars and go someplace.  We all loved to travel.  So, it wasn't that we were always home on the farm.  We became well educated by moving about, seeing things. SI:  You mentioned that the county agent had a big impact on your going to Rutgers. HBW:  Yes. SI:  Do you know to what extent the Extension Service had an impact on your area? HBW:  Yes.  Oh, it was very important, no question about that.  My dad, right from the very beginning, used the first Rutgers tomatoes that came along, and the Extension Service played a very important part in the agricultural community, of getting new things and new ideas.  Eventually, asparagus died out in southern New Jersey, because a disease came in that really killed it off, and the Extension Service was very active in getting peach culture introduced, ... so, South Jersey became similar to Georgia, as a peach center of the USA.  That was a county agent type of introduction.  ... For tomatoes, of course, there were one, two, three, I think four major can houses for tomatoes in Bridgeton, and then, Campbell's, was up in Camden, not that far away.  So, tomato culture was extremely important, and getting new tomato lines and the best method of fertilization were important objectives.  It was a very, very close relationship and a significant one; the same thing from the women's side.  The women agents were really very active in teaching people how to can this, [how to] can that.  We always had a couple of pigs, so that [we were] making sausage and all the various things that are involved with that, scrapple and the like. They would help, and particularly [with] preservation of foodstuffs.  The sausage would always [be] put in big cans, ... covered with lard, and we'd use that sausage all winter long.  You'd keep it up in the attic of the house and it was there, the same way with hams.  They'd all be smoked and held through the winter.  So, the women's group was very important.  My sister actually became a county agent.  She went to NJC-Rutgers, also, and became the county agent for Salem County for awhile, and then, she moved up to New Brunswick and was in the headquarters office there, ... up until she was married.  ... It is not as important now, of course, because agriculture is not as important in the State of New Jersey, but it still is active.  They're having a 4-H fair out in Somerset County this next week and the county agent was very active there.  They're giving [him] some sort of a posthumous award.  He died last year, but they're giving an award to him ... for thirty years of service as the county agent in Somerset County.  So, it is still an important function, although certainly not to the same degree that it was back when agriculture was important. SI:  You also mentioned that the church was the center of activity for you. HBW:  Church was the center of activity, ... both from the religious side, but, also, the cultural standpoint.  For example, we had an orchestra that would play during Sunday school for all the songs.  So, we would be practicing often.  Out of that, then, developed another orchestra group or a band group ... for non-religious things, but it was the same people.  In other words, the fact that you started doing it in a Sunday school [band] moved on to doing it more freely.  So, we'd play for dances and things of this sort.  ... They always would have a variety of socials, the strawberry socials, festivals and others.  We always had two or three treasure hunts during the year, so, it became one of the main social centers.  I think the only other thing [that] was comparable was Grange; the Grange Agricultural Society did the same thing.  They would have monthly meetings, but, then, there'll be various socials. So, between the Grange and the church, they were the main social centers for activity. SI:  I know that, in the 1930s, there were efforts to bring Jewish refugees from Europe to New Jersey and settle them on farms.  Were you aware of that? HBW:  Yes.  I was aware of it, because the groups were down near Cape May Courthouse.  There were two or three centers there and we were aware of it, because it was not that far away from where we lived.  ... The hardware store and two or three of the stores in Bridgeton that we dealt with very actively, as farmers, agriculture people, were owned by Jewish people, so that there was a small number of Jewish people in the community, although not a large number, ... but we certainly were aware of the new arrivals.  The main foreign element in our area was Italians, and they were centered mostly in Vineland.  ... Vineland was part of Cumberland County ... and a lot of the farm workers were of Italian background.  So, if you're going to ask, "Who were the foreigners in the area?" you'd say the Italians, but you would never particularly think of Jewish people as separate, and, of course, they were not necessarily farmers, many of them, anyway, but you would not think of them as that group.  You thought of them more as the group that were running the stores that you were dealing with and, as far as I know, ... we always had very friendly relationships.  They were very trusting, from a viewpoint of financial matters.  If you happened to be in one of the stores and you didn't have enough money with you, you could bring it back tomorrow.  It was okay.  [laughter] They were really a very active part of the community.  I learned a lot more about the communities later on, when I came to Rutgers.  Of course, the dean at that time, Dean [Jacob G.] Lipman, had come from one of those communities, and Selman Waksman, under whom I did my graduate program, although he hadn't gone there, he'd come into the Metuchen area and worked in agriculture ... when he had first came to the USA.  Since then, I've written two or three biographies of him, describing his background.  So, [I] learned a lot more about the Jewish communities than I knew before, but I did know they existed, yes.  SI:  Can you tell us about the process of getting into Rutgers and getting a scholarship? HBW:  ... When it became time to really seriously think about what you wanted to do with your life, which was probably junior year in high school, they started to press us a little bit about just which way we wanted to go.  I had a hard time trying to make up my mind, initially, even to the stage of going to the library to locate two or three suggestions of what I might do and why I might do it.  Well, I didn't know what I wanted to do and I looked into architecture, based on my library surveys.  I'd [have] been the worst architect in the world.  I'm glad I didn't go into it, [laughter] but, in any case, it was a worrisome period during the junior year.  During the senior year, it was more settled, because, that year, I took chemistry and, right from the very beginning, I was enjoying it immensely, and so, I said, "Okay, I want to be a chemist," and ... didn't change my mind from that point on.  So, as the year went on, I began to look into what possibilities existed and the most likely thing, it seemed to me, was Drexel Institute in Philadelphia, which had an engineering [track].  I guess, maybe, because I came from an applied background, a farm background, I was interested in applied aspects, rather than theoretical aspects.  So, I figured, "Well, an engineering place is the place to go."  So, I'd visited there a couple of times.  ... Mr. Ramaley kept talking to me about going to Rutgers and majoring in agricultural chemistry.  So, he finally took me up to Rutgers, to go around, see what was there and, while we were there, we went in to see Prof [Frank G.] Helyar, who was the Director of Resident Instruction at that time.  He was a very friendly, very active person.  ... I had the third highest grade in high school when I graduated.  So, I had a good record, academic record, and he, right away, said, "Well, no question, we can find a fellowship or scholarship for you to cover your tuition."  Of course, back in those days, what was it? I can't remember now, 180 dollars a year, something like that, [laughter] but, in any case, [Professor Helyar said], "We'll cover your tuition," and then, I believe we went back a second time.  The second time, he said, "Well, look, you know, we have some unused poultry houses.  Using them, that'll take care of your living expenses, too."  So, these two things were fine and, on that basis, I just about decided that I would go to Rutgers Ag School and started to try to figure out how to get the money together to cover the books and the dormitory.  ... It was another agriculturalist, Dr. App, the man in charge of the scientific aspect of agriculture at Seabrook Farms, who was very friendly with people at Rutgers.  He went up there one time and, when he came back, said, "Well, I've convinced Prof Helyar to give you a free room on the campus."  There were about forty students living on the campus at that time, and so, I said, "Well, I can't go to college free anyplace else."  [laughter] So, there was no question; this is the place I was going to go.  So, I signed up for it.  When I got there, it turned out that ... a problem had been caused, because all the free rooms had been filled when I arrived on the scene.  ... There were two students in most rooms.  They stated they would add a third bed in one of the rooms.  They put me in as a freshman in a relatively small room and [on] the third bed.  Actually, they put a triple deck bed there and I had the top deck, but the other two were seniors.  Well, they immediately objected to taking a freshman into their group.  So, I was moved into another, rather large room with two other freshmen, both of whom actually had come from South Jersey.  I didn't know them personally, but they came from within fifteen, twenty miles of my home.  They were ... graduates of Salem High School.  ... It worked out very, very fine.  ... So, this really is the history of how I got there, but I really got there mainly because other people made it possible for me to do so.  ... It was a very good experience.  ... Freshman year was really fine.  The three of us got along very well together and one was planning to become a veterinarian, so, he was going through the pre-vet course, and the other wanted to major in poultry science.  ... We were actually in the Poultry Office Building.  We had [to do chores in] the poultry houses, as well as feed the chickens we had all brought, and so, we'd go down, every morning, to the farm.  The walking trip down to the poultry farm was a long, long way, if you went by [the] normal route, because you had to go around, then, down and back again.  ... They had a large fence that surrounded the farm area and the fence had barbed wire at the top, one of these things that had four rows of barbed wire on top, but we finally learned how to climb over that fence, so that, in the morning, we would go down, climb over the fence, and we'd arrive at the poultry farm very quickly, take care of duties, then, come back, the same way.  ... Initially, in freshman year, we'd walk downtown to the main campus for the classes.  All were held downtown.  I think the only one that wasn't was a lab in agriculture that Prof Helyar ran.  It took us a half-hour, then, we'd walked back in the evening and cook our own meals in our room.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] SI:  Please, continue. HBW:  Well, the freshman year, it was really very fascinating for me, because I went from a situation where, in high school, I had only one class that was tremendously interesting, chemistry, because of the way the teacher taught it, to the point [where] I now had five classes and all of them were taught the same way.  I mean, it was just wonderful.  In botany, they had us out identifying trees.  Chemistry was the largest class, about fifty in the chemistry class, lecture hall, but, still, again, because I enjoyed the subject, [it] was very good.  ... The English class we had was initially a class where they went through grammar, for about three or four weeks, and then, you had to take a test and, on the basis of that, you either proceeded to literature or you had to spend the whole year on grammar.  I was able to go to literature, and we got into Beowulf and other fascinating things. [laughter] So, that first year of college was just a real eye-opener for me.  They had a visiting lecture program with excellent speakers, held in the gym, and a visiting symphony orchestra program, ... all things I'd never had contact with before.  It was truly a wonderful experience to come up to Rutgers.  ... SI:  Was there a freshman hazing period or orientation? HBW:  The only hazing period that we had was [when] freshmen had to wear the dink, the freshman hat, and anything beyond [that], I can't remember what it was.  You had to greet upperclassmen with some special words, or in some special way, but that was the extent of it, and not enough that we really had any [problems].  ... I wasn't in a fraternity, where that type of thing might happen.  We basically had the equivalent of a fraternity.  There were eleven of us in the Poultry Building and forty of us living out at the farm, so, it was practically a fraternity, without being a full fraternity, but I don't ever remember being inhibited in any way because of a hazing situation.  We didn't object to doing the things they told us to do, to wear this hat.  We did it.  We did what we were instructed to do, but, beyond that, there was no problem. SI:  That is one of the Rutgers traditions that faded away after World War II.  Do you remember any other Rutgers traditions that they instilled in you? HBW:  Not really.  There were certainly traditions in sports, the basketball games and things of this sort, so that you have your shouts, your calls, ... that type of thing, but there were traditions involved in that sense.  ... After the football game, you always sang the alma mater and the general things which are part of the college experience, but I don't particularly remember beyond that.  It was amazing the volunteer things they did.  One of the physics professor's wives taught a course in social graces.  ... When, I say, "Taught a course;" an evening, one evening a week, for maybe ten weeks or so, we would get together.  So, we did that.  We did, a lot of things of this sort, which in a small school, you can do.  I can't imagine that type of thing going on at Rutgers nowadays.  [laughter] ... Then, later on, in fact, I guess in senior year, the dean of the college, named [Frazer] Metzger, organized a program for people that might be interested in getting married, and this included things all the way from the sexual aspects, which were taught by the ... zoology professor, to religious aspects, which Metzger himself handled, and social aspects.  ... Again, it was an interesting kind of experience that was available in a reasonably, relatively small school, which I think students now would think is beyond their expectations to attend such affairs.  Not all, maybe twenty-five percent of us, went to these things, but they were opportunities that the University offered. SI:  Was there a lot of interaction between yourself and the administrators, like Metzger, Helyar and Clothier? HBW:  Certainly, with Helyar, there was a lot of interaction, and with Metzger, I guess, because I attended some of these things that he arranged.  It was a fairly close feeling, that he knew my name.  ... At that time, chapel was compulsory fifty percent of the time.  You could be excused for religious reasons, if you're Jewish or something of this sort.  Otherwise, you were expected to attend half of the chapels, but they got the best speakers, really top-notch people, ... people that were really well-known.  So, again, I always said that the chapel services I went to were as good as some of the courses we attended, just because of the nature of the individuals that they scheduled.  I really can't say a bad word about the Rutgers experience.  It was just so beyond anything that I really would have expected. SI:  Do you remember some of the guest speakers that came in or what they talked about? HBW:  No, just don't ask me their names.  I can't even remember the names of half a dozen people anymore, but these were people whose names were in the newspaper, well-known people were there.  We used to have a problem, every now and then, with the WJZ transmission.  [WJZ] was the main radio station, it was located in Bound Brook at that time, and the chapel system, for some reason or other, occasionally, would pick up WJZ.  So, somebody'd be talking and, suddenly, you would hear music coming from WJZ.  [laughter] ... I guess it was too broad [of] a band that they were taking in.    SI:  I guess your favorite classes were chemistry classes, or what were they?  HBW:  Yes, but I can't fully say that.  ... I truthfully enjoyed many of the biology courses more than others, simply because ... they're subject to experimentation.  ... Chemistry, as it has to be taught, I think, on the undergraduate level, is an established thing.  ... You have to learn the formulas, they have to arrange the structures, you have to learn how things interact together.  It's not trial and error, but much of biology, at that time, at least, had not been defined, so that a lot of it was trial and error.  The genetics courses, for example, were tremendously interesting.  ... We grew fruit flies on our radiator up in our room, doing experiments with fruit flies and things of that sort, and most of the biology courses were that general way.  The worst course I took, you wouldn't believe it, considering what I am, but the worst course I took in all of Rutgers was a beginning bacteriology course, and that was pure memory, not a thing of experimentation in it, at all.  ... It was the way things were taught, obviously, that was the significant factor.  ... In general, the biology courses were probably the more interesting courses that I took, although I still, I think, looked upon chemistry as being the final subject for my employment.  ... The best course I took in college was soil microbiology, and it was just a difference in the teacher and the way he taught it.  ... Soil microbiology was taught by Selman Waksman.  Luckily, for me, it happened to be a year that the man who normally taught the course was away on sabbatical, so, Waksman himself taught it, but what he accomplished was that he showed me that biology is basically chemistry, I mean, that what happens in biology happens because of chemical reactions that go on in the body.  ... I think [he] was the first person who really convinced me that you could meld together biology and chemistry, and I still remember the very first lecture that Waksman gave.  Of course, there were only five of us, probably, in the class, but ... he essentially went through what happens when sugar is given to a microorganism, how it's broken down.  So, that's pure chemistry, a breakdown, but, then, he also showed the level of energy that you got from each of these steps of breakdown, and then, how much energy it takes to synthesize a protein.  He really showed me ... how one thing led to the other, and it was really fascinating.  I know I came back and told my roommates that, "Hey, this is going to be the best course I have had in all of college," just, you know, on the first lecture.  ... Even so, when I decided to go to graduate school, all of my letters had gone to chemistry departments, Middle-West, mostly, chemistry departments, because almost all the chemistry departments in the East are directed more towards medical school.  I wanted the more applied areas, so, I wrote to a lot of Middle-West colleges, and had gotten back two or three proposals to come, when Waksman called me over and said, "Look, I've got a fellowship here at Rutgers.  It'll be twenty-five percent higher in the amount of money you receive than anyplace else you can get anywhere; twenty-five percent higher than you can get anywhere else in Rutgers, too."  He insisted that his graduate students would get a higher level than anybody else.  It was always a big argument for him, but, in any case, [he said], "And so, that will be available.  And it will be the type of thing that was taught in my undergraduate course, be very, very interesting for you," but I had decided I wanted to be a chemist.  Now, I just couldn't bring myself to make that break, not become a chemist but become a biologist.  I went to see people ... at the various areas of Rutgers, trying to make up my mind, and I went to see Dean Lipman, just before he died, and in fact he really answered it for me.  He said, "Look," he said, "why don't you make your mind up on the individual you're going to work with?  You take these various individuals you're going to work with, go back and get out a list of the papers that they have written.  You read a few of the papers.  You take the one whose papers you like best, who is doing the things that are interesting to you."  Well, I did and it turns out Waksman had written ... a book, with [W. C.] Davison, on enzymes and it was filled with chemistry.  So, I finally decided to change to [be] a microbiologist, rather than be a chemist, but, in terms of interest, going back to your original question, I really think the biology courses were the ones that interested me more than chemistry, even though I had in mind that, "I'm going to be a chemist." SI:  Was that new, tying together biology and chemistry like that? HBW:  I think Waksman's course, which really occurred ... toward the end of my college period, was what made it clear.  By looking back on things, I think that's why I liked the biology courses.  They were experimental courses, where ideas were presented, "But, we don't really know the answer," they said, "try to work a few laboratory experiments to see if we can get a step towards the answer."  It was the fact that I could see, in biology, doing interesting things.  In chemistry, I was learning many, many facts, but I still wasn't able to see how I could use those facts to accomplish advanced things.  Now, had I become a chemist, I probably would have learned how to do it, because, certainly, there are unknowns in chemistry, too, but it's the nature of the beast, in a way, that chemistry has to be taught [this way], facts first and experiments after.  You have to get the background first and this takes a long time, to learn the background.  Biology, it doesn't take so long to learn the background.  You begin to do the experimentation earlier. SI:  As an undergraduate, what was your typical weekly schedule?  Were there a lot of labs? HBW:  Yes, although I must give Prof Helyar credit.  He insisted, at least when I talked to him, that I take enough cultural courses so that I'd be eligible for election to Phi Beta Kappa.  He said, "There's no reason [why] you can't get into Phi Beta Kappa."  He said, "Make sure you take enough cultural courses to do so."  So, I did take the required number of cultural courses, history and the four years of English, just to make it possible to be considered that, but, mostly, I would have at least four courses in science.  ... As a senior, I was elected to Phi Beta Kappa SI:  You mentioned that you enjoyed this English course as a freshman.  How did you like the humanities courses? HBW:  As I told you before, I enjoyed reading.  I liked them, yes.  If you asked the question, "Did you see anything in it that would lead to a lifework?" no, I wasn't interested in it from that viewpoint, but, from the viewpoint, "Are you interested in it as a topic?" yes, I enjoyed them.  The only one, I guess, I could say I didn't enjoy too much was economics, and the reason for that, I think, was that I had the feeling that too little is known.  It just seems that so much of it was guesswork, that I didn't, as an applied individual, appreciate it.  ... But, I think, of all the other cultural courses I took, I really enjoyed them, ... not as a lifework course, but as something to enjoy. SI:  How did you see the Great Depression affecting Rutgers? HBW:  [The] Depression really didn't impact me.  As I mentioned earlier, as far as the farm is concerned, certainly, my dad had problems, but you still had a life.  You were on a farm, you had food.  You could still get lots of enjoyment without spending a lot of money.  In terms of my own situation, finances were no problem, because, I kept a record, I think I spent 450 dollars in four years of college, ... that I didn't earn.  In other words, I had all the earnings from the chickens and various jobs, but, in terms of money that I had to bring in, from the outside, 450 dollars gave me an education.  ... I'd serve as a waiter; I can't remember the name, the Catholic church that's right across from Old Queens.  SI:  St. Peter's. HBW:  They really had big, big affairs there.  They would have a lot of men's affairs especially and they'd ask Rutgers to provide student employees to serve the food.  Well, I'd do that to earn some money, and so, we did a lot of odds and ends of that type.  ... I can't remember the name of the program that Roosevelt introduced, where students could work?  SI:  The NYA? HBW:  NYA, [National Youth Administration], yes, and I had a variety of NYA jobs, some of them interesting.  I mean, one of them, Prof [Clarence S.] Platt, in the Poultry Department, somehow or other, had come across a large number of newspapers from England that were [printed] in the 1700s and I had the job of reading these newspapers to try to find anything ... about poultry that was in them.  Well, I didn't go through them very fast, because I got so interested in reading everything else, but, you know, it was that type of an NYA job.  One I disliked, I must admit, one of my secondary objectives, when I was a freshman, was that [I was] still a little bit uncertain about what I wanted to do, that maybe floriculture might be an interesting thing.  So, I purposely worked things around [so that] I could get a job to work in the greenhouses, in floriculture, greenhouses out at the Ag Farm, the first year, and I was assigned the job of picking off buds from carnation plants, so [that] only one bud is left.  Well, those darn buds, ... you'd pick them all off and, the next week, you'd go there, there'd be a lot more.  [laughter] You had to pick them off again.  ... I did nothing for one term except pick off buds from carnation plants.  That taught me, surely, I never wanted to be in floriculture, [laughter] but most of the NYA jobs were interesting.  I mean, they were fine and you earned a little bit more money, but, essentially, money never created a problem for me and, therefore, I guess [the] Depression didn't mean that much to me. SI:  Between all of your jobs and your class work, did you have time for extracurricular activities? HBW:  Not really.  My roommate became All-American in lacrosse and I did a lot of practicing with him, ... but I was never a capable athlete to be involved in that.  The only other extracurricular activities were things like the Ag Club where I was treasurer, officership in various things, and Alpha Zeta, ... so that they [the activities] were ... of that nature, not a sports nature. SI:  Did you go to the games and that sort of thing? HBW:  Oh, yes, I went to everything, yes, sure.  I don't know what it is now, whether it's still free for students or not, but, then, it was completely free for students.  ... I certainly went to every football game that went on and probably every basketball game and a lot of boxing.  I went to a lot of boxing matches, because one of my good friends was a heavyweight.  ... I went to the lacrosse games.  ... First year, I had no car there, but, then, during the end of the first year's summer, I was able to buy a Model A Ford for fifty-five dollars and I had that at college, ... and so, it was easier, then, to drive downtown to do all these things.  So, I did use that a lot.  ... SI:  You mentioned that your aunt gave you these cans of food.  Did you take most of your meals inside? HBW:  Well, the first year we'd normally eat in the cafeteria downtown at noontime.  That was in the basement of the Winants building.  ... We always prepared our own breakfast.  We also cooked our evening meal.  We had hotplates in the rooms and canned food from Seabrook Farms, and then, we had our own chickens, of course. [When] a chicken started to look a little weak, as though it wasn't producing eggs, that chicken would go into the pot, to boil the chicken.  We even learned to bake cakes.  We discovered that, if you have a rectangular pan and you put one hotplate on the bottom and another one upside down on the top, it becomes an oven, so [that] you could even bake a cake.  [laughter] We did that, and then, to make money, [in] the senior year, when almost all of my classes were at the Ag Farm and there was no place for people to eat out there, we would make and sell sandwiches for people there.  There were not many, maybe half a dozen people, but, at least, if they had labs in the morning, labs in the afternoon, why, we'd make sandwiches for them.  SI:  Was there any sort of social split between the people at the Ag College and the people at Rutgers College? HBW:  No, no.  The Ag School was a significant part, in terms of numbers, of students of the University at that time and, ... certainly, in terms of class officers and things of this sort, there was no [imbalance].  I think a lot of it, too, came from the fact that there was an intermingling of classes.  For example, if you were taking biology, you were there as an ag student, but there'd be other people majoring in biology and maybe somebody's majoring in chemistry, taking biology.  ... Certainly, all the students were together for chemistry the first year.  Anybody that took chemistry was together, so that there really wasn't a significant distinction, that I can see, between the Ag School and Engineering School and the general school.  Now, of course, with the size, ... you don't have that level of intermingling, but it was really a complete intermingling when we were there. SI:  During the time you were there, there was the Bergel-Hauptmann Case, "the Nazi Professor."  Do you remember if that was in the news, or did you know anything about it? HBW:  ... I think we had just read about it.  It wasn't an active problem at this point.  It was more just like you read other news items, and you know it's related to something you know about, or the like, but, no, nothing exceptional. SI:  Since you went to Rutgers in the late 1930s ... HBW:  '39, I graduated. SI:  Did you know about what was going on overseas in Europe?  Was it a topic of conversation at Rutgers? HBW:  I certainly knew about it once [the] war started, ... which, of course, actually ... would be in '39.  ... '39 was when Germany invaded Poland, ... and I don't think I was too much aware of the build-up to it.  ... By that time, the fact [was that] it became very significant for us, because I came up to graduate school in July and in, I think it was September, there was an international soil science meeting at Rutgers, and we had ... lectures presented by people from all over the world.  ... Then, we'd gone on a field trip down to see Whitesbog, the blueberry section of the state, and while we were down there is when Germany invaded Poland, and we had Polish people there and we had Germans there and, of course, everybody was just hanging around the automobile radios, rather than doing anything else.  As a result of the invasion, the Poles couldn't get back home.  In fact, the ones that were there, they all lost their families.  The Germans, who stayed around for almost five months before they were able to get back, would occasionally come into the laboratory.  So, it was a very positive introduction to what was happening in the world.  From that point on, I was very aware, but I can't say that my activities were [affected].  Certainly, I would read about war activities in the papers, but it didn't have much impact on me, up to that point. SI:  Was there animosity between the Polish and the German scientists, that you were aware of? HBW:  It certainly was not evident, in the sense that they worked together.  I think it developed very quickly, with these things happening, but, up until that point, they'd been working together very satisfactorily in scientific activities.  ... I'm sure that everybody has feelings of quality about individuals and everybody is somewhat prejudiced.  I always had a terrible time trying to break my prejudice that a person that talked with a Southern accent was not academically qualified, and it's a prejudice that developed; where it comes from, I don't know.  ... I got over it, but there was a time when, if you had two candidates for a job and one of them spoke with a Southern accent and one didn't, I almost automatically would choose the one who didn't, because I mentally had the feeling that their education had qualified them more, and this happens between countries.  People have feelings about countries, quality of individuals, based on countries.  The only people from Italy that I knew when I went to Rutgers were all farm workers and most [had] never gone to school, at most probably never got beyond eighth grade, and it was kind of a shock to see that [there were] the atomic bomb people with Italian names.  ... Your background prepares you for certain levels of prejudice that you have to break.  ... I'm sure that that existed between the Poles and the Russians and the Germans and others in Europe.  ... Certain countries felt other countries were below them and others were above them, but people learned to live with that and, certainly, in science, they had learned to live with that, because they were all scientists exchanging information.  They weren't fighting over the cultural problems. SI:  Can you tell us about your first few years in grad school?  What was the focus of your work? HBW:  Yes.  ... I came to Rutgers to start graduate school in July 1939.  Waksman immediately said, "There are a couple of practical problems that I'd like to have solved and why don't you take these [on] as your initial projects?"  So, it was a direct assignment.  In other words, I had no input at all into the assignments.  One had to do with a problem in the area in Central New Jersey where they grow potatoes.  Potatoes grow very well in New Jersey soils, but there's a serious disease called potato scab that will make them unsalable, they became so wrinkled and rough, but the disease is called scab [Streptomyces scabies] and is caused by a microorganism.  The actinomycetes all ... enjoy neutral or basic conditions in the soil.  Acidic conditions are very inhibitory.  So, if you make the soil acid, you can grow potatoes very well because the S. scabies is inhibited.  The way to make the soil acid is to spread sulfur on the soil, and then, you depend upon microorganisms in the soil that convert the sulfur to sulfuric acid, to make the soil acid.  I was supposed to find which is most efficient: Do you inoculate the sulfur with the microorganism before you put it on the soil or do you ... inoculate the soil first with the microorganism?  In other words, what's the best procedure to make it acid?  So, I started out with that project.  It went along very smoothly.  It was chemistry, of course, so, it was something I knew about.  The second problem was that there was a graduate student who had come from China, mainland China, and he'd come to Waksman and said, "In China, we use human feces as fertilizer."  [He] said, "Problem is, we spread diseases that way."  He said, "Can you teach me how to make composts of human feces without contaminating the soils, causing diseases?"  So, Waksman said to me, "Now, you have two projects.  Once the first one is completed, you work with this student."  Well, I objected.  I said, "Look, I didn't join the sewage department; I joined Soil Microbiology.  I want to work with soil."  Well, he answered that quickly and said, "Okay, you don't have to do that.  You do a parallel program."  He said, "You come from a farm, you've had horses, so, you use horse feces with your composts and the Chinese fellow can use human feces."  I had to take the student down to the hospital to get human feces every day.  So, I had to do that, but at least I didn't have to work with it.  ... I started my project.  Well, I worked on both projects about four months, solved the first one concerning the sulfur, and, in the human feces project, we came up with an approach which seemed to work well in the laboratory.  We arranged the compost in such a way that the compost proceeded very, very rapidly.  You put some nutrients in it, and, if you succeed, the composts get very hot and soon reach a temperature that's high enough to kill off the pathogenic bacteria.  So, now, you have a safe compost.  We thought we'd answered the problem.  Well, just before my partner had to go back to China, we decided we'd run a test and see what the nitrogen content of the compost would be and discovered that the nitrogen content of the compost, under normal temperatures, was very, very high, and, of course, very fertile as a fertilizer.  ... The composts where the temperatures got very high had practically no nitrogen.  So, we had compost, but it had ... really no fertilizer value, and the question was, "What's happening?"  Well, it turned out that, ... in converting nitrogen from organic matter to nitrates as a fertilizer, what is produced first by the bacteria ... is ammonia, but plants can't use ammonia; it is toxic for them.  So, there are other organisms in the soil which convert the ammonia first to nitrites, then other soil microorganisms that convert the nitrate.  The high temperatures had killed off those conversion organisms.  So, if you take the organic nitrogen, it would be broken down to ammonia and ammonia is volatile.  It [will] go right out in the air, and there'd be no nitrate produced.  We said, "The project looks like a failure."  The two of us got together and we decided, "There's a way out of this. We'll make a two-layer compost.  The bottom layer will contain the feces, human feces.  The top layer will contain straw and other things, but it'll be loose.  The bottom will be hot, the top will be cool, and, as the ammonia comes up through the compost, these converting organisms'll be in the top layer [and] will convert them over to nitrate and everything will be fine," but we couldn't do the test, because the man went back to China.  I never heard anything from him until after Nixon went over to China and they opened it up.  We could again have contact.  He wrote to me and said, "I wanted to tell you that, once I got back to China, we worked this problem out.  It is the way we do all of our composting in China now.  We make a double-layer compost, the lower layer, human feces, the top layer, plant type materials, and this is the safe way to do it."  So, it's really exciting to realize that even the second project reached a practical conclusion.   After four months, Waksman came in, all excited, and he said, "Look, two things have happened."  One of his former students, Rene Dubos, had run a special experiment to try to get a microorganism out of the soil which will kill other microorganisms, and he'd isolated, from a soil microorganism, a substance called tyrothricin, which would kill pathogenic bacteria.  Therefore, he had an antibiotic.  The word wasn't known then, but he had a substance that had antibacterial activity.  So, Waksman was excited about that, because it was his student who'd done it, but, simultaneously, he had heard, through Merck, that the British had finally succeeded in purifying penicillin in such a way that [it could be tested] in animals.  ... Penicillin originally had been discovered back in 1928, but no one could purify it and, finally, the British group at Oxford had been able to purify it sufficiently so that they could show that it would kill pathogenic bacteria.  If it were injected into ... mice that had been infected with bacteria, it would cure the mice.  He was tremendously excited and said, "Look what these British have done."  He said, "I know that my favorite organism, the actinomyces, will do better."  He said, "Drop everything you're doing and start isolating some streptomyces and see if you can find an antibiotic that's better than penicillin."  So, from that point on, for the remaining part of the three years I was there, I really was working with antibiotics, and only with antibiotics.  Within two months, we had our first antibiotic.  ... I went into Waksman's department in July.  It was in November that we had our first one.  We named it actinomycin and it was probably the most active antibiotic that has ever been discovered.  It's extremely active, also turns out to be extremely toxic, too.  So, it had no value, from a practical viewpoint, but Waksman, of course, was tremendously excited about having a pure antibiotic.  Max Tishler, at [Merck], crystallized it, so we had it pure, and got all kinds of publications from it and got newspaper headlines, of course, news columnists came in, and, from that point on, antibiotics became a big thing at Rutgers.  As it turns out, actinomycin probably has had more value than anything that I ever discovered, because, a number of years later, a German said, "Look, this thing is so toxic, maybe it could have anti-tumor activity," and he tested it in mice and found some anti-tumor activity.  ... Sloan-Kettering then picked it up, to work with it further, and what has turned out is that it is a cure for one childhood type of cancer.  It's called Wilms disease.  It's a kidney cancer of children, young children, and was a hundred percent fatal, at the time.  It would kill the children within a year or two.  Now treated [with] actinomycin, it yields a ninety percent success rate.  There are not that many children, maybe a few hundred, that get this disease per year, but, now, actinomycin yields a cure.  ... From that point on, I simply would work with antibiotics.  ... Streptothricin was another antibiotic [that] came along later.  It had a very broad spectrum of activity, did things that ... penicillin would not do.  It covered the gram-negative infections.  We didn't have animal facilities in the Soil Microbiology Department, but the Dairy Department did and it was shown to be active there, dosed to infected guinea pigs.  Merck took it up, started to build a factory for it.  It then turned out to be too toxic for final use in humans.  While you could cure the infection, you would damage human kidneys so much that ... most treated patients would have died.  ... So, it couldn't be used, but, on the other hand, Merck had started to build a factory for it.  Then, streptomycin came along, probably about four or five months after I left Rutgers to go to Merck.  Streptomycin is purified in exactly the same way that streptothricin was purified.  Merck had the plant halfway built, so, ... streptomycin just moved, zip, zip, zip, into Merck and, you know, into a factory and out to cure tuberculosis, so that it became really a very exciting, progressive period of working on antibiotics, from one step to another step to another step and to success. SI:  What was it like to work with Waksman?  How receptive was he?  What kind of interaction did you have with Waksman? HBW:  ... For me, it was absolutely wonderful.  First, Waksman, at that time, spent half [his] time, every day, in the laboratory.  ... He and I shared the same bench, the laboratory working bench.  It meant that, during half the day, I was doing whatever he told me to do, as his assistant.  In the morning period, I could do anything I wanted to do, but I learned just an amazing amount from him, simply because of that close association with him, and then, after antibiotics came along and he got very, very busy and he no longer worked in the laboratory, antibiotics were still his first priority and interest, so, I was always the person he came to see first.  ... Every day, he made the rounds, to see all the students and talk to all of his students, but I was always the first one he saw, because that's where his prime interest lay.  So, I did learn a tremendous amount from him.  He was also a very interesting man.  He wanted to make certain that his "kids," his students, as he called us, would become not just scientists, but be culturally aware of what was going on.  He was fascinated by the United States, so, he made sure that we visited Philadelphia to see places associated with the beginning of the United States.  In his mind, that was such an important thing.  He wanted to make sure everybody would do it.  He would take us into the Bowery, in New York, to show us what it was like in the Bowery area.  ... He had a summer appointment at ... Woods Hole [Oceanographic Institution] and he taught there and ... another marine laboratory in Bermuda. He'd go there.  ... I would always meet him at the airport when he came back, or at the ship, sometimes.  He'd bring back either a special rum or special food.  He'd immediately have a party for all his students.  ... He has obtained a questionable name because of the Schatz relationship, but, certainly, during the period that I was there, he was a very helpful individual, no question about it, and very aware of his students and what was going on. [Editor's Note: Dr. Woodruff is referring to a controversy that emerged between Selman Waksman and Dr. Albert Schatz, then one of his graduate assistants, over credit for the discovery of streptomycin.]  Mainly, because of the fact that I was in his laboratory, [on] a number of occasions, I was present when people would come over from the Rutgers administration to try to talk him out of the amount of money that he was giving his students.  He was giving them seventy-five dollars a month, instead of sixty, which was the standard per month graduate student amount, during those days, but he would simply sit there and refuse.  He said, "My students should have enough money that they can live and, if they have a girlfriend, take the girlfriend out to a movie."  He just insisted that this was the level he was going to give for all of his projects.   My project was supported by Rutgers.  The other students were supported from outside sources.  For example, his relationship with Merck came out of Merck's desire to make citric acid, ... so that he got a fellowship from Merck to work on citric acid, and then, after antibiotics came along, of course, he got other fellowships, ... but all of the money that he had for students, other than mine, was from outside, and he said, "Well, I should have control over it then."  He insisted on that, but it was just that he felt that students should be more educated than just [being] scientists, they should have other opportunities as well.  So, my experience was really, absolutely, first-rate. SI:  It seems like he was very receptive to your ideas and inputs. HBW:  Well, he certainly overwhelmed me with his own suggestions, let's put it that way.  He wrote all the papers that we published himself.  He would ask me to write up sections, which he would abstract or change around.  A few things that I did, that he had not suggested, he included in the papers, but, in all fairness, I think I would have to say that at least three-quarters of the things I did were things at his direct suggestion and probably only a quarter were things that I did myself.  ... [TAPE PAUSED] HBW: ... He certainly listened to them, discussed them and, in a number of cases, he included them in the papers that he wrote, but he did write all the papers.  I didn't get any experience, really, in preparing papers. SI:  We were reading My Life With the Microbes in preparation for the interview.  HBW:  Yes. SI:  Waksman credited the war with putting the pressure on to do the research on antibacterial microbes, but, from what you have said, it sounds almost like it was there before that. HBW:  Yes, it was before it, but ... the war, of course, was in progress by the time this was done.  It had only just started, ... because it was in either August or September, I can't remember, that the first invasion occurred.  ... I was working with antibiotics four months later, but the emphasis on antibiotics was solely mine.  In other words, when I was there, I think there were eleven projects going on in his department, ... every one completely different from the other, having no real relationship, one to the other.  ... I was there three years; by the third year, at least half the people, and probably more than that, were working on antibiotics and, almost immediately after, a hundred percent of the people were working on antibiotics.  ... I think that major shift, from maybe only one working on antibiotics to everybody working on antibiotics, did come from the fact that he became aware that antibiotics were so important, there was such a great need for them, and the fact that he'd been able to find them, he'll be able to find more of them.  Yes, I think that shift occurred because of his awareness, but I think the initial entry into the antibiotic field came about, mainly, by the fact that, suddenly, here's an antibiotic that came from a soil microorganism.  His interest was soil microorganisms and this was a tremendously important thing to him, that Dubos' tyrothricin was a soil microbe antibiotic and that he should do more because of that.  It was supplemented by the penicillin story.  The penicillin story was not that complete.  It was more hearsay, because the Oxford studies hadn't been published yet, but the hearsay was there, that the Oxford people had been able to do, essentially, the same thing that Dubos had done. Penicillin's source had not been a soil microorganism.  It was Penicillium notatum, a mold floating in the laboratory air.  Molds were not Waksman's prime interest, but the fact that something like this could come from a soil microorganism was what interested him.  Soil microbiology was his love, there's no question about it, and anything that had to do with a soil microbe was of interest and here was a big thing and he decided to go into it.  ... I doubt that the war situation had much to do with that very initial foray into the field, but it became important later. SI:  Can you tell us a little bit about the process of discovery?  I have always heard the story about penicillin, how Fleming left the window open.  What surrounds the actual discovery? HBW:  Yes.  Penicillin was that.  It was an accidental discovery.  The important thing was, of course, that Fleming, when he saw it, decided to do something about it, because many people had seen the same thing before and threw their plates away.  ... Waksman himself had seen the same thing before.  He has a publication that describes it, but they never did anything about it, ... so the big thing with Fleming was that he recognized it as having possibilities and he should do something about it.  Now, what was done in the discovery of tyrothricin, however, was purely a planned experiment, and I think that's one of the reasons that Waksman was so interested in it.  Waksman had been asked by people at the Rockefeller Institute to recommend someone that would help them find an enzyme that would hydrolyze the coat, the capsule coat, that exists on the pneumococcus organism, because they were convinced there that was what made thepneumococcus organism pathogenic, the fact that it was protected by this exterior coat.  ... Therefore, when it infected a ... person, the person had no way of killing it, because it was protected, by the coat.  They wanted to find out, if they could remove that coat, would the microorganism still be pathogenic or not?  ... They asked Waksman if he could recommend someone who could find an enzyme that would do that.  So, Waksman recommended Dubos to do so and Dubos, as part of his studies at Rutgers, had done similar things.  He'd found enzymes that would do things, breakdown plant polysaccharides and things of this sort, and he did it by constantly enriching the soil.  He added a little bit, then, added a little bit more, a little bit more, and the soil microorganisms become trained to breakdown the product that he was adding.  So, Dubos did this.  He ... isolated the polysaccharide coat from Pneumococcus and added it to soil and, eventually, a soil microorganism was present that would dissolve [the coat].  When the people at [the] Rockefeller Institute removed the coat, then, injected the coat-free pneumococci, they were nonpathogenic, so, the coat was proved to be the protective substance.  ... Then, Dubos got the idea, "Well, if that works with a coat on a microorganism, will it work with the whole microorganism?"  So, then, he started to add whole microorganisms to soil, and he kept doing so over a long period of time, and then, plated the soil out.  ... He discovered that there were many microorganisms in the soil that were actually killing, able to kill, the pneumococcus.  So, he felt, "Well, I've trained them to do so," and then, from that point on, they isolated the killing agent and named it tyrothricin.  ... Waksman, of course, was tremendously excited about this.  "Here, Dubos has used a technique learned in my laboratory to find a new killing agent."  So, what he assigned me to do [was], he said, "Look, go back, do what Dubos did.  However, don't use a gram-positive organism, such as Dubos used, use a gram-negative one, like E. coli," which is an indicator for typhoid organisms and other pathogens, "and add those to the soil and see what happens."  So, this is what I did.  I started out by having big pots of soil that I'd gathered and I grew the E. coli and added a certain number, several billions, actually, of organisms to the soil and, a week later, I added more.  ... Every week, I would add the same amount to [the] soil.  It is possible to isolate the E. coli and separate [it] from other soil microorganisms, a very simple test.  You get just E. coli coming out.  So, I plated my enriched soil out. Two days after I would add the E. coli, I'd plate the soil out and see how many E. coli were there.  Well, initially, there were billions, but, then, it started to go down, down, down.  ... After about four months, five months, if I added E. coli, ... two days later, none was present.  They'd gone completely.  So, they were being killed off very rapidly, and that's when I plated it out and found actinomycetes that did a very similar thing to what Fleming observed, when he found a penicillum which killed pathogens.  We grew the actinomycete.  ... The active agent was solvent soluble, so, it was very easy to get it out and we got it very, very pure, but, then, the final crystallization was done up at Merck.   So, we actually used a planned study.  ... I think that's why Waksman was so very interested in it, we were using a planned study.  Years later, I did experiments to show it probably wasn't necessary to do the planning at all, because any soil, without being enriched, has Streptomyces griseus in it, which is capable of making streptomycin. So, we did three or four months work in order to get this.  It was probably unnecessary and, the same thing, any soil has organisms that'll produce actinomycin, so, you probably don't have to go through all the enrichment.  ... On the other hand, the enrichment made it easier, in the end, because, instead of having a few there, you had a lot of them there.  ... I think Waksman's great interest in it was that this is not a chance phenomenon.  This is not the Fleming story all over again.  This is a result of a planned experiment and, with that being possible, you ought to be able to isolate dozens of these things, by putting in soil ... TB organisms, for example.  You should be able to get organisms that are capable of killing all these different things.  So, he saw it as a very interesting scientific project at the very beginning.  Very soon, of course, when the royalties started rolling in on streptomycin, [laughter] he also saw it as a very practical application.  ... Certainly, he was very aware, being European, of the problems in Europe with the war and the like, and that was a very important point, too, became an important point for him to expand the effort. SI:  You mentioned that there was some tension between Waksman and the administration over how much he was paying you, and so forth. HBW:  Yes.  They used to come over, mainly on the basis [of], they said, "Look, you know, other students are complaining.  'We're only getting sixty dollars.  Waksman's students are getting seventy-five,' and, for the good of the University, this differential shouldn't exist.  They should be the same."  ... I think it was three times, ... when I was there, these people came in and tried to get him to change his mind, but he wouldn't do it.  [laughter] SI:  Do you think, in general, the administration recognized the importance of his work and gave him a free hand? HBW:  Yes and no.  At that point, when these discussions were going on, ... about two years before, there'd been a very strong effort [that] existed when they had to cut down on the staff of the Ag Experiment Station, that only those who were working on practical objects for farming should be retained and the first people let go should be those who are working on theoretical things that had little effect on agriculture, and Waksman very nearly lost his job, at that time.  ... Dr. Martin, the man who eventually became director of the Experiment Station, was the one that really preserved Waksman's job, because he felt that theoretical work was very important.  ... So, I'm not sure that the University administration downtown had become convinced that Waksman should be given anything he wanted because he was an important individual.  I think that became true maybe in another five years, when streptomycin came along, yes, but, pre-streptomycin, which was when I was dealing with him, I don't think he was held in that high regard by the administration people. SI:  This new, and I guess, in some ways, revolutionary, relationship with Merck occurred while you were a student. HBW:  Well, yes, but that occurred, initially, before I was an employee there, when I was an undergraduate.  There was a man; a new director who moved into Merck.  Merck was a chemical company.  The only thing they did, really, was to make chemicals.  There was no real biology going on there at all, ... in the early days.  Then, Mr. Merck decided that he should have a research department and that the research department should be looking for new medicines.  Therefore, they needed biologists to test the medicines, but, primarily, they needed chemists to make the medicines, and their first project had to do with vitamins.  So, most of the emphasis was on vitamins in the early days.  ... They had a physical chemist and they had an organic chemist and they had an applied chemist, as the three directors.  They brought a fourth director in and he had a business background, ... as he had come from Commercial Solvents Corporation, which was really a fermentation company.  He was convinced that microbes could play a useful place in Merck.  So, he was always trying to find something biological that could be introduced at Merck and he came upon citric acid as a good idea, because citric acid was almost an exclusive product of Pfizer Company, at that time.  It was made by growing Aspergillus niger on sugar solution; it converted sugar to citric acid.  Pfizer didn't believe in patents.  They only believed in secret processes.  So, nobody knew what they were doing, how they were doing it.  ... The man's name happened to be Woodruff, no relative of mine at all, [laughter] but Mr. Woodruff said, "Look, we can make a grant at some biological laboratory to find some microorganism other than Aspergillus niger.  It can then be used to make citric acid.  We can get patents on it and we'll be able to compete with Pfizer and make citric acid."  Well, he convinced Randolph Marjor, who was the director of research, that that's what they should do.  So, he was assigned the job of finding some laboratory to do that, and I don't really know how he came in contact with Rutgers, but he did.  ... Someone had indicated to him that Waksman was the chief experimental microbiologist there and he should go down, talk to Waksman.  He did.  Well, Waksman immediately saw this as a good, interesting objective for him, and so, he suggested that they set up a research project.  ... He would obtain a graduate student and assign this [to the student].  So, probably a year before I went there, all this was signed and sealed but not yet delivered. Waksman, then, circulated around his contacts and said that he had this project available, "Could anyone suggest a good student?"  Well, one suggestion was from a friend he knew at the University of Wisconsin, Edward Karow, who had taken a course in, actually, a major, in plant physiology, and he came in the same day that I arrived and he was assigned the job of finding such a microorganism.  ... He did find one.  It was a brown one, rather than a black mold, and so, it could be patentable, and it did make very good yields of citric acid.  ... The big thing that he did, which was the real breakthrough, is that all of the citric acid, up until that point, had been made in flasks, or shallow cultures in trays.  ... The mold was grown, and then, ... after the citric acid was produced, the liquid was drained out, more liquid was put in, so, the mold was preserved and it produced more. You could just keep reusing the mold, but Waksman had heard of work that had been going on ... in Holland on growing molds in submerged culture.  ... In Holland, they had done so by putting them on shaking machines, where the flask was constantly rotated, and the mold would grow not just on the surface, [but] from the top all the way down to the bottom, grow very much faster.  So, this looked like it might be a possibility.  So, what Ed Karow did was not only find a new microorganism, but to produce citric acid under submerged conditions.  ... Merck decided that, "Okay, this looks wonderful.  We'll go ahead and build a pilot plant to do this," and they got in another man from [the] University of Wisconsin, a graduate, Lloyd McDaniel, to set up the pilot plant.  They had just a small pilot plant.  It was equipped with a stirring tank, instead of a shaking machine, but probably only ten or fifteen gallons, you know, a small unit, and they set that up at Merck.  ... It was there when [Howard Walter] Florey and [Norman] Heatley came over from Oxford to try ... to convince companies in the United States to make penicillin, because they had found that they had been unable to make enough to cure any patient.  They'd been able to make enough to apparently cure them, go from death's door to normal people, and then, they would run out of material and the patient reverted to the disease and died.  So, they came to the US to see if they could find somebody who could make it.  ... The problem was, it would take, probably, oh, ... at least a hundred gallons of fluid, grown in these surface cultures, to cure a person.  ... All of the commercial companies would say, "Yes, it's interesting, but it's completely impractical."  I mean, a hundred gallons to cure a person, the cost would be enormous.  It just couldn't work.  So, they were turned down as they went around through the country.  Mr. Merck was always very optimistic; he was a businessman who would have liked to have been a scientist, [laughter] I think, is what it comes down to.  Penicillin was something with tremendous interest and he was gung ho for it.  He didn't turn them down.  He wouldn't take it on, but he wouldn't turn it down, and he said, "Well, it still sounds interesting."  ... He actually assigned his laboratory people to start working [on it], to see if they could do anything, and Merck had this submerged citric acid facility.  So, it was decided that they would try to produce penicillin, submerged, at Merck.   Florey and Heatley had gone out to the Northern Regional Research Laboratory, which is in Peoria, Illinois, to try to convince the government laboratory to work on penicillin.  ... The main objective of that laboratory is to find use for agricultural products, waste products, and one of the big waste products that exist is corn steep liquor.  It is the residue that's left after you convert corn into cornstarch and it's a tremendous residue, a terrible waste product to dispose of.  So, the first thing they did, [at] the Northern Region Research Laboratory, was try to grow penicillin on corn steep liquor, instead of on proteins.  It not only produced penicillin, but produced ten times as much penicillin as the people in England had been able to produce.  Well, Florey and Heatley came back to see Merck, again, and Mr. Merck, asked, "Well, look, have you made progress?" and they said, "We've increased the yield tenfold."  ... Mr. Merck said, "That's impossible.  In any chemical process, you might raise an eighty percent yield to ninety, but you can't increase something ten times.  It's impossible, from a chemical standpoint."  ... [They] said, "No, it isn't. This is possible in a biological system.  It's impossible in a chemical system, yes.  A hundred percent's top.  If you get fifty percent, so, you might be able to double it, but, in a biological system, you can increase it tenfold."  Mr. Merck said, "If that's so, we'll do it.  We'll take it on as a project."  [laughter] That's what sold him, and Merck then went full force into doing so.  Pfizer and Squibb then joined in.  The three agreed that they would all work together on penicillin, and that, in fact, is how I got involved, because ... Dr. Waksman was employed to be a consultant on the penicillin project at Merck.  ... They were having trouble producing penicillin and Waksman finally came to talk to me.  I was scheduled to graduate in June and this was in January.  He said, "Look, you've got six months to go.  You go up to Merck and work on the penicillin project there.  At least you can tell me what's going on, so, when I come up, I'll be prepared to talk to them."  So, I went up to Merck in January of 1942 and, immediately, started to work on submerged penicillin culture.  ... That was the point where Waksman really was converted from a citric acid consultant over to an antibiotic consultant, particularly for penicillin.  ... Merck succeeded because of the rapid work done there, producing the product used to cure the first patient in the United States, the wife of a professor at Yale University who had blood poisoning, as we used to call it.  She was really at death's door.  [Editor's Note: In March of 1942, Anne Sheafe Miller became the first person successfully cured by penicillin.]  Norman Heatley, from Oxford, had stayed on for about six months.  He worked in the same laboratory I was in at Merck.  He got a call from Yale and [they] said that they had this patient who was at death's door and could Merck do something about it?  ... The Merck directors indicated, yes, they would be able to release penicillin.  ... They did so, the penicillin went to Yale, and they called Heatley on the phone, who had come from England, to get instructions [on] how you go about curing the patient.  [laughter] Well, Heatley was a chemist.  He didn't know much about anything to do with curing a patient, but, anyway, he gave them instructions what to do, and I know he said he had the worst weekend in his life after that.  It was a Saturday when they called, because he didn't know whether he killed the patient or saved the patient.  It turned out she was saved.  So, it all worked out well, but, in any case, it became a very interesting project.  ... All these things are based on luck.  Merck was lucky they had a submerged tank on hand for citric acid when they wanted to try it.  So, it was an obvious thing to try.  ... Every one of the companies that worked on penicillin made one advance right after the other, but, all through the war, they worked together.  They forgot about the anti-trust rules.  ... Every month, each company would write out everything that had been done at that company and it was circulated to all the other companies, so [that] everybody kept up-to-date.  It's really impossible to say that anyone made any specific discovery, because it was just these eleven, or I can't remember, fifteen companies, all working together, and some universities as well, on the project.  So, for the first year that I was at Merck, I was involved almost entirely on the penicillin project.  Then, of course, by that time, streptomycin came from Rutgers, leading to a new factory.  Then, one of the Merck chemists, Tom Wood, came over and said they were working on antipernicious anemia factor, a substance in liver extract that will overcome pernicious anemia in people, and said, "You know, we're having a terrible time trying to isolate this from liver extract."  The only way of telling whether they had an active substance was to find a patient who had pernicious anemia and have the extract tested.  There was no animal test.  No animal gets pernicious anemia.  So, they were having a very slow time trying to purify the material, and he said, "You know, molds make antibiotics; do you think they would make antipernicious anemia factor?  Do you have any cultures that we could test, to see?" and he said, "We'll apply the same isolation technique we've used on the liver extract and see what happens."  Well, I happened to have ... six cultures in my laboratory, growing.  So, I gave him all six and one of them, when he went through the extraction technique, actually produced a product that was more active than he could get out of liver extract.  ... He was a very astute person.  He noticed that not only did the activity appear great, but the extract was pink in color.  So, he finished isolating it using color as a guide.  He got red crystals out and they were pure vitamin B12.  For Merck, that was very important, because there were three companies working on the antipernicious factor simultaneously, Merck, Lederle in New York State, and Glaxo in England, and all three companies crystallized vitamin B12 within the same month.  Merck did it early in the month and Lederle was one week later and Glaxo about three weeks later, but Merck got the full patent rights, because it was the first one, and they succeeded in doing so simply because a microbe made it.  ... SI:  It sounds like everything was moving extremely rapidly from theory and testing to production.  Today, there are a lot of clinical trials and the FDA [Federal Drug Administration] to deal with.  What was the procedure then?  HBW:  ... That first phase, I think, can go just as fast now as it ever went.  Getting approval to market a product does, now, take much longer, because you have to run maybe at least two years of tests to prove that the substance is not toxic and it won't cause cancer and all these various things.  Everybody jokes and says, "If penicillin were discovered today, it would not be a product," because penicillin has enough disadvantages.  It's allergenic and it has killed some people by a major allergic reaction, and it would be classified as a toxic substance and probably would not be approved, so that it has become harder to get things approved at the present time than it was back in those days.  On the other hand, things have been done, or were done, back in those days, that clearly did kill people.  I can't remember which company it is; one of the pharmaceutical companies has disappeared, simply because, in making a perfectly safe agent, they added a toxic substance as an excipient, and it proved lethal when it was prescribed.  So, long-term toxicity studies simply weren't run then.  We were lucky as could be at Merck, because the streptothricin that I had isolated [was] active in animals.  We'd tested it appreciably in mice against infections.  It cured them beautifully.  So, Merck decided, "We'll go into clinical trials," and they did.  I think they had four patients that were sick.  ... They were seriously ill.  All four patients were dosed with streptothricin and they all stopped urinating.  Not a one of them produced urine and the assumption is they were going to die.  Well, fortunately, all four of them recovered.  It took awhile, but all four recovered, and then, we went back and started to look at the substance in more detail.  ... When we ran mice tests, the mice were infected, they were injected with the drug, the controls died from the infection, the treated ones were alive a week later, and the mice were discarded.  The experiment was completed.  If they'd kept those mice six weeks, every mouse would have died, because streptothricin has delayed toxicity.  It's not toxic when you inject it.  It gradually destroys the kidney and the people could have died from uremia, just as the mice would die if we held them long enough.  These people, fortunately, weren't dosed with a high enough dose to kill them, but they came close to it.  So, it's very important, now, to have these long-term toxicity tests and safety tests and things that need to be covered before you can get FDA approval, but, back in the early days, they did not exist.  So, things were much faster then than they are now.  SI:  Moving into the war period, you went to Merck right after Pearl Harbor.  Do you remember where you were when Pearl Harbor was attacked? HBW:  ... Oh, yes.  I was visiting my wife-to-be down at Princeton that Sunday.  I was a graduate student, still, and I had gone down just to spend the day with her.  ... When we got back to the place where she was staying, she had an apartment in a house, the man of the house said, you know, this had happened.  It was on [radio], so, we spent the rest of the period listening.  ... By that time, however, we had advanced far enough in our work ... at Rutgers that, I believe, Waksman was beginning to be convinced that he would be able to find something that would cure infections.  As a result of Pearl Harbor, Waksman contacted, I don't know whom he contacted, but the government authorities, to try to enlist.  He felt that he could serve as an enlisted person in microbiology, against infection in some way, a very important thing.  ... They said, "No, what you're doing is far more important.  You're trying to find drugs that may be useful to us in the future and what you should do is simply go back and work harder on your present objective," and so that he did, really, intensifying the effort, one of the reasons that he enhanced the number of people working on the project.  I don't really remember when the first draft occurred.  I've forgotten it completely.  I remember the group of graduate students that were there getting together to listen to the draft numbers being called and to find where we were [in the lottery].  I was in the middle, in terms of the draft numbers.  Waksman, for all of us, applied for exemptions from the draft and the New Brunswick board, automatically, would approve them.  It always surprised me, to an extent.  They approved them for me, working on a project that would be directly applicable to the war effort, but they also approved it for individuals that were working on citric acid or things that were non-[vital].  At that time, in the early stages of the war, I think they had the feeling that, out of these research areas, there were going to be important things developed, and, at that stage, they didn't have a need for men that was quite as severe, as it would be later.  Of course, I'd gone through ROTC, the first two years, at Rutgers, because that was compulsory.  ... By the time I switched to Merck, my effort was on penicillin.  It was very, very clear what the objective was there, to try to get enough material together to have available when the invasion of Europe occurred, and that was the whole object of what was going on.  None of the penicillin could be used for ... civilian people at the time.  It was used by the Armed Services for individuals that were not in harm's way.  I mean, if one got sick in a training program, they used the penicillin, but most of it was simply accumulated to make sure we had enough, on time, when the invasion took place, and we were successful in getting enough together.  Now, as you look back over these things, ... you always have dual feelings; I surely did.  You feel an obligation to do whatever is best for the country, and, certainly, I was convinced what I was doing was best.  On the other hand, I was very embarrassed, during that period, by the advantages that I had, compared to my associates, those who went into the services.  I could get married and live a normal life.  ... My wife taught school.  We lived in Princeton, because she was teaching school there.  On the other hand, I had that relationship, while people that got drafted into the service did not have such advantages.  One has a dual feeling.  I benefited when others were not benefiting.  If you looked at it from a different viewpoint, at least from the kind of student I was when in ROTC, I would have been almost useless, I believe, to the Army, in active service.  [laughter] I'd [have] been assigned to a laboratory or something equivalent, obviously, but, if I look at it from the viewpoint, "Where would I have done the most for the country, serving in a laboratory, doing analyses, or doing what I was at Merck?" I had to look at it from that viewpoint.  Yes, I was doing what was best for the country, but I always had this feeling in the back of my mind that I was unfairly benefited by the war.  It's an odd feeling. SI:  Did anyone ever, on the street, say, "Why aren't you in uniform?" or something like that? HBW:  Well, I believe that's the time it gives you more of a feeling, ... is when groups get together at Memorial Day and other similar occasions, and you see the articles about what percentage who died during the initial invasion and, if you're young, you realized that you'd never experienced anything that was like that or even approached that.  It is a strange feeling.  Certainly, I had a number of contacts with the government hospitals during the streptomycin period, because individuals would come back with tuberculosis and they were trying streptomycin and various ways to handle that.  ... I'd go out to the meetings, to see the different approaches that they were taking with streptomycin, and, again, you realize that what you're doing, or what you have done, is having an advantage, just as I feel about actinomycin and cancer.  ... On the other hand, you could never completely take away the fact that you have a feeling that you had benefits that maybe were more than you deserve.  I've had some feeling for the military since.  One of our sons got his PhD in statistics, ... but he had a low draft number and the only way he could stay in graduate school was to enter ROTC, which he did, while at Brown, and got his commission.  So, he had an obligation, after he graduated, to go into the Air Force, and he did so.  It was interesting.  The Air Force, almost immediately, got in touch with him and said, "Here, we don't have many PhDs in the Air Force, ... but we have an important statistics program out at Wright-Patterson, in the Dayton, [Ohio], area, and would you be interested in coming out to teach statistics, and then, to do research work on using statistics, ... advising students there?"  So, he did that.  He ended up actually staying in for his twenty-year period in the Air Force.  ... After he did the teaching, he did a lot of other things, but he, in a way, I think, was always very much like I was, not particularly adept, physically, and you wouldn't think about him as being a typical Air Force individual, just as I wouldn't have been a typical Army individual.  ... On the other hand, he had a very, very interesting life in the Air Force, doing things that, I guess, were significant, helping students determine efficiency, how many shots you have to use for this thing, and so forth.  ... So, I'm sure, had I been pulled into the draft, ... I would have ended up in some position that I could [have] contributed, but, I guess, I have to realize I probably contributed more by doing what I did. SI:  Yes.  You mentioned that the focus of your work was to produce enough penicillin for D-Day and beyond. HBW:  ... Yes. SI:  Was that something that you just found out later, or was it something that, everyday, they were reinforcing this fact? HBW:  Well, the focus was that.  ... There were two focuses, actually.  The focus, number one, was the one that was set out by Florey and Heatley when they came over to the US.  ... They said, "Look, here's a drug.  We're convinced it's good; we can't prove it.  Would you make for us," I can't remember what it was, I think it was a kilo, they used to say, "a kilo of drug to give to us, [so] that we can find out whether this is a good product or not a good product?"  So, the initial objective was always stated to make a kilo of drug for Oxford to really prove the product, but ... the US got involved in the war.  ... As soon as the US got involved in the war, well, the Army said, "We have a different focus, and this is to accumulate enough product which we can use.  We don't care about the British objectives.  We want it."  So, the focus changed to making as much product as we could to fulfill the military's need in the United States, and that would be existing need, plus, the anticipated future need.  So, the focus did change.  ... Florey never got his kilo of penicillin, but he got enough sent to him, so that they were able to prove that the drug was truly an effective agent, and his objective was met.  It wasn't met quite as efficiently as he would like to have seen it, but he was still happy, because I visited him a number of times thereafter at Oxford and he was always tremendously appreciative of the fact that Merck, Squibb and Pfizer had gotten into it right at the beginning and took what looked like it was going to be a lost cause and truly made something out of it.  ... Even though he, at times, spoke a little disparagingly about the fact he'd never got his kilo, he still was very appreciative of what was done, but there was a change in focus from that initial one, which existed when I went to Merck, over to the other, when the headquarters offices really took over the assignment.  ... They appointed a "czar," really, to be responsible for all of the material that was made and who would make the decision, ... when it could be released and when it could not be released, when it could be stockpiled, and things of that sort.  SI:  Can you tell us about how the pressures of the war and this mission affected Merck's operations?  We have interviewed other Merck employees.  For example, they talked about tremendous facilities expansion. HBW:  Well, there were two major factors in the war that affected Merck.  Of course, they had to keep all their standard things going, the products they were producing.  So, the factory continued with its standard operations, meeting the medical needs, but, from the research viewpoint, there were two things.  One was antibiotics, which became a very major activity at Merck.  The other had to do with what eventually became cortisone, which was the adrenal steroid hormones, and chemists had been working on the adrenal steroid hormones for some period of time.  A few of the hormones had been isolated and the effect on the body had been established, but a rumor started that the Germans were able to fly airplanes higher than anybody else in the world and the reason for it is that they had been injected with a new adrenal steroid.  So, this became a major endeavor, to try to attain more adrenal steroids, so that it could be determined whether one was giving the Germans an advantage.  ... A chemist from Princeton, Lew Sarett, joined Merck, at the same time I did, and he had done his thesis work at Princeton on adrenal steroids.  So, his job at Merck was to isolate adrenal steroids, and they succeeded in getting one out, that was tested, to see if it allowed one to exist in lower oxygen concentrations.  [It] had no effect at all, but, at the Mayo Clinic, one of the physicians out there had had the idea that adrenal steroids might have some effect on rheumatoid arthritis.  So, he asked for a sample and a sample was sent to him and it was absolutely amazing.  They made a movie of it, which I saw.  They had about four patients that were absolutely bedridden. They couldn't move and they injected them with this cortisone.  ... Two days later, they were dancing, running around, just unbelievable, absolutely unbelievable, so, everyone thought that it solved the problem completely. Well, it turned out, of course, that was temporary activity.  Cortisone can't be given indefinitely, because it has its own side effects.  So, the disease isn't wiped out quite to the extent that the movie showed it, but, on the other hand, it was a major development, which came about solely as a war effort, because of rumors that were not true, the rumors that adrenal hormone would allow people, our pilots, to be more productive than the German pilots.  So, during the early war days, that was a major war effort, side-by-side with the antibiotic effort, and then, it took on a development of its own, of course, entirely, because of the advantages of the steroid hormones by knocking out the effect of the body in attacking its own tissues.  There were other war efforts that went on, but they were the two major ones that I know of.  SI:  In terms of your relationship with the military and the government, how did that actually take place?  Did they send people into Merck to work with you?  HBW:  They sent no one in[to] our laboratory to work with us.  The individuals who were involved with decision-making would visit Merck's supervisory staff.  The individuals from Washington who would come up, ... for example, the "Czar" that I mentioned, who would release penicillin for various uses, he would come and have meetings with Merck.  ... I would be in those meetings, when discussions went on, because he wanted to know how much we could make.  ... There were, certainly, other individuals from the military who would come up, but, as far as my contact, [it] was always a general meeting, no direct contact as far as laboratory functions. SI:  Was it much of a transition for you to move from an academic setting to a corporate setting? HBW:  Not really, because of the applied objective, which goes on in an ag school, really.  [laughter] ... I think the transition, probably, was greater going from the initial transition in the first four months, from an agricultural objective over to a more medical objective, but, once my objective was a medical objective, going to Merck was basically the same as operations in the Rutgers Ag School.  Yes, there were a lot of minor irritations at Merck.  For example, in purifying streptothricin, we used alcohol.  Well, at the University, they used straight alcohol.  They had permission to do so.  ... Companies do not.  They have to use denatured alcohol.  So, it took me awhile to find [that] certain things that I got freely at Rutgers were not available under industrial conditions, and the whole ordering system is much more complex in industry.  I mean, at Rutgers, if you need a flask for something, you call up and ask Arthur H. Thomas to send it up.  At Merck, you go through about three steps of bureaucracy before an order can go out.  [laughter] So, there were differences in the nature of how you do things, but there were no differences in objective.  I believe the objectives, at both places, were very clear.  SI:  In terms of labor, at Merck, did you notice more women coming into the company?  Also, did the labor laws that existed during the war affect you? HBW:  No, the labor laws didn't affect us.  The thing is, microbiology is different from almost all other sciences in the fact that you start out with about fifty percent women and fifty percent men majoring in microbiology.  So, we probably had more women in the microbiology department at Merck, the whole time that I was there, than men, because we would have assayists.  ... For running the penicillin assays, we probably had five or ten people and they were almost all women, and, also, vitamin assayists, had one man, I think the rest were women there.  The person that was in charge of ... the biological laboratory that deals with animals, the pathogenic bacteriology section, was a woman, and I think all of the ones we ever had there were women, PhD women.  ... Right from the very beginning, I think we've been used to having about equal, fifty-fifty, women and men.  ... What I mentioned earlier is having an appropriate number of black individuals at advanced stages within the laboratory; that was a company objective.  They simply said, "Look, New Jersey has twenty percent blacks, we should have twenty percent blacks [in the company]."  We never really reached twenty, but we got to a fairly decent number.  ... We got people from veterinary schools and places of that sort.  The problem is, there are so few black people that go through the chemistry departments in universities that it's very, very difficult to reach the percentage that we were trying to reach, but we worked towards it and we were able to do it, in part, by getting people from the veterinary field and other fields.  ... Beyond that, I don't know of anything.  ... None of our laboratory people have been unionized at Merck, so, we never had that problem.  Merck had some strikes, but the strikes were an inconvenience, but they always allowed the laboratories to continue to operate.  A number of people would go in and stay in permanently, food brought in to them, but the strikes never reached the stage that they shut down the laboratories.  ... We didn't really face any major labor problems. SI:  Are you talking about during the war or after the war? HBW:  Not during the war, after.  ... A lot more women became available during the war, so that the lab assistant functions and similar activities were almost entirely taken over by women during that period.  We had a number of wives who had not worked before, who worked during the war, because they felt that they should do so.  ... A lot of the functions of sterilizing equipment and things of this sort were done by them during the war.  We never really ran into a shortage of people.  Merck's salary scale and reputation as an employer was always quite high, so, there, you know, was always an adequate number of people available.  SI:  Do you remember rationing and how that affected you, either gas rationing or food rationing? HBW:  Well, it affected us, but only from a personal viewpoint.  Of course, we established carpools.  Four people would go in to Merck, so that we essentially changed to the carpool approach.  ... For a number of years, we carpooled.  The gas rationing, the only gas ration I had was that for local people, ... no special allotments, and so, we would take the train where we'd want to do something, rather than the car.  We knew the car was really reserved to get back and forth to work, and the grocery store and few things of that sort, but we had no special privileges, let us put it that way.  ... SI:  Were you aware of any black market activity in the area? HBW:  Not with respect to gas.  You'd sometimes hear rumors about it with respect to foodstuffs and things, but we never were hampered severely by rationing.  I think everything worked out fine for us.  My wife and I did have a little bit of an advantage.  My dad still had a great, big garden that he had going, so, whenever we happened to visit them, we'd come away with a lot of freshly grown vegetables, [laughter] but no real problem.  In fact, the most severe problem we had [was], one year, when I went over on a sabbatical to England, in 1954. ... I didn't realize how strict the rationing was, still, there.  When we got there, things like orange juice, there was practically [none].  Our kids were young then, very, very difficult to fill their needs because of rationing still in progress.  So, you began to realize what the people there had lived through at that time.  I rented a house when we were there.  We had a house here, at the time, in Westfield, that had a coal furnace.  ... It took twelve tons of coal per year.  ... We ended up in Cambridge, the 1st of January, so, I wanted to get enough coal to keep us going for the half year.  They allowed me five hundred pounds of coal.  So, compared to twelve tons, I had five hundred pounds.  [laughter] We actually had only one fire going in the house.  We had a small living room and I got a coal fire going in the fireplace and I was able to keep that going day and night, but that's the only room we heated in the house, the living room.  The kitchen had no heat whatsoever and, bedrooms, we had a plug-in electric heater that we plugged in for while we were getting undressed.  That was about it, but it let you realize how many restrictions people were under in other parts of the world, compared to the great freedom that we had here, even during periods when rationing existed in the USA. NM:  You just mentioned that you went overseas to England.  I read that you also visited other countries.  Could you tell us about that? HBW:  Yes, it was something like fifty countries that  ... I visited, very broadly, the countries of Europe.  I think I visited just about all of those, and we worked, of course, for nine years in Japan.  So, we had that contact there.  ... I visited up and down the ... eastern part of Asia, most of the countries, back and forth there.  I set up research programs in Australia.  I was responsible for a veterinary laboratory in Australia, so, we had that.  South America, we've really only been in maybe three or four countries there.  I've been down to Argentina and Brazil, when we've introduced the antibiotics, to get those introduced there, and visited Columbia during a cruise.  ... Science, really, is worldwide, of course, so that we visited international meetings very frequently and you have contact with people there, so [that] you go to see them thereafter.   Merck, initially, on penicillin and streptomycin and vitamin B12, at the time they were discovered, ... had no facilities abroad, research facilities abroad or manufacturing facilities abroad.  So, we licensed the processes for penicillin, streptomycin, vitamin B12, to about ten countries around the world.  ... By licensing them the processes to manufacture, we also had an agreement that we would share research for ten years, and what we would do [was], we would visit their laboratories every other year and they would visit us every other year, to exchange information.  So, of course, I visited all of these various countries that we were involved with.  ... For example, two of the things we introduced in Spain were penicillin and streptomycin, and we earned royalties as a result of that. We had no way to spend the royalties, because pesetas weren't worth anything outside of Spain.  So, we decided one of the ways of using pesetas was to set up a research lab in Spain and do all of our searching for new antibiotics in Spain, that is the initial searches.  So, we did set up that laboratory and I sent two or three of our people over.  In the meantime, I'd go back and forth to visit, just to introduce new screening techniques in[to] that laboratory.  Then, we did the same thing in Japan, but we did it on a somewhat different basis, with a university there ... to do that type of activity, so that I have visited a great deal around the world as a result of microbiology, what goes on in microbiology.  ... We've made very good friends in all these countries.  ... Norman Heatley, who was one of those involved with the penicillin, we became very friendly with him, and so, we'd always visit him whenever we'd go over to England.  ... The Rhone-Poulenc Company, the group in France, and Farmitalia in Italy and Kabi, Sweden, all these were companies that had licensed processes from Merck, where we not only became very friendly from a scientific standpoint, but we became very friendly from the personal standpoint, too, Japan especially.  Japan, we were over for nine years, ... with two objectives in mind.  One was to be responsible for getting new Merck products licensed in Japan, through their Food and Drug Administration, especially the chemical part of it, and, also, to see what could be done about finding new products, discovered in Japan, which Merck could license to sell around the world, other than in Japan.  So, I would visit laboratories over there, to try to do that.  We did end up with four major products, really major products, that had been discovered in Japan that Merck got exclusive rights to.  ... I don't know whether you've ever had Pepcid, by any chance, or not.  It's something that people advertise for heartburn.  It's in the regular drugstores now.  That's one of the Japanese discoveries that I brought over to Merck and Merck had it for about ten years as an exclusive product for prescription, and then, it was released to drugstores and it's actually distributed now by Johnson and Johnson and Merck together, as a joint [venture], because Johnson and Johnson handles that type of distribution better than Merck does, and another product that is called Avermectin.  It's the most widely used agent for worms in farm animals now.  If you have dogs and ... worry about heartworm, this is used exclusively to treat that.  It's also the drug that's used, given away free by Merck, in Africa to prevent river blindness.  It's a very major disease in Africa and Africans have no money and Merck said, "Well, we will make the drug free, freely available, no cost whatsoever, but you have to figure out how to distribute it to these people that are out in the boondocks." ... Jimmy Carter, President Jimmy Carter, accepted the responsibility, through the Carter Foundation, for making those arrangements.  So, he made the arrangements with the heads of the various governments to set up the way that the drug gets to the individuals, but it is the very same drug that is sold for animals in the rest of the world. Merck makes a lot of money on it.  Five hundred million dollars a year in sales, just for farm animals, but ... it's the same drug that's used, given away free, in Africa.  Avermectin came from a microorganism that was found on a golf course in Japan by our cooperating Kitasato Institute.  We asked for two thousand unusual microorganisms from their collection, and they did so.  ... One of those organisms produced this product, ... avermectin, which is in  very wide use.  So, the contact with Japan has turned out to very well, from Merck's standpoint, obtaining major products to supplement the products that are discovered locally.  We became very friendly with the Japanese people there.  In fact, we'll be getting together with them Sunday. We're going up to Anchorage and [will] take a cruise down the coast to Vancouver.  ... Every two years, we've been getting together with a group of these people that we met in Japan.  They're not all Japanese.  There's some British and some from other areas, but [we] get together just for old time's sake.  So, we'll be doing that this weekend. NM:  Did you see any of the war's devastation in the countries that you were traveling to in the 1950s? HBW:  Yes.  The devastation we saw, mostly, was in Europe.  We went over to the International Microbiological Society meeting that was held in Denmark.  ... I don't know; it was right after the war, 1947, in any case.  ... We initially went down to Switzerland to take a little vacation beforehand.  We took a train.  You couldn't get to Copenhagen ... by land at that time.  The only way you could get in was by flight, because the railroad lines had all been broken.  We did take the train up to Amsterdam and we went through Rotterdam.  There was a stop in the middle of absolutely nothing.  You can't believe it.  I mean, the war had been over, but everything was just leveled. You might be in the middle of one of these ... fields out in the West, where you see nothing, because there wasn't a house, there wasn't a building.  There were the remaining roadways, but that's all.  ... I hadn't realized the level of destruction that had occurred in these major cities, from air bombing, and the like.  ... In France, a lot of the areas that the train went through were still very, very badly damaged.  The level of destruction was just unbelievable.  By the time we got to Japan, of course, Hiroshima and Nagasaki had all been rebuilt, so that [only] the remains are there of the things they left purposely from the atomic bomb.  Tokyo, which was actually more destroyed than Hiroshima, was completely rebuilt, no remains of the war there.  ... I hesitated very much going to Japan.  They wanted me to go, because they were having trouble with getting new products introduced over there, but I had never developed a friendly relationship with any of the Japanese that had visited us.  I think it was primarily a language problem, more than anything else.  They were fearful and just didn't seem very friendly, is the best way to put it.  ... On the other hand, I was tremendously respectful of their scientific abilities in Japan.  Merck had licensed a Japanese process to produce glutamic acid, MSG, that is, which is a discovery that was made in Japan.  It was obviously an enormously important discovery.  ... We'd also licensed the ability to make lysine as an animal feed supplement from [the] Japanese, both of them made by microorganisms, but very creative type of research.  So, I expected to find some really very creative research when we got over there, but I just hadn't ... expected a friendly relationship.  Well, when we arrived on the scene, I guess, on home grounds, people are very different than they are when they travel.  We found them very, very pleasant, ... had a really, truthfully, wonderful relationship there.  I can certainly say some of our best friends are the Japanese, still, from those days. NM:  It sounds like you visited and revisited these countries.  At what point did you start to see the rebuilding process? HBW:  ... They're different years.  ... I used to go back to France, and, certainly, the reconstruction went very rapidly there.  That first trip that we were over there, which was right after the war, it was still obvious destruction as the ... train went through the various cities, but, going back a few years later, that did not exist.  ... I guess you expect that type of thing to happen, but the thing that was more interesting to me was our relationship with Spain. When we set up the research facility in Spain, to search for antibiotics, it was a very ... primitive, maybe that's the right word, country.  Some of the people were living in caves, in the hillside, no houses at all.  ... The big thing, in fact, that the company had, that we were cooperating with, was the fact that they had showers, so, any worker that would go there would have showers.  The general population really had very little access to water.  You go back to Spain now; ... everybody's rich.  Now, you don't see the level of poverty that you can find here in America, ... so that in these countries that were extremely poor at one time, they have benefited enormously.  ... It's not only a case of just repairing war destruction, it's a case of [the] economy changing tremendously to allow these countries to do that.  ... I know it hasn't occurred to the same extent in South America, but it has occurred some.  The poverty in Rio, for example, was pretty unbelievable, too, and I haven't been down to Rio recently, but they tell me that a lot of that has changed.  ... I have a niece who was a missionary in Mexico City and her effort was all with the people ... that simply moved into the city and settled on land on the hillsides, where they didn't own the land.  ... When she first went down there doing that, maybe ten, fifteen years ago, poverty was very, very severe.  The kids didn't get any education or anything of the sort.  Nowadays, ... almost all those children are accepted into the school system.  So, it's happening in Mexico, too, a change in the economy where conditions are getting much, much better than they were before.  ... I couldn't say I really saw the recovery of things from the war. We either saw it destroyed or we saw it fixed.  ... SI:  Did you ever go behind the Iron Curtain? HBW:  ... I've been in Moscow, maybe three, four, five times, but only, really, in the airport area, and we went to St. Petersburg two years ago, but that's the only time I've really been there.  ... I've been beyond what was the Iron Curtain, in the Czech Republic for example.  ... Actually, several times, we've been there.  We've made good friends there, have gone over there to visit them.  There are very good microbiologists and they've had several international meetings in Prague that we've attended, and then, traveled around that area as well.  ... If you assume that Czechoslovakia is reflective of the Czech Republic, yes, we've seen conditions improve there, very, very greatly.  SI:  Throughout your career with Merck, how have you worked with Rutgers?  What is the relationship like? HBW:  I've always been very closely associated with Rutgers, because of my association with Waksman, as much as anything else.  They set up the Waksman Institute for Microbiology and, of course, Waksman was there, actively directed it for awhile, and then, Oliver Lampen came in, but Waksman still continued on.  ... As he got older, very frequently, he would call me up at Merck on the phone, "Oh, I've got something exciting to tell you. Please come down right away, instantly."  So, I'd drop everything.  By the time I got down there, he'd forgotten what he wanted to talk to me about, [laughter] but he just enjoyed talking over old times, is what it came down to. So, I did have a lot of contact.  Also, I was very friendly with Robert Starkey, who was the other professor in the department, who later headed the Microbiology Department in the Ag School, after Waksman left to go to the Institute.  So, we'd get together there, and, through the Theobald Smith Society, which is the state microbiological society, where we had a lot of contact.  More recently, I've gotten involved with setting up the museum that they have in Martin Hall.  That has, really, two points.  One was that it was the hundredth anniversary of the establishment of the first program in soil microbiology in the United States, which occurred at Rutgers, and, secondly, to emphasize ... what has developed out of the lab, and, of course, a lot of the emphasis goes to Waksman and the Nobel Prize.  So, I was fairly active, for a period of time, maybe a couple of years, getting that together.  They employed some topnotch organizers, people that were responsible for arranging the Museum of Science in New York City, and they were really very good, coming up with good ideas.  We had many problems, how to resolve things, because microbes grow fast and die fast.  ... The question was, "How are you going to demonstrate things like Petri dishes where actinomycin is killing microbes?" Well, ... in Japan, almost all the restaurants, out in front, have wax models of everything served in the restaurant. So, we went to one of the wax modeling manufacturing companies in California and they made Petri dishes with microbes.  They really did a beautiful job of making permanent things to demonstrate microbiological processes. So, I was busy handling that.  I was not active in the [Rutgers] Alumni Association, going down for the fiftieth, fifty-fifth, sixtieth, you know, reunions.  It was a surprise to be elected to the Hall of Distinguished Alumni.  So, my family and I attended that, and I had to wear a tux for it.  [laughter] ... Rutgers has meant so much to me in the past.  It's always been my second home and a lot of the microbiology meetings have been held there, so, I'm very familiar, running back and forth.  I, for a period of four or five years, was on one of the visiting committees for the Waksman Institute for Microbiology, but I've never known the group there as intimately as I have the group at the Ag School, other than those who were in the Ag School initially and moved over there.  ... The ones who came in afterwards, after the Institute was established, I never really had that close of contact with them. SI:  I read that you were also the founding editor of Applied Microbiology. HBW:  Yes.  That came about because the society used to be called ... SAB, Society of American Bacteriologists, but, then, they changed the name to American Microbiological Society, but I had been very active in that, because, of course, of many papers published dealing with antibiotics, and so, I had written, co-authored, a number of papers that had gone into the society journals.  ... Most people that were doing applied work couldn't get their work published by the society journals.  The journals were almost all managed by medical microbiologists and there was a lot of dissention developing.  The society was the largest single-subject biological society in the country, so, they were proud of the fact, how big they were, but they were very worried about the fact that it looked like the society was going to break apart.  Well, it did break apart, to an extent, in the sense that a society for industrial microbiology was started.  ... That was fairly small, but it had maybe 150 or two hundred members, and there was concern about the fact [that] this is going to become a competitive society.  That had happened in England, where, originally, there was only one society and, now, there are two that are about equal in number, just because the applied people broke apart from the more fundamental, medical people.  ... What finally happened, I joined the Industrial Microbiology Society.  I never attended any of the meetings.  I just joined because I thought I should, to know what was going on.  Several of the people in my department ... were active in it.  They said they wanted to be completely democratic.  They didn't want to have a nomination committee.  So, they would circulate [to] all the members, "Who do you want to be president?" and then, they'd get the votes in.  The top two, they would send out for an election.  Well, the fifth year they did that, I'd never attended a meeting, yet, I got nominated for president ... and won the presidency.  [laughter] Well, the people at the American Microbiological Society would say, "Here, what's this?  ... You're going to try to aid the competitors?" "No, I'm tremendously interested in American Society for Microbiology."  So, they finally had a meeting, decided the answer to this was that they would set up a new journal that would cover applied microbiology, so, they'd have the Journal of Bacteriology and the Journal of Applied Microbiology as side-by-side journals.  ... I agreed that that was a very good idea, as a member of the group.  They, apparently, then contacted a committee to try to recommend some person to be the editor to start it off.  ... One of those on the committee was Wayne Umbreit, who was a professor at Rutgers for a long period of time, so, I'm sure that Wayne put my name in and must have pressed it.  So, I was asked if I would be editor.  So, I said yes.  It took a lot of time, I must admit, but we got it started.  ... During the ten years that I was editor, it really didn't make very much money.  It broke even, but it really helped, ... held the society together.  Eventually, it actually turned out to be the most profitable journal the society has, because, as it turns out, I guess there are more applied microbiologists than fundamental microbiologists.  It has become a very large journal.  ... It succeeded in doing what it was supposed to do, keep the Microbiology Society representative for all microbiologists.  The Society for Industrial Microbiology has about a thousand members now, but it's still a relatively small society, a specialized one.  ... I, luckily, had a secretary who was tremendously interested in editing, so that when I sent articles out to be reviewed by various reviewers, she made certain that nothing really untoward showed up, from a grammatical viewpoint, so that it worked out very well.  ... Merck's been very good about allowing the members on its staff to be officers in scientific societies or doing things, like editors, and spending a fair amount of time.  ... I spent a lot of time, inevitably, reading things at night and the like, but all of the real handwork was done at Merck and Merck paid for it. NM:  I also read that you are part of other professional societies. HBW:  Well, ... American Chemical Society, I've been with, of course, and the AAAS, [American Association for the Advancement of Science], which is the wide biological society, publishes Science.  I've been with that all along.  ... I joined the societies in England, the microbiological societies.  ... About four years ago or so, I was elected to the National Academy of Sciences, ... basically, because of the antibiotic work, as well as vitamin B12, useful for animals.  So, I've had a lot of contact with such societies.  I tried to attend meetings fairly broadly, for a long time.  I've dropped out now.  I really haven't done it for the last eight or ten years.  ... I've gone to small meetings, specialized meetings, but the big meetings, where they have a thousand, two thousand people there, I don't really want to go to anymore.  ... I did keep a laboratory down in the basement for, about, twenty years.  I retired in '82 and kept it up until two years ago.  ... My wife and I, after I retired, discovered it was possible to buy a year's airplane ticket on Continental Airlines very inexpensively, which allowed one to ... travel twenty-five times during the year, because you had to stay over a weekend.  So, that meant, if you're going to stay over a weekend, well, you couldn't go every week.  ... I'd had a big project in Australia that I'd set up.  The problem in Australia was the fact that Merck had tremendous sales in Australia, but did no research there.  ... Merck finally set up a veterinary laboratory in Australia, but, still, if one looked at the total dollars they were spending on research, it was very, very small.  Well, somebody got the idea [that] the best thing to do was to divide the Merck Company in Australia into two companies.  Then, they'd be smaller and wouldn't get all this criticism from the Australian government, but, then, they worked things out and they discovered they'd be number one and number two, and that's even worse than being number one.  [laughter] So, they finally saw we had to spend some money over in Australia to do basic research.  They were happy with the amount we were doing on applied research, but it was the basic research that was needed.  So, I was able to set up a project at the University of Western Australia, where they would isolate large numbers of microbes from all sorts of different soils in Australia and try to determine whether the microbes differed from one another, the extent that they differed, sort of a general biology study of the soil microbes.  ... Then, with all these microbes that they had isolated, they would also check to see if any of them produced antibiotics, so that Merck would at least have the benefit of having a great screening program going for new antibiotics and the government would be satisfied by the accompanying basic research program, on microbes in the soil.  So, this was going along very well and we worked out quite a lot of the details of how soil organisms are evaluated.  So, I decided that, after we retired, we would do is the same thing, but we'd do such things in the Hot Springs in Arkansas, and up on top of a mountain, various places of that sort.  We were returning to Japan quite frequently, because I was made an honorary member of one of the universities there and we'd go back for maybe a month or two every year.  So, I did the same thing over there.  ... I prepared culture media, took Petri dishes out into the field, selected soil samples and, in the motel at night, I'd plate them out and bring them back and incubate them at home, to try to isolate microbes from these very unusual natural sources, to see if they would produce a higher incidence of unusual new products.  ... Then, I made arrangements with a company in Germany, and with a university in Japan and with Merck, that they would receive the cultures ... that produced activities and to see whether they were interesting products.  ... I had a lab in the basement, where I isolated cultures from unusual areas here.  The others, we isolated elsewhere and brought them in and worked with them here and sent them around.  ... I obtained five to ten thousand unusual cultures, during the ten-year period, and I summarized, recently, the frequency of detecting unusual things, things that had not been known before, from these very wide-ranging sources, compared with screening programs, such as Merck operated in Spain and others that had been published elsewhere.  ... I ended up getting about ten times the frequency of unusual products from these unusual sources.  I won't say it's any more efficient, in terms of working hours.  You can isolate a hundred thousand organisms in a few days in the screening programs such as ... Merck has in Spain and it would take me a long time to do that, going different places, but [I] at least proved the point that microbes do differ in nature.  ... If you go out and take five samples from the field, they're probably all going to have about just the same microorganisms, but I take one sample here and another from the Hot Springs, why, you're going to have very, very different organisms.  So, we had that as a fun activity, in the basement, and have kept it going.  ... That's about it. NM:  I also read that you are involved with undergraduate scholarships and a fellowship for graduate students in microbiology. HBW:  When streptomycin was discovered, as I guess you know, all the history, it started to earn royalties and the royalties came into Rutgers.  ... At that time, Rutgers had never had that happen in a major way and they had no formal relationship [as to] how to handle royalties when they come in.  ... Initially, it was decided, at Rutgers, that it would be the best thing that the royalties should go back to the laboratory where the initial discovery was made, which would decide where the funds would be used, either in that laboratory or the general laboratories.  ... Waksman was appointed the individual who would see that these funds would go to the various areas.  Well, royalties started to accumulate even more and they added additional functions onto Waksman's responsibility, and they did make some arrangements, that certain funds, he would be able to direct where they would be used.  ... Then, of course, the Schatz case developed, where Schatz felt that he should receive a certain portion of the royalties and, also, he was very unhappy, because he had not received the recognition that he thought he should have as part of the Nobel Prize Award.  ... In resolution of the suit, it was decided, at Waksman's strong recommendation, that the major portion of the royalties should go to the University and it was decided, by that time, of course, they would establish the Institute for Microbiology as the place it would go, that a smaller percentage of it would go to Waksman, which he could distribute elsewhere, wherever he thought it would be right, and a portion of it would go to him for his personal use.  ... He insisted that, if Schatz were to be compensated, that not only Schatz, but all the students that had anything to do with antibiotics, students now, former ones and laboratory workers, should share in the royalties.  So, even though I had nothing directly to do with streptomycin, since it was discovered after I left, but because of the technique that I had worked out to isolate streptothricin was applied to streptomycin, I was to be included among those, as well as our dishwasher in the laboratory.  ... There were a large number of people that came into this, but, in any case, I did receive a small percent of royalties, a small fraction of the royalties from the streptomycin [patent], over about a ten-year period, until the patents ran out.  Jeanette and I really had no major need for this, so, we decided, "Well, we'll just invest it in the stock market," and, luckily, we put it in Merck and Company stock, [laughter] rather than the general stock market, "and what we will use for ourselves is anything it earns, dividends, but we'll let the principal remain and decide later what to do with the principal."  Well, Merck's stock went up about a hundredfold.  So, it ended up that the small amount at the starting point was growing up to millions of dollars, [laughter] so that we decided that it's still the appropriate thing to do, the principal should go to various places.  I felt that, in a sense, the Microbiology Department in the Ag School had been somewhat shortchanged, by the reason of the fact that it didn't receive anything and the Institute for Microbiology received everything.  ... I also felt that maybe the best thing to resolve this would be that, since I had a departmental fellowship during the period I was there, that it would be well to set up a departmental fellowship, ... an endowed assistantship that would ... be limited to a graduate student in the Microbiology Department at Cook College, working in the field of soil microbiology or ... environmental microbiology. Environmental microbiology is the more popular name, rather than soil microbiology, now.  So, we did so and set aside a million dollars for that.  ... A million dollars gives about forty-five thousand dollars a year [in interest] that a department can use and that's adequate to cover one or one-and-a-half graduate students, and that, now, is a permanent thing.  ... We set up about an equivalent amount in an irrevocable, charitable trust, a portion of which will go to Rutgers, not the complete amount, but a portion will go, again, to the Ag School, later on, and this takes care of the principal that has developed out of the royalties that we received from streptomycin. ... I think, from our viewpoint, it was fulfilling an obligation that we felt existed and trying to do it in such a way that it would balance out what we thought maybe should have been done in the past, in terms of the way the distribution was made. SI:  What did you think of the Schatz case and the issues it entailed? HBW:  Well, ... this has been brought back to mind recently, because there's a man at the University of Pennsylvania who is trying to get published a paper that claims that Waksman purposely worked in every way he could to downgrade Schatz after the suit was brought and to glorify himself.  ... He sent me a copy of the paper about a month ago, for comments, and I sent very strong comments about it, but I personally feel that Schatz could have resolved the problem in ways other than bringing a suit.  In other words, I really felt very strongly that he'd made a mistake by bringing this suit.  He not only caused all sorts of complications and concerns, but he basically destroyed his own career, because, once having done that, practically no one would take him as a member of their department.  ... It seemed to me so completely unnecessary, because, of all of the people that I've dealt with, Waksman has been open to discussions, open to work things out, and, surely, it would have been possible, with appropriate, advisors, I guess, is the right word to say, rather than the legal advisors he had, to have worked the thing out to almost essentially the same conclusion that presently exists.  Now, I don't know how much Schatz attributes his problem to lack of financial recognition and to the Nobel Prize situation.  I feel very strongly that Schatz had absolutely no part in the Nobel Prize situation.  Nobel Prizes are given almost entirely for individuals who have developed a field, made major developments in the field, and something very practical or exciting has come out of that, can be fundamental or it could be practical, that has made it noteworthy.  ... As a result, those two things together, having developed the field and a major development, is what ... goes into the recommendations when one receives a Nobel Prize, and the man who made the announcement at the Nobel Committee, when Waksman got his prize, made it very, very clear, he said, "This prize is for the great developments you have introduced in the field of soil microbiology, resulting in the discovery of streptomycin."  Schatz spent about three months in the laboratory before streptomycin was discovered.  He had nothing whatsoever to do with this proof of TB activity.  On the other hand, I have to agree, he made one of the most important inventions in the world by having discovered that culture, and I think, very clearly, ... New Jersey has its hall of honored inventors, [the New Jersey Inventors Hall of Fame], and he should be a member of that hall of honored members for what happened, but I don't think he had any rights or any claim whatsoever on the Nobel Prize.  So, to what extent his filing the suit was due to his dissatisfaction with the Nobel Prize or the lack of financial recognition, I don't know.  Personally, I don't think he deserved the Nobel Prize.  Personally, I think he could easily have worked out, ... through negotiations in an appropriate way, something that didn't lead to the suit.  Once it led to the suit, it led to the resolution, in a way that it should have been.  ... Rutgers clearly was wrong in the way that they had gone through this thing in the first place.  They were inexperienced, they hadn't had that type of thing and, if you look back on the record, I don't think it was a very logical system that they used for working these financial arrangements out.  They eventually came to what's logical, but the University of Wisconsin had gone through this, completely, on, as you know, vitamin D in milk, ... so that the knowledge was there, how to handle problems of this sort, and Rutgers did not follow that knowledge.  ... Probably, it wasn't even aware of it, the lawyers that existed at the time.  So, you know, I hold Rutgers at fault for what it did, but I hold Schatz more at fault for not having resolved the problem in a more reasonable way, and I think it could have been, from my knowledge of Waksman.  You know, any problem I'd ever had, he was perfectly willing to discuss things.  ... Certainly, he's going to not fall over, to immediately accept it.  You have to convince him, but he can be convinced, or he could be convinced, there's no question about that, so that it's just a really, purely unfortunate thing that led to a near destruction of Schatz as far as a scientist is concerned and led, in the end, to what is probably the appropriate way to handle such things in the future.  You know, I have no antagonism for Al Schatz.  I've been together with him in meetings.  ... In fact, to tell you the truth, I've been very pleased at what the University has done.  It started with the graduate students and students at Cook College, where they thought he deserved recognition and they gave it to him, and there's a plaque on the wall, ... emphasizing the fact that he was the co-inventor of the drug, and then, more recently, the University has made other arrangements, so that, two or three times, he's been, essentially, honored by the University, and I'm glad to see it.  I mean, I disapprove of what he did, but I'm glad to see it, because I think he deserves what recognition he has had in recent times.  ... It's one of the things I told the man who wrote this paper about Waksman.  At Merck, we probably discovered close to twenty products, either discovered them or made improvements in them, that made marketable end products, and I would guess that as many as a hundred people were involved in the stages that led to the initial detection of a compound, proof of its activity, and close to a thousand people involved in each of them by the time it got out and reached the market, and never once in all that time have we had something of this sort develop.  I mean, we have firm rules as to what is necessary to be an inventor and there are certain individuals that have to be there, based on what they did.  I mean, the person who isolates the culture, the person who does this, the person who does that, and so forth, has to be on the [patent]. Others can be added, if ... we feel that they've done satisfactory things.  It doesn't mean that we haven't had disagreements as to who should be there.  The same thing is true with papers.  I think the vitamin B12 paper had about fifteen or eighteen authors in Science, when it was first published, but ... Merck maybe goes over backwards a little bit, in terms of that.  There still were people left out, could have been dissatisfied, but, on the other hand, we've gone through that whole thing and never had anything develop like this Schatz case, and it just was wrong that it happened. SI:  Is there anything else you would like to add? HBW:  Not really.  I think we've covered everything that I know of.  ... At the beginning, I know when ... someone contacted me, I said, "Look, if you want somebody, ... your war experiences during the Second World War, I'm the last person in the world you should ask," because I had absolutely none, but the return that came back indicated that, "Well, we're broadening it now, to try to find things that had influence on the final resolution of the war," and, there, I can see that things that I was involved in ... did play a part. SI:  Absolutely.  Would you like to say anything about your family? HBW:  ... No, nothing really, beyond the following.  Our elder son, Brian, got his PhD ... at the University of Connecticut.  ... Both sons attended Trinity College in Hartford as undergraduates.  I must admit, at the time they were looking around, I didn't encourage them to go to Rutgers, simply because I felt that I had gained so much from a small college that I thought a small college would fit them better, and they visited many of them up in New York State and New England.  ... Well, Brian ended up at Trinity, I'm sure, ninety percent, because of the individual that showed him around.  The student that took him in his own room and showed him what he did, here, there, and so forth, and, I'm sure he was strongly influenced by that student.  ... Then, our second son, Hugh, was influenced by the experience of the first son.  So, they both got their BS there, the one in mathematics, the other one in chemistry, and then, our older son, Brian, went on to get a master's at Brown in physics.  He decided that wasn't an area that he was interested in and decided he was more interested in statistics.  So, he switched to that and ended up with a PhD ... from the University of Connecticut and he has spent, really, his life, up to the present time, in the Air Force, doing various things related to statistics.  He's now retired. You've got to get out in twenty years, if you're not a pilot, and he isn't, so they set up a store that sells puzzles, all kinds.  They've got five thousand puzzles, but he's essentially used his experience to computerize that store, so that the computer tells him when to order and do things and everything else.  ... His wife is a statistician, too, so, they seem to be having a wonderful time there.  The other son, Hugh, received his PhD in chemistry from the University of North Carolina and went into Merck Research Laboratories from there and, since then, he switched again, over to computer science.  So, he's mostly involved in computer functions and, just this last week, he was also appointed head of all of the library systems of the company.  ... I think they feel that computerization is the future, of the library programs and the like.  So, that's why they decided they needed someone who had a computer background to head that function.  ... So, he's happily engaged there.  Jeanette, my wife, got her BS degree in home economics, at NJC-Douglass, and she taught at Princeton for three years, and then, we moved here.  ... When we came here, she worked for awhile, until the children came along, as a part-time in the extension service in Elizabeth, to give courses in cooking and sewing and things of this sort, mainly to adults around the county, but, once the kids came along, she's been a homebody since then.  So, I guess that's the extent of it.  In the meantime, the years roll ahead.  I'm eighty-seven now, she's ... eighty-four, and, how much longer we have, I don't know, [laughter] but we're treating it as though it's forever.  I guess that's the best way to put it.  ... I must admit, I'm sort of sitting around now, wondering what to do with myself, ... also, because of the fact that I have not gotten back into the laboratory work since the museum work was finished, and I doubt that I will now, so, I don't know.  I've been writing papers and doing the various things of that sort.  ... I haven't settled down yet.  ... I'm having my retirement crisis at eighty-seven, rather than at sixty-five, [laughter] trying to decide what to do next.  ... SI:  Thank you very much for sitting with us.  This concludes our interview. HBW:  Okay, fine. --------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW-------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Chris Brophy 11/05/06 Reviewed by Youngsoo Han 11/05/06 Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 9/4/08 Reviewed by Sandra Stewart Holyoak 9/10/08 Reviewed by H. Boyd Woodruff 9/22/08 & 5/22/09

Wood, David C.

Shaun Illingworth:  This begins an interview with Mr. David C. Wood on October 24, 2002, in Mays Landing,New Jersey, with Shaun Illingworth and … Tim Fonseca:  Tim Fonseca. SI:  Mr. Wood, thank you very much for sitting down with us today and having us in your home.  David Wood:  You're welcome. SI:  To begin, could you please tell us a little bit about your parents, beginning with your father?  Where was he from?  What did he do for a living? DW:  Well, my father was, I think, a farmer first, but not a very successful one and, in fact, when I was a freshman in Glassboro High School, we had a storm come through the area, a hailstorm, and we were just ready to pick tomatoes for the can house and there was a lot of hail in that storm and we lost the whole crop and we lost the farm.  So, that was very disconcerting to me, because I loved the farm, and we had to move into a small town called Grenloch, but that's the way it goes and he did work.  Of course, this was during the Depression, back in 1939, '38, and he worked at Bruce's Bakery as a baker and a salesman and he worked in DuPont when the war effort came along and he retired from DuPont, but he was really happy on the farm and he passed away when he was sixty-five.  He'd just retired and I think he lived a month, and then, he died; anything else about him? SI:  Did he live in South Jersey for his entire life? DW:  Yes.  In fact, our family was the Wood Family that settled in the town of Woodbury and named it as such. Our forebears came from Bury, England, and they settled there, in that Gloucester County area, and they named it Woodbury, so, that's our claim to fame, I suppose.  [laughter] SI:  Was your mother and her family also from Gloucester County? DW:  … She was from Blackwood, New Jersey, and she was a teacher, a very good teacher, and a fine mother, good cook.  She passed away early, too.  She passed away at sixty-five, but she was an outstanding teacher.  She was really well respected and loved by all the students. SI:  Did she continue to teach after you were born? DW:  No, no.  She didn't teach until our family was raised and she taught when she was eighteen.  I know, she told me several times, she taught at Princeton.  She taught kids in the one-room school that were older than her. [laughter] She was eighteen and some of these boys were, like, nineteen and twenty, in a one-room school, but, when she got married, of course, she stopped teaching and helped out on the farm. TF:  Was your family not hit very hard by the Depression until your father lost the farm? DW:  Yes, yes, … we were very poor and, well, we were very poor, so, he got a job on WPA, I know, and that kind of saved us for eating, because they also provided surplus food, which we would get for the family, but, yes, that Depression was really tough. SI:  What kind of farm was it? DW:  It was a farm for truck farming.  We had onions and tomatoes and pumpkins for the can house.  Well, actually, they were squash, they're not pumpkins, but they called them pumpkins and things worked good until we got that storm, when the payment was due on the mortgage, and it just kind of ruined things.  I remember, I was in vo-ag [vocational agriculture] and they had a thing going, in those days, of trying to promote hybrids and the ag teacher asked me if I'd like to try to plant hybrid corn and see if I could beat my father and, of course, promote the hybrid corn.  … So, I did and I was very happy.  I got, … I think it was a hundred and one bushels per acre and he got like eighty some.  So, he was quite convinced that hybrids were the thing to do, because we had the same culture and fertilizer and everything and he promoted that program quite a … [lot].  So, I think it was a very successful thing.  I don't know what else you want to say about that, but, when I was on the farm, … I had an older brother and an older sister and a younger brother, but I was the guy that worked on the farm, mostly.  I can remember bagging onions, weighing them, sewing them up and getting them ready for the truck to take them toDock Street in Philadelphia for sale and I would do that every day after school, to get as many off to market as we could, but … my older brother didn't like the farm.  My younger brother, I guess, was a little too young.  He was ten years younger than I.  So, I had most of that responsibility.  I can still remember unloading the fertilizer truck.  In those days, fertilizer came in, you probably won't believe this, 167-pound bags and there were thirteen bags to a ton and, when the guy drove in with the fertilizer truck, he didn't unload them.  I had to unload them, or the farmer had to unload them, and how I ever did it, I'll never know.  [laughter]  TF:  Did your family have a car?  How did you go back and forth to Philadelphia? DW:  To Philadelphia?  Why would I go to Philadelphia? TF:  I thought you said you sold produce there. DW:  Well, no, … there was a fellow who drove to Philly with produce.  He would go to Dock Street with the farmers in the area that had twenty, fifty, thirty, a hundred bags of onions or whatever and you paid him a fee.  So, that was the easy way.  We didn't have a big farm truck to take the stuff to market. SI:  Did you have much contact with people outside of your family and school?  How far away was your nearest neighbor? DW:  … Our next nearest neighbor was like a half mile away and he was a … dairyman.  He processed dairy and sold it into the small towns, like Blackwood and Grenlock and Turnersville, but … there was another black family that lived on a farm that was, maybe, another half-hour the other way and we would associate with them some, but we were pretty much on our own there.  That's about it. SI:  Where did you go to elementary school and high school? DW:  I went to school in Blackwood.  I graduated eighth grade there, and then, we moved to the farm and I entered Glassboro High School in the Vo-Ag Department as a freshman and I was vo-ag all the way, graduated in 1939, and vo-ag was a very happy time, because we had a wonderful teacher.  You may have heard of him, [E. Warren] Grodotzke?  Well, he was a Rutgers graduate, … 1932, and he's the fellow that was responsible for getting me into Rutgers and he was a great guy.  He passed away a couple of years ago, about ninety-two, I think, at that time.  SI:  Most of your academic interests were vo-ag. DW:  Oh, yes.  TF:  How did you do in your other subjects? DW:  Oh, average, yes.  I had Latin and I hated it.  Our grandson, who lives in the house back here, he's a junior at Oakcrest and he loves it.  … He can't get enough of Latin.  I think he's in his second year of Latin studies now.  He wants to go to the Coast Guard Academy.  … He loves the ocean and navigation and that sort of thing. SI:  What were your other interests in school?  Did you participate in any extracurricular activities? DW:  Well, I was on the track team and we had an FFA basketball team and I played with them, but that's about it. SI:  How important was religion and the church in your family? DW:  Well, … I went to Sunday school, … I guess up to the eighth grade, and my mother and father went to church, but not very often, but they made sure we kids got to Sunday school and we had that training.  I don't know what else. SI:  What did your parents think of Franklin Roosevelt?  DW:  Oh, they thought he was great and I think he was.  He passed the WPA and the NRA and all that stuff and … he really saved the country, especially poor people.  [laughter] It was a rough time back in those years.  SI:  What did your father do with the WPA?  DW:  Oh, I think, I remember him going around, he worked on the roads and he would leave the house a little before dark and he'd have to set out the lighted pots, so [that] people wouldn't run off the road, you know.  I think that was his job and, in the morning, he'd have to put them out and collect them and put them away until evening, not a very responsible job, but it's the job he got, yes. TF:  What made you decide to go to college? DW:  Well, I think it was the urging of my vo-ag teacher, Warren Grodotzke.  He said, "Look, I know you don't have enough money, but we can get you a room, no charge, and we can probably get you a scholarship."  … So, I said "Well, sure, that's fine.  I'd like to do that," and … I wrote a letter to the dean there, old Frank Helyar, and, lo and behold, they had a room for me.  At the college, they had the program for boys that didn't have any money. They would assign them to different areas on the, it used to be the College of Ag, it's Cook now, and I was going to study poultry husbandry, so, I was assigned … the Poultry Administration Building.  I don't know what they call it now.  … Anyhow, we lived in the attic of that administration building and I got the room; … my payment was to stoke the furnace and take out the ashes in the cellar and that's what I did for the payment for my room. TF:  You were there with other guys in a similar situation. DW:  Right.  There were eleven of us in that building and some of them went on to be pretty famous.  There was Dave Tudor, who just passed away a couple of years ago.  He was a veterinarian, real well respected, and Dave Francis, he went on to be the dean of the College of Agriculture in New Mexico.  He just passed away, too, I think, but it was a nice area.  … We could cook in our rooms and, many times, our only meal was a can of scrapple, but it was ten cents a can.  So, we lived on that and we could buy milk down at the dairy for ten cents a quart. TF:  Did you consider yourself pretty lucky that this teacher gave you this opportunity?  Were there many students in your class that he encouraged to go to school? DW:  Oh, yes, yes.  … He encouraged quite a few and he told me about Danny Fenton, who was ahead of me. Danny was in one of these rooms on the farm, going to the … College of Ag Campus and everybody seemed happy.  I know my term bill, I think, for my senior year was either three dollars or five dollars [laughter] and I think that was for the diploma.  So, it wasn't expensive.  Of course, I worked up there.  I learned how to caponize chickens and Prof would say, "Dave, I got somebody that wants a hundred chickens caponized.  Do you want to do it?"  I said, "Yes, sure," and I'd get ten cents a bird for caponizing chickens and that worked out nice.  So, then, we'd have a little money to eat that week.  … I don't want to cry poor to you guys, I'm just stating facts, okay. SI:  I know many men who went to the Ag College because it cost less and you could then take any course atRutgers, but you really focused on agriculture. DW:  I did.  Yes, right.  In fact, it was my sophomore year when … I was hitchhiking back from my home toRutgers.  I got in the car and they announced the fact that they had bombed Pearl Harbor and the driver said, "Well, I guess you're through [with] school life."  "Yes, I guess so," because we had talked earlier and I told him I was a sophomore at Rutgers and he said, "Well, maybe it won't be so bad."  I said, "Well, doesn't look good to me," but, anyhow, when we got to the college, … FDR declared war and … I was in ROTC, but I wasn't in the advanced program, because I had real bad eyesight, and all the guys were volunteering to go in the Army or Navy or something and I went down, tried to get in; nobody would take me.  They said my eyes were too bad, but I said, "Well, what can I do?"  They said, "Well, you just stay here and study until you can't stay any longer, that's all, or graduate."  So, that's what I did and they let us stay until the last term, senior year, and then, the draft board said, "Well, you can't stay any longer in college.  You've got to go in the Army."  So, I got drafted and Rutgers gave me the second part of the senior year, no questions asked, and I got my diploma in a mailing tube in Fort Dix, [laughter] which wasn't very glamorous, but, anyhow, I got it, and then, I went in the service.  That was 1943, December. SI:  Before we talk about your time in the service, can we ask a few more questions about Rutgers?  DW:  Okay. SI:  What was your freshman year like?  Was there any sort of hazing for the freshmen? DW:  No, not that I can remember.  I know that I played on the freshman lacrosse team and we were the only team that was ever undefeated, untied and it was quite a record and I really enjoyed that, but I can't remember any hazing.  … SI:  Did you have to wear a dink? DW:  Well, yes, we had to wear a dink, yes, but it didn't bother us. SI:  The Class of 1944 was one of the last classes to really experience many of the Rutgers traditions that fell by the wayside during the war.  Do you remember the social events, the balls, that sort of thing? DW:  Yes, right, yes.  No, I wasn't involved in any social events.  It was mostly the sporting events and working to survive, so-to-speak, and the classes.  That was about it.  I don't know what else to tell you. SI:  From what I understand, Rutgers had a very advanced ag program. WD:  Ag?  Oh, yes, that was known as one of the best ag schools in the country and the Extension Program, which you may or may not be familiar with, evolved around the College of Agriculture.  Most of the fellows that were ag agents or 4-H agents were graduates of Rutgers or Penn State, but mostly Rutgers, and, of course, their job was to teach on the farms and, when I was discharged from the Army, I saw the opportunity, I really planned to be a vo-ag teacher because I admired Warren Grodotzke so much, that I applied for this job as vo-ag in Paterson, not knowing what it would be.  I was so interested in getting a job after being overseas for all that time, doing nothing, actually.  … So, I got the job, and then, when I was there not too long, when I was there about a year-and-a-half, my roommate in the Poultry Building, Francis Mansue, who was an Extension agent in Paterson, and his office was across the street from Central High School, where I was teaching, and we were pretty close, so, he told me, one day, he says, "You know, you don't like it up here too much, do you?"  I said, "No, I don't."  He said, "Well, why don't you get a job like I got?"  He was a 4-H agent.  He says, "There's going to be an opening down in AtlanticCounty."  He said, "Why don't you apply for that?"  I said, "Well, I will, give me the information."  So, anyhow, I applied and I think there were either four or five of us that applied for that job and I got it and that was in May of '48.  That's when we came down here and I stayed as 4-H agent for thirty years, thirty-two years, yes, and, when you get to be an Extension agent in New Jersey, you're also on the faculty of Rutgers and I was fortunate enough to get to be appointed as … assistant professor, and then, you work your way up and I got to be full professor after about, I think, ten years, … pretty tough to get that now, though, because they want you to publish.  … You don't get much chance to do that in the Extension jobs, because you're working in the field.  You're not working in a classroom.  SI:  Before you went to Rutgers, had the Extension Service had any impact on your life through your father's farm? DW:  Not really, no.  No, … we were not aware of 4-H or the county agent or anything, as I can remember.  … I knew about agriculture only through the vo-ag program.  I don't remember a county agent ever coming around. SI:  Was the program as developed then? DW:  Oh, I think it was, but I think, and I hate to say this, but, I think the ag agent, at that time, was only working with successful farmers and, if you weren't right up there, they didn't want to talk to you.  It sounds bad, but I think that's true, yes. SI:  When you were at Rutgers, did you feel that the Ag College was separate from the rest of Rutgers? DW:  Oh, yes, yes.  Actually, … in my freshman year, I think I had most all of my classes downtown and they were, like, zoology and botany, Saturday morning labs, eight to twelve, Saturday.  These kids today, they don't even want to talk about Saturday classes.  You don't get any.  I mean, I know our kids go to Stockton here and they can make any schedule they want.  They can go three days a week, in the middle of the week, and forget everything else, but we didn't have that luxury.  [laughter] SI:  Did you ever take classes at the main campus across town? DW:  Oh, [yes], that's where our classes were in my freshman year.  We didn't get anything; no, I think we had one class in the College of Agriculture, but the zoo lab and the lecture, botany and lecture, was down there, physics was down there, math was down there, English was down there.  So, we lived on the Ag Campus, but we had to go down there. TF:  How did you get there? DW:  Mostly hitchhike or walk, yes.  That's a pretty good walk. TF:  Yes.  [laughter] Did you feel separated from Rutgers socially? WD:  Well, they looked down on the Aggies, the guys.  I know that even on our lacrosse team, they looked down on us guys.  I had a good friend of mine, who was a classmate, we both had to walk to lacrosse practice and walk back, although the coach, … Fred Fitch, he lived over in some town, I forget the name of it, and he would often take us to the Ag School on his way home, but, if he wasn't there, we had to walk. TF:  Where were your practices held? WD:  … They were down … where the old gym is now, on College Avenue.  What is that building now? TF:  It is still the gym. WD:  It is? TF:  There is a parking lot behind it now. SI:  Was that Neilson Field? DW:  … Yes, yes. SI:  You were in ROTC for two years. DW:  Yes.  Basically, that's what you're in until, unless you went to Advanced, and I couldn't advance because of my eyes, so, I didn't.  I didn't think a hell of a lot of it, to tell you the truth, because there was no future, you know, but that's the way it goes.  … SI:  When you entered Rutgers, the war had already started in Europe. DW:  Right. SI:  What did you know about what was going on in Europe and Asia? DW:  Well, I didn't know too much.  … It seemed like an unknown factor.  I didn't know much about the war, really, and … it didn't bother me for some reason.  Of course, we didn't have the television in those days or anything like that, which keeps banging away at that stuff, but I knew I was going to be in it pretty soon, but I didn't worry about it. SI:  Pearl Harbor was like a bolt out of the blue. DW:  Right, yes.  That was … a real shocker. TF:  What was the general attitude of the other students about the war, before and after Pearl Harbor? DW:  Well, before the war, there was very little discussion about the war.  Actually, the guys were pretty much taking interests in their studies and their sports and stuff, … but, as soon as Pearl Harbor happened, then, everybody clamored to enlist, go to school to be an aviator, a flyer, or something like that, and I can remember going down to the medical center and talking to the doctor.  I said, "Well, can't you fake this thing a little bit and say my eyes are all right?"  "No, we can't do that."  … All the guys were trying to get into the services. TF:  You really wanted to enlist and you wanted to be more active in the ROTC. DW:  Right.  SI:  How did the war affect Rutgers, in terms of programs being offered or curtailed? DW:  Well, things kind of fell apart.  We had this real good lacrosse team and the next year, when it came around, I didn't even go out for it, … as much as I enjoyed it, because they didn't have a real schedule and there were too many things that I had to do in order to survive that I couldn't afford it.  I couldn't afford the time.  So, things just kind of went to pot at the school.  … SI:  Can you tell us about some of your favorite professors? DW:  Well, … this thing is so hard to remember.  We had one fellow, one Platt, Professor Platt, who we had poultry lab with, and, I think, every Tuesday, we went out to the poultry farm and judged chickens and, on the way back, we would walk and that's a pretty good distance from the Ag School out to the poultry farm.  They probably don't even have a poultry farm now, but we would walk back, I forget the name of the street, but we'd go past the College Inn and we'd go in there and sit at the bar and Prof Platt would say, "Here, take an egg, put an egg in your beer, it'll do you good."  [laughter] I thought that was pretty nice, sitting there, having a beer with a prof, and he would supply the eggs, because he would just pick them up in the poultry farm and that was nice. TF:  What were your career plans then?  How much were they affected by the knowledge that you would be going off to war? DW:  … Well, I planned to be a vo-ag teacher.  Of course, I achieved that goal when I got out of the Army, but I got in the wrong area.  [laughter] … They had two programs there in Paterson, a six-six program, where the kids go to school for six months in the classroom, six months on the farm.  Then, they had the nine-three, where they had nine months in school and three months on the farm and those kids, some of them went to Rutgers as ag students.  In fact, there were, I think, three or four that I can remember that went down to Rutgers and did rather well, but the six-six kids were just the kids that the administration puts in there to give them school.  You know, they're the "throw away" kids and you'd have to check on them pretty hard, because … you'd put them on a farm and they'd go for a couple of weeks, and then, they'd skip a little and they'd skip a little more, but there were some good kids in that six-six program, too, that really turned out to be nice ag students.  SI:  Can you tell us about the process of being inducted into the Army? DW:  Well, … I never liked the Army.  I remember going in there and they gave us a test and this and that, and then, they came out and said, "You're going to be in the engineers," and I said, "What?  Why in the heck would I be in the engineers?"  "Well, you want to be a vo-ag teacher, right?"  I said, "Yes."  "Well, we think that works for you.  You'll be building bridges," and this and that.  So, anyhow, I went from Fort Dix to Fort Belvoir, where I took basic training, and, after basic training, they appointed me as a teacher of knot tying.  So, all the guys coming through, I had to teach them a bowline on a bite and the square knot and the granny knot and all those different knots.  I did that for, I don't know; I was in the cadre school and I did it for a long time, and then, one day, everything stopped and they said, "We're going to make up a battalion."  So, they made up the battalion, the 1637th Engineers, and I was assigned to that battalion as a corporal and that means you're second in command of a squad and, a few weeks after that, they sent our outfit out to Fort Lewis, Washington, for maneuvers.  We went out there and built a few bridges and did a lot of messing around, really.  … All the way out to Fort Lewis, and then, they sent us back to Fort Belvoir.  Then, from Fort Belvoir, they said, "Well, you're going up to Kilmer," and we said "Well, we're going overseas."  So, then, we were only there two, three days, I don't know.  I think a couple of weeks we were there, and then, they put us into New York and we got on a boat and [were] on our way to Europe and I forget the name of the town we landed in over there in France.  It was where … all the boats landed for the European Theater. SI:  Le Havre? DW:  Le Havre, yes, and … it was pretty exciting going in there, because these damned things were booming all in the harbor there.  I don't know what they were, some kind of bombs, but they shook the ship and the guys got scared and I was one of them, but, then, we unloaded and set up a temporary camp and they told us we were … going to move into Germany and we got into a situation where we were ready to go to Wurtzburg and Nuremberg and we didn't do anything except travel on the highway in a line and I think our objective was to clear any landing fields that were bombed and rebuild any bridges that were down, but all we did was go up and down the road until we got to Wurtzburg and Nuremberg, and then, we stayed there for three or four weeks.  I remember, we were quartered in an agricultural school and I was so impressed with that school, because we bivouacked right in the hall and they had all these beautiful displays of apples and the diseases they carried and it was a wonderful school, really, and I can remember, some of these guys in the Army, they wanted to break into those glass enclosed places, with all these samples, and I didn't like that very much, but some of them [would] just break in there and they'd steal an apple, just to say that they had something, you know, as a souvenir, but that was a great college and I don't know the name of it, but I know we were right outside of Hitler Stadium, bivouacked for two or three weeks.  We didn't do any work there, but we were just on the ready, you know, in case they needed us, and then, … when V-E Day was declared, I think we got it seven days too early, because, the first … V-E Day, the guys all grabbed GI cans and they went down and got a lot of wine and stuff and they were going to celebrate.  So, they all celebrated. I didn't drink at that time; I was only twenty-one.  … Then, the lieutenant came in and said, "Well, … it's all a mistake.  It's no V-E Day.  You have to wait until tomorrow."  We did that, I think, seven days in a row, until, finally, it was V-E Day, and then, … they said, "Well, boys, you're going to leave here and go down to Marseilles."  So, we got into another big caravan and we're taking all the heavy equipment and stuff to Marseilles, France, and, [when] we got down there, they told us we're going on a little boat trip.  I said, "Oh, we're going home."  [laughter] "No, you're not going home.  You're going over to the Pacific Theater."  "Oh, man."  So, we're on this boat and we get to the Panama Canal and I still don't know what happened, but somebody said [that] the captain of the boat, or the person that was navigating, got a little high on something and the boat turned and they tore up a propeller and we'd have to be in port there for a week or so, until they got it repaired.  So, that was not too bad. --------------------------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE ONE-------------------------------------- SI:  Please, continue. DW:  … They were nice quarters.  They were all nice, nice beds and all.  So, we liked that and … they had our mail shipped down there.  I remember getting cookies and we stayed there for, I think it was seven days or eight days, and we said, "Well, I guess we'll be going home then now," because we were there and they had dropped the atom bomb on Japan, while we were there in the Canal Zone, and we say, "Well, we'll be going home."  They said, "Oh, yes."  [laughter] … Then, we got the word; we were going to the Philippine Islands.  So, we … weren't too happy about that.  Anyhow, we were on that danged boat for fifty-five days, in total.  SI:  What type of ship was it? DW:  It was just a troop carrier, … an old luxury liner that they tore apart and they just had the bare essentials on it.  … We got to the Philippines and we were at Clark Field to, essentially, maintain the airfield and we got there, I think it was, I can't remember, it seems to me it was around World Series time and we listened to the World Series on the radio and so on.  … I think it was a little later, in, I guess, maybe, March or April, they said, "Well, we're going to start sending you boys home," and I think that's when … they put us on a little Liberty ship, which was about as big as this house, and I remember, in that ride, [laughter] we were down … in the base of that ship and we got into one of those storms heading towards California.  … These guys, some of them were crazy; … I can remember tackling two or three guys.  They wanted to get out of that area down there and jump into the water. They're getting off the boat.  I said, "You can't do that, you're going to be [killed]."  So, anyhow, that's the way they did it and, finally, the officers came down and got them squared away, but it was a real mess.  TF:  Did you feel that you were well trained as an engineer? DW:  I didn't think so, no. TF:  What was the nature of your training? DW:  Well, it was mostly how to tie ropes … so that they would be secure and laying bridges and that sort of thing, but … we didn't really get much training at all.  Of course, we didn't do a hell of a lot either, [laughter] but we were there, I guess, in case we're needed.  … I went around the world, almost, but I didn't really accomplish much. SI:  Was your basic training similar to infantry basic training?  Was there much physical training? DW:  Oh, yes, same as infantry.  It's all the same, yes, pretty tough. SI:  Do you remember anything about your instructors in basic training? DW:  They weren't very nice.  [laughter] No, you know, they really over do it.  They swear at you and make you do things that you shouldn't have to do, like extra laps and extra miles of running and so on, … but we got through it. SI:  Since you were a college graduate, were you ever offered a slot in OCS? DW:  No.  I got promoted to sergeant and that's how I finished up, but … I had very bad, nearsighted, eyes and, in those days, if you didn't have good vision, you weren't … up for any officer's jobs. SI:  Was it a shock to suddenly go from a college atmosphere to basic training in Virginia? DW:  It was [laughter] and I hated every minute of it.  I mean, some guys say they liked it, but I never liked it, no, never did. TF:  What was your relationship with the other men there like, as opposed to your relationship with other guys atRutgers? DW:  There was nobody from Rutgers in my outfit. TF:  Right.  Were you able to develop some kind of camaraderie with those guys, like you had at Rutgers?  DW:  Oh, yes, yes.  Yes, there was some of that. SI:  Where were most of the men in your basic training unit from? DW:  They were [from] all over, all over the country.  In fact, … I don't think there were many from New Jersey. … There was one older fellow in there.  … I mean, we were all young guys, except there was one guy there [who was] thirty-five years old and he was an old fellow for that outfit and they called him Swede.  He was a real good carpenter.  He was from New Jersey.  I don't know whatever happened to him. TF:  Were the men in your basic training unit also in your battalion? DW:  No, no. TF:  What was it like to be thrown in with a bunch of new people in your battalion? DW:  Well, once you get out of basic training, you go to a new environment and you don't see them again, never. … I guess they do that on purpose, I don't know.  SI:  What was it like to travel around the country and, later, around the world?  I assume that you had not traveled very far from New Jersey before World War II. DW:  No, that's true.  Well, it wasn't very nice, really.  I mean, you're on this boat and … you're jammed together with a lot of guys and your food, you eat it because it's there [laughter] and that's about it.  You don't see much sights, you know.  You go from point A to point B and you're either in the galley down below or you're up on the deck and what do you see? not much. TF:  Did you have any duties while you were on the ship? DW:  … No, I never did.  I think some of the guys might have had KP.  I never did. SI:  How did you pass the time? DW:  I don't know.  … We didn't get much exercise or anything like that.  It's hard to remember what we did.  I don't know. SI:  Gambling? DW:  Well, some of the guys gambled.  Yes, they'd had some big crap games going, but I never took part in that. … There were leaders that did that and … I think they were a little shady, too.  Boy, they had a lot of money laying out there, throwing dice. SI:  What did you think of the officers in your battalion? DW:  Well, we had a real good lieutenant, but our captain, I think, was really not too smart.  I don't know how he ever made it, because he sure didn't impress me one bit and the other guys didn't like him either, but I guess that's the way it goes. TF:  Did they treat you differently at all because you were a college graduate? DW:  No.  I don't think they did, but I never got any real bad jobs, you know.  I don't think I was ever on KP.  I don't know why, [laughter] but I think if you just kind of take care of your lessons and do a good job, you're going to be okay.  I could be wrong. SI:  Within your unit, were there any men who had been to college or graduated from college? DW:  There were some, yes, not too many, but most of them were construction people.  They worked in construction and I guess that's what the engineers are supposed to be. SI:  Were your officers regular Army officers or draftees? DW:  You know, I think they were draftees, too, but I'm not sure.  I think the lieutenant was.  … He was a good fellow.  He was nice and he was smart and he was very accommodating to me.  … My wife had our first child while I was in Germany and he was so happy to give us the birth announcement and so on.  … He was nice. TF:  How often did you correspond with your family back home? DW:  Oh, we wrote E-mail or V-mail.  Is that what they called it, V-mail? yes, V-mail.  I guess we got quite a little correspondence. SI:  Did you meet your wife before the war? DW:  High school.  We were high school sweethearts, yes. SI:  Do you think that the coming of the war accelerated your decision to get married? DW:  We got married before; well, yes, I do think that, because we got married between my junior and senior year, during the break in January, and we figured, "What the heck?  We're going to go overseas," and this and that, "and we might just as well get married now."  I know a lot of guys delayed it, but … Norma and I didn't feel we wanted to delay it. TF:  Did many other men in your class also get married before going into the service? DW:  Well, I know, my roommate, he got married six months before I did and he was a year ahead of me.  He was a senior, … but he got married right there in New Brunswick, but I don't remember any others.  TF:  Were there any kind of accommodations for married couples on campus? DW:  No, no.  TF:  You were apart from each other for the first several years of your marriage. DW:  … Yes, right, yes.  … We were married in January of '43 and I went overseas, … I guess we went overseas in, I guess it was '45, early '45, and most of the war in Germany was finished.  We got there, like, in March and it was over in May.  So, then, we went on to the Philippines.  … SI:  When you were stationed in Europe, did you have any interaction with either the French or German civilians? DW:  No, although there was one time when the lieutenant came in and said, … "Hey, Woody, you want to get … downtown?"  He says, "There's a big bunch of Russians laying all over the city."  I said, "What do you mean?"  He said, "Well, they let them out of the prison and they went down to the railroad terminal and they started drinking buzz bomb juice," and he said, "I want us to go take a look at them.  You want to go?"  I said, "Yes, I'll go with you."  So, anyhow, we went downtown and there's hundreds of these Russians laying around, with their bellies all swollen, and, on a field not too far from there, they've got bulldozers bulldozing trenches and they're throwing all these guys in the trenches and covering them up.  These were the Russians that couldn't be without their buzz bomb juice or alcohol.  That was a terrible sight.  SI:  They were all dead. DW:  Oh, yes.  … I think that's all only wood alcohol, that buzz bomb juice.  I don't know, but it sure knocked the spots out of those guys.  SI:  Were you able to see the results of the war in Germany, the Allied bombing and so forth, particularly inNuremberg? DW:  We saw some of that, yes, but not too much.  We saw the Hitler Stadium that was half completed.  In fact, we went rabbit hunting in there.  … I went with the lieutenant one time.  We took a little carbine, tracer bullets, and they had jackrabbits in this, it's full of weeds and all that stuff, and you get out there and you shoot at them and you see the old tracer bullets going right to them and, I remember, we brought back a couple rabbits and the chef said, "Yes, we'll cook those for you," and … he had them hanging up … in the area where they cook and this one guy came in, he was a city boy, and he looked at them.  He says, "God, what's that?" and somebody said, "Oh, that's … a deer from the woods," and the guy said, "Yes, … small deer, isn't it?"  [laughter] This kid never saw a rabbit or anything, you know, a kid from the city, but it was fun to do that.  We had a little recreation in that place.  TF:  While you were in Europe, was there a feeling that the war was coming to an end? DW:  … The war?  Oh, yes, but we didn't want to go to the Philippines to see it end there.  [laughter] SI:  How surprised were you by the news that the atomic bomb had been developed and used on Japan? DW:  Very surprised, yes. SI:  Did you expect a much longer war in the Pacific? DW:  Well, I really don't remember.  Sounds like I'm a little stupid, but I don't remember. SI:  Well, it was sixty years ago. DW:  Yes, that's a long time.  [laughter] SI:  When you were stationed in the Philippines, were you able to interact with any civilians there or go on liberty? DW:  Yes, I had the opportunity to go down to one of the little towns where they had a school for agriculture and I met the teacher and we got along pretty good and I offered to teach him some things about American farming and he liked that.  … The agricultural methods there are so obsolete and I wrote my father and he sent me some seeds, tomatoes and squash and cucumbers, and I showed the boys in that school how to grow them and they really appreciated it, so did the teacher.  The teacher and I corresponded for a while, and then, lo and behold, I get a newspaper with a notice that he had been … shot to death by these guys that were hanging out in the woods, the people that were not happy about the Americans being in the Philippines. SI:  The Huks? DW:  … Yes.  I had forgotten all that stuff. SI:  It is kind of interesting that you were billeted in an agricultural school in Germany, and then, you were involved with this school in the Philippines. DW:  Yes, yes.  [laughter] It was nice.  … His name was (de la Paz?), nice kids. SI:  How old were the kids in that school?  Were they high school age? DW:  They were just a little below high school age.  They were like eighth graders. SI:  Were you able to go out to a Filipino farm and see the difference between that kind of farming and American agriculture? DW:  … Oh, yes.  Everything was so prehistoric, I guess you'd call it.  I don't know, but, anyhow, my father was happy that the kids could see an American tomato and so on and they really got a lot out of that. SI:  What was an average day like for you in either Germany or the Philippines? DW:  What do you mean an average day? SI:  An average day's duty? DW:  Oh, I don't know.  [laughter] Gee, it's been so damn long, I don't remember.  … You get up and you do a lot of cleaning and hustling around.  If you've got a job assigned to you, you take the job and, if not, then, you just kind of settle down, write letters or something like that.  That's about it.  SI:  Were you always well supplied with food and provisions? DW:  Oh, yes.  … While we were overseas, we had good meals and plenty of it and I don't know what else to say.  I remember, I got a package, one time, and I opened it up and there's a couple of candy bars and I said, "Man, this is going to be good," and I bit into one and I looked at it and it's full of worms.  I said, "Oh, my God."  I guess it'd been on the boat so long it just got wormy.  So, I didn't like those Baby Ruth after that.  … Well, I don't know what else I can tell you guys.  SI:  You got out of the Army in, probably, 1946 or 1947. DW:  '46, yes. SI:  What did you do between the time that you got out of the Army and the time that you joined the Extension Service? DW:  Well, I was vo-ag teacher for two years, and then, I got into the 4-H program. TF:  Did you take any time off after you came home? DW:  Oh, I wanted to go to work right away, because we weren't doing much at all in the Philippines.  I mean, we didn't have any repairs on the fields and, as soon as I got that job, and I believe it was some time in the early spring, … I went to work for them and I stayed there two years, and then, came down here in May of '48.  So, there wasn't much of a time gap. SI:  You wrote on your survey that you did not use the GI Bill.  Did you know about the GI Bill?  Did you consider going back to school? DW:  No, no, I figured that I got my degree and that was it and I wanted to work.  … SI:  Did you ever use any other part of the GI Bill? DW:  Well, yes, we got a mortgage on the GI Mortgage, which was a very low interest rate.  … A lot of my fellow 4-H agents went on the GI Bill and they graduated, like, in the '50s, '51, '52, but I didn't feel the need for that. SI:  Could you just tell us a little bit about your work with the Extension Service and the 4-H and how it changed over the thirty years that you were with the organization? DW:  Well, when I first joined it, you had to … have a BS in agriculture, because you were going to teach, essentially, agricultural subjects, like how to garden, how to raise a cow, how to raise a steer, and so on, and all that, but, now, … they're into a lot of things that have no association with agriculture at all and a lot of the projects today, … I don't know, they go into woodworking and so on and so forth.  … There used to be a lot of home economics.  The lady agents used to have to have a degree in home economics, but they're not doing that either.  I think it's changed a lot, but one of my goals, … when I first started here, was to have a place where we could have our demonstrations, have our awards nights, and so on, and so forth, because … we were using schools for these events and it was getting more difficult to get a school and there was more pressure put on to not ask a school … administrator to let you have their facilities for 4-H, particularly at night and weekends and so on, and I felt that we needed our own building and that was one of the big missions that we started here and I fought for that, … I guess I started in … 1956.  We obtained a piece of land in the Egg Harbor area, where this fellow who was a real estate agent, he and I got to know each other pretty well and he said, "Well, I'll tell you what, I'll give you this unsold housing tract, because I think it would be a good site for your 4-H operation," and I said, "Oh, that's fine.  … How much are you going to charge us?"  He said, "Well, there's twelve acres there.  I'd need at least a thousand dollars."  I said, "Okay, we can do that."  I didn't know where, [laughter] but, anyhow, he deeded it to us, and then, he gave us eight hundred dollars back and that's how we got the land, and then, we went into a campaign of, "What kind of a building did we want?  What kind of area do we want for the horse program?" and the barns for the cattle and sheep and so on and the first thing we did was, … we took our plans, what I wanted, to an architect in Vineland and he drew up a simple plan and he said, "How's that look to you?"  I said, "It looks pretty good."  It was just a simple building, sixty feet wide and one hundred feet long, with a stage on the back and, on the side, there would be a room for classes and a kitchen.  So, we figured that would cost, maybe, fifteen, twenty thousand dollars.  This was 1959, I guess.  Anyhow, we went on this drive.  We were selling this and selling that and we finally got … a lot of the labor donated.  We got the pre-stressed girders that were sixty feet long donated.  We got the labor to put them up donated, through the Olehasen and Sons, and, anyhow, we got the thing built and, by 1960, we were in the building and we got the gas company to donate a gas range, we got the electric company to donate an electric range, and then, I got the bottled gas people to donate a stove for bottled gas, so that we had all three components there.  … It worked out so nice, because that's our 4-H center building, and then, since that time, we added a room on one side, which is a workshop for the boys, for mechanics and woodworking and so on, and we have two barns there.  … The first barn we put up, we got a lot of telephone poles donated.  We got the sheet metal donated and all the guys that I could grab that were skillful with their hands donated to put the roof on and put together and we got that barn up, and then, a couple of years later, we got a horse barn built.  … Then, we got two or three more buildings up there, and then, … somebody donated enough lumber for the fence around the horse arena and it's worked out nicely.  … TF:  Times were much better, economically, after the war than before. DW:  Oh, yes, oh, sure.  Well, you mean personally? TF:  Yes. DW:  You mean my pay as an Extension agent?  Well, yes, Rutgers pays pretty good and their benefits are good and, well, of course, when we went through this building program, I don't think you could do it today, because I had contacts with people in the electric company, in the gas company and in the building trades that I knew personally and I could approach them and say, "Look, you know, we've got to have this, we've got to have that," and they said, "Yes, okay, 4-H is a good program.  We'll do this," but I don't think you could do it today and, you know, things are a lot higher [laughter] and we're not as close to the people on the top level.  So, we did it at the right time.  SI:  Is there anything else that you would like to put on the record? DW:  … I don't think so, no. SI:  Okay.  I think we are both out of questions.  DW:  You're out of questions?  Well, that's good; I'm out of breath.  [laughter] SI:  Thank you very much for having us. DW:  Well, you're very welcome.  SI:  This concludes an interview with Professor David C. Wood in Mays Landing, New Jersey, on October 24, 2002. ---------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW------------------------------------------- Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 7/13/04 Reviewed by Sandra Stewart Holyoak 7/23/04 Reviewed by David C. Wood 10/12/04

Wolf, Bert

Shaun Illingworth:  This begins an interview with Mr. Bert Wolf in New Brunswick, New Jersey, on April 2, 2002. Mr. Wolf, to begin, can you tell us a little bit about your family? Bert Wolf:  I was born in Germany.  I'm Jewish.  My mother is still living.  She's going to be ninety-three in a couple of months and my father was killed in an automobile accident when I was five, in 1935.  My mother remarried.  I have a half-brother who is fifteen years younger.  We're very good friends.  SI:  Was your family originally from Germany or did they immigrate to Germany? BW:  My family was in Germany for hundreds of years. SI:  Which part of Germany did your family live in? BW:  The … [south]western part, near the French and Swiss border, in the Black Forrest area. SI:  Where was your father born?  What was his occupation? BW:  My father was born in a very small town called Konigsbach, which is a few miles from Pforzheim, where I was born, and my father and my grandfather, actually, both my grandfathers, were cattle dealers.  I'm a cowboy.  SI:  Where was your mother born? BW:  My mother was born in the middle of the Black Forrest, in a little town called Rexingen, and, as I said, her father was a cattle dealer, and she lives in Bedminster now. SI:  That is pretty amazing. BW:  Well, I grew up in Somerville and she just moved to Bedminster.  She lived alone until she was ninety-one, … and lived in our old house, and drove a car and everything, until she had a back problem.  She had back surgery, but, now, she's fine again.  She works out three days a week at the pool and at the gym. SI:  Do you know anything else about your father's work as a cattle dealer?  I have never heard of cattle dealers in Germany.  Was that a common trade? BW:  It was a common trade.  It was a Jewish trade, in a sense, but, yes, they bought cattle where it was raised and sold it to small farmers, who milked them and so on. Jonathan Gurstelle:  What was the Jewish community like in the town that you grew up in?  BW:  Well, I'll answer it, I'll go back farther; my mother came from, as I said, a small town of eight, nine hundred people or so, and about a third of those people were Jewish, and they had a Jewish school, and synagogue, and everything else.  Pforzheim is an industrial city about the size of New Brunswick and, there, we had a Jewish community.  We had a synagogue and so on.  It was a vibrant community.  JG:  Was the Jewish community separate from the rest of the town? BW:  No.  You mean was it a ghetto-type separation or something? JG:  I meant more like a different neighborhood. BW:  No, not really, no, not at all. SI:  Would you say that your family had assimilated into German society? BW:  They were assimilated and relatively prosperous. JG:  Your father served during World War I. BW:  Yes, on the wrong side. SI:  Do you know anything about his time in the service?  BW:  Not details.  … I worked for a while with his old first sergeant in the United States, yes. SI:  Do you know his rank? BW:  He was an enlisted man, a corporal or something. SI:  Was he an infantryman? BW:  I really don't know; … he probably was an infantryman. JG:  Did you or your family encounter any anti-Semitism in Germany in the 1930s when you were a child?  BW:  The answer is yes, but, personally, it was not the flagrant kind.  Actually, in my mother's hometown, the people were basically very nice and, in Pforzheim, our neighbors were very nice.  They also told us to get the hell out, that it was the smart thing to do, and my grandmother, on my mother's side, told her children, in 1933, that, "You have to get out, because there's no future here."  … Actually, on my mother's side, my grandmother, my two uncles, one with a wife, and my mother and me, and a cousin, we all came over on the same boat. SI:  Did your family have any knowledge about Nazism before Hitler came to power?  Did they ever talk about the Nazi Party before 1932-3? BW:  That I don't have any knowledge of, not before Hitler came to power. SI:  Do you know how your family reacted to Hitler's rise to power?  Were they shocked that this could happen? BW:  Of course, I was two years old.  I can guarantee you, it was not a pleasant experience.  I mean, they were smart enough to know that it bode no good for them and, as I said, my grandmother told her children, at that time, "You have to get out," which was before people realized they had to get out. JG:  Can you describe how your family left Germany for Holland? BW:  I was at a party on a weekend night, and, when I came home, someone, … I think my uncle or something, had told my mother that the border might be closed and [that] we were to leave, or I was at a party in the afternoon, and we were to leave we took a [train].  … We had a sleeping compartment in a train that night, and we just left, and my grandparents, my paternal grandparents, packed all our belongings, and they called it a lift, it's like a van, like a box, and I still have my father's desk and a china closet in my house now.  In other words, we got all our furniture and stuff like that. JG:  How many members of your family left with you? BW:  From where we lived?  It was my mother and myself and we met my mother's side of the family in Holland.  I mean, they all left at the same time.  My mother's brother, who was living in Berlin at that time, … he left to go into Czechoslovakia, because the Germans were looking for him, then, he flew over Germany and flew to Holland. SI:  Were the Germans looking for him for a specific reason? BW:  Well, it was a crime to take your own money out, and he was taking his money out, I think that was what it was, and he had a unique way of getting it out.  He would get on a train, take a seat, and then, go two cars back, and there was the spot in the toilet behind the water closet, and he would stick the bundle in there, go back to his seat, and, when he got across the border, he would go back and pick up his package of money.  One package got lost. JG:  Do you remember anything about the train ride to Holland?  Were you searched at all? BW:  I don't know if we were searched.  They checked your passport and stuff like that.  I think it was uneventful. SI:  You attended school in Germany for nearly one-and-a-half years.  Can you describe that experience?  Did you attend the Jewish school that you mentioned earlier? BW:  I started in Pforzheim; I started in a regular school.  … I started when my father died.  My mother spent a half a year with her family and I started school there.  In that town, it was a Jewish school, and then, I went back to Pforzheim.  I went into the first grade in a German school, and then, later, they opened a Jewish school, and I went to that. SI:  Did your family speak German or Yiddish at home? BW:  German. JG:  What was your schooling experience like in Holland? BW:  I learned how to speak Dutch, that I know, and, when we came over here, the boat we traveled on was theNew Amsterdam.  It was its second crossing.  It's actually different than the New Amsterdam that's here now. That's a new one, but, I spoke Dutch, and so, I had the run of the ship, because the crew was Dutch, and I could talk to them.  They let me go any place.  I even rang the bell, the clock, and, about three months or four months later, we went to where the boats arrived in Hoboken, that's where it docked, the Holland-America Line.  We came to pick up relatives or friends who were coming over, and I saw the same crewmen who were my friends, and I had forgotten every word of Dutch.  I didn't remember it anymore.  It was easy come and easy go. SI:  Did you arrive in Hoboken before or after the St. Louis tragedy? BW:  Oh, way before.  SI:  Was your mother ever concerned about not getting into the United States? BW:  No, no, we had visas, we had visas.  The reason we went to Holland and waited six months was to get our visas for the States. SI:  When you left Germany, you knew that the United States was your ultimate destination. BW:  Goal, yes.  SI:  Where did you first live in the United States? BW:  In Jackson Heights, Queens, New York. SI:  Did you or your family speak any English before arriving in the United States? BW:  Not very much; I mean, none.  I don't know if anybody knew any.  JG:  What year was this?  How old were you? BW:  1938 and I was eight years old. JG:  How long did you live in Jackson Heights? BW:  I lived there for two-and-a-half years.  My mother remarried and moved to North Plainfield, and I moved to North Plainfield. SI:  Was your stepfather a Jackson Heights local? BW:  He was a German.  No, … he was in business in Plainfield at that time. JG:  Did you already have family in America when you arrived? BW:  Yes, yes. JG:  Who were they? BW:  Cousins of my grandmother, mainly cousins on my mother's side. JG:  Did you have any family who remained in Europe, who might not have survived the war? BW:  Not immediate family, not close family.  My grandparents on my father's side and my uncle and aunt, in other words, my father's brother and sister, went to Argentina, because the people went wherever they could get a place. SI:  What was your neighborhood in Jackson Heights like?  BW:  Two-family houses with some apartment houses on the corners, or vacant lots where you played baseball. SI:  It must have been difficult for your mother to raise you in those years between your father's death and her meeting your stepfather. BW:  Well, we lived with my grandmother and my one uncle, who was single, and we and the other [family] lived in this two-family house.  We had the first floor, and we were relatively comfortable, and my uncle was in business. He went into business with cousins who already had a part of the business in Holland and my mother worked.  She did hand work, knitted and stuff. SI:  You arrived just at the height of the Great Depression. BW:  No.  … The Great Depression was starting to [wane].  … It was the recovery, the beginning of the recovery. SI:  How did the Great Depression affect you? BW:  Everybody worked.  If you made twelve to fifteen dollars a week to live, I mean, that was the living wage. You know, the dollar is different than it is today. JG:  Did you find it difficult not knowing English when you first enrolled in school? BW:  No, and our biggest waste of money and our most unproductive efforts are English as a Second Language. This is one of my pet peeves and I'll go on-the-record here.  If somebody wants to come to this country, then, become an American and speak English.  To teach people how to go to school in a foreign language is the most foolish, unproductive, and stupid thing one can do, because, if you teach the kids English, then, they become Americans and speak English.  I don't even have an accent.  You're supposed to laugh.  [laughter] Inside of two, three months, I spoke English.  That's it.  I went to third grade, and I remember, one time, reading out loud in school, and I mispronounced the word "huge."  I pronounced it "hu-ge," because, in German, that's how you pronounce it, "H-U-G-E," but, I learned.  "An Indian was a brave," well, I mispronounced that, too, "brav-ey." That's how you learn. JG:  Did many other immigrants live in your neighborhood? BW:  Not loaded with immigrants.  The only ones I knew were relatives. SI:  Was there a significant Jewish population? BW:  There was a congregation two blocks away. SI:  Since we noticed your lapel pin, [miniature American and Israeli flags], did your family have Zionist leanings? Did they follow Zionist rabbis? BW:  They were observing. SI:  Were they aware of the move to immigrate to Israel, then Palestine?  Were they supportive of those efforts? BW:  In my mother's hometown, in 1936 or '35, a group of people immigrated together into Israel and started amoshave, a communal moshave.  They lived in a little town on the Mediterranean, just below the Lebanese border.  The town still exists.  I have been there on numerous occasions.  Those people have pretty much gone. One time, actually, the first time we were there, walking down the [streets], it was rural, you know, … there was a woman in a rocking chair on her porch who called out in German, "Are you Martin Wolf's son?"  Yeah, we were aware of that. JG:  Was religion a major part of your life as a child? BW:  It was an important part.  JG:  Which denomination of Judaism did your parents adhere to? BW:  We're Conservatives.  Can I go back to the English business again?  My grandmother, who came here in her mid-fifties or late fifties, had a little notebook, a little, spiral notebook.  I don't know if they were spiral in those days, and, every day, she wrote one new English word in the notebook, and that's how she taught herself English, and she learned, she wrote, could write English letters and stuff.  She taught herself English that way. JG:  What were your hobbies and activities as a boy in Jackson Heights? BW:  Played baseball, roller skate.  Tell me, what does an eight-year-old kid do? SI:  Were you a Yankees fan or a Dodgers fan? BW:  I was a Yankees fan.  There were [the] Giants, too, but, I was a Yankees fan.  My uncle took me to see the Yankees and my favorite guy was Charlie Keller.  You guys don't even know who he is.  He played left field.  No, he played right field.  [Tommy] Henrich played left field.  DiMaggio was in center, him, you know.  Dahlgren was on first base, [Joe "Flash"] Gordon was on second, Rizzuto, not Rizzuto, [Frankie] Crosetti was the short stop, and Ralph was the third baseman, and Bill (Dickey?) was the catcher.  If you ask me who plays for the Yankees now, I don't know; I mean, I know a few, but, I couldn't give you the lineup. SI:  When did you move to New Jersey? BW:  In the end of 1940. SI:  How did you and your family feel about Franklin Roosevelt?  BW:  I guess they thought he was pretty good. SI:  Did your family ever express their views on the New Deal? BW:  Yeah, well, you know, he was the only president we knew.  He had been president for six years when we came here and he was elected two more times.  … Well, he died in '45, so, for me, personally, you know, I didn't know of another president.  The next president, he signed my commission in the Air Force, Harry Truman, and he was a good, tough guy.  The smartest thing he ever did was send the Enola Gay out. JG:  How did you or your family feel about the United States not entering the war until 1941? BW:  I don't think that bothered anyone at all.  It would have been very difficult to, because the sentiment of the people was not to go into a European war.  So, in many ways, the most stupid thing that the Axis did was to bomb us in Pearl Harbor, because, then, everybody was on board, and our wars since then have not had the support that the people had for World War II, because of the Pearl Harbor attack, … until they attacked the World Trade Center a half a year ago.  SI:  Did your family keep up-to-date with events in Europe?  Did they correspond with any of the family members that remained behind? BW:  Yes, they kept up-to-date. SI:  They knew what was going on. BW:  Oh, yeah. SI:  Were you aware of any Bund activity in the Plainfield area or further north? BW:  I don't think so.  There was a restaurant up in Warren, Schwabische Alb, which was reputed to have been aBund place, but, the first time I went out with my wife, we had a fraternity party up there.  [laughter] JG:  When you were in high school in Somerville, did you encounter any anti-Semitism? BW:  No.  … One time, I had to punch somebody in the nose, but, that guy got into fights with a lot of people. SI:  What were your academic and extracurricular interests in Plainfield?  BW:  I was only in school for a year-and-a-half in Plainfield, then, we moved to Somerville.  In other words, … fifth grade, half of fifth grade, and sixth grade, I was in Plainfield, and then, I moved to Somerville. SI:  You went to junior high school and high school in … BW:  … In Somerville. SI:  What were your favorite subjects?  What were some of your extracurricular activities? BW:  Well, I was a Boy Scout.  I was an Eagle Scout.  I became an Eagle Scout, probably one of the youngest Eagle Scouts ever in New Jersey.  That was a very important part of my life.  I played football in Somerville, and that was an important part, and I played a little basketball at the JCC. SI:  What was it like to be a Boy Scout in the 1930s and 1940s?  BW:  In '42, you had to be twelve to join.  Now, I think they changed it to eleven. SI:  I was also a Boy Scout.  From the stories I have heard, it seems as though it was much tougher back then. BW:  I don't know how it is today, but, we worked at it.  I remember my fourteen-mile hike, it's either a twelve or fourteen-mile hike, to become a First Class Scout.  I can tell you where I went [even] now.  From Somerville, I walked up to Pluckemin, and walked across Washington Valley Road to Chimney Rock Road, and down into Bound Brook, and back to Somerville. SI:  How often did you go camping with the Boy Scouts? BW:  We used to go to camp [in] Camp Watchung.  I spent a couple of weeks in [the] summers, and I worked there one summer for a few weeks, and we also went on camping trips with the troop.  We didn't go every weekend, but, we went. SI:  Is there anything else you want to add about high school or should we move on to Rutgers? BW:  … From being a Boy Scout and stuff, … I worked as an air raid warden, or helped an air raid warden. SI:  Really? BW:  Yeah. SI:  Do you remember where you were on December 7, 1941? BW:  Yes, yes.  SI:  Please, tell us the story.  BW:  One of the things I remember is listening to General Schwarzkopf's father, who was the former head of the New Jersey State Police, also [known as] Colonel Schwarzkopf, H. Norman Schwarzkopf.  He used to be the announcer for Gangbusters, which was a radio program, you know, a cops-and-robbers radio program, and I listened to that and I listened to The Shadow, on WOR, on Pearl Harbor day.  They were on on Sunday, always. SI:  How did you and your family react to the news? BW:  We knew we were in it now. SI:  Was there any initial panic?  We have heard stories about people running to their rooftops with rifles, thinking that airplanes would soon be coming over.  Was there anything like that? BW:  No, no. SI:  Were there any young men in your family who were of draft age to be concerned about, any cousins? BW:  No; cousins, yes.  I had lots of cousins who were in the military.  I had two first cousins who lived in New York.  They were both in the military.  One of them ended up in Patton's Third Army, and he was, you know, an intelligence guy, because he spoke German and so on, … and I don't know what the other one did.  Then, second cousins, I had a whole bunch of them in the war. JG:  Had you been old enough, would you have wanted to fight in the war? BW:  You bet your ass.  Will they quote that? JG:  Sure.  Why did you feel so strongly?  Was it a reaction against what the Nazis had done in Germany? BW:  Background, my background.  When it comes down to that, actually, the German people have admitted their guilt and have tried to make amends.  Our Japanese friends have never admitted their guilt on anything they have done, whether it was Pearl Harbor, Bataan, or the things they did to us, or the things they did to the Chinese or to the Koreans, and, today, I basically have very little resentment to[ward] the Germans.  I go to Germany every couple of years.  I go to the cemetery where my father and the one where my grandfather are buried, but, I still have absolutely no respect for the Japanese.  Economically, they don't play from a level field.  In other words, we cannot export into Japan; they restrict us and they want the world.  I have no use for those slant-eyed bastards. You can quote me.  You're getting a good interview, huh? SI:  Yes.  Do you remember how people reacted to the Japanese threat at the time?  As historians, we have studied how the Germans and the Japanese were viewed as enemies.  In the German case, Hitler was seen as the enemy, whereas in the Japanese case, the Japanese people were perceived as the enemy. BW:  You mean I'm not alone in that? SI:  Oh, no, no.  Do you remember any outward signs of that trend? BW:  No, not at that time.  In the mid-'40s, one did not say that, "The Germans are good," but, as I told you earlier, the people in my mother's hometown were basically friendly people, and, you know, we didn't have troubles with them. SI:  Could you tell us about being an air raid warden's assistant?  BW:  It wasn't a big deal.  Thank God, we never had anything, any work to do.  She was a good looking girl. SI:  Where was this? BW:  In Somerville. SI:  Were the Boy Scouts ever called on to conduct scrap drives or the like? BW:  Scrap drives, yeah.  We collected scrap metal and stuff like that.  SI:  What do you remember about life on the home front, being a student, rationing, the black market, that sort of thing? BW:  That, I remember.  I mean, you got one pair of shoes; I think you got two pairs of shoes a year; I think it's, every half a year, you got a coupon.  Canned food and meat and stuff was rationed.  There were red stamps and green stamps, I think, green or blue.  … One was for canned goods, and red was for meat, and so on, but, we never went hungry.  There might not have been as much of one thing or another, but, there was always food.  You can eat all the bread you wanted. SI:  Comparing World War II and the war on terrorism, for one thing, as we all know, today, we seem to be glued to our TV sets, waiting for the next thing. BW:  Well, we weren't glued to our TV sets. SI:  What about radio? BW:  … Yeah, you listened, but, it was different, and the news was not as instantaneous or immediate.  From a tactical standpoint, what we do today is completely wrong, because we telegraph our punches.  We tell the enemy exactly what damage they did to us, instantaneously.  So, the press bitches because they are not given enough freedom when somebody tries to keep them out of an area and, in our day, they said, "Loose lips sink ships."  Stuff was a military secret, and it came out three months later or something, and that was fine, because there were tactical reasons not to publicize these things.  I mean, that I speak of from my limited military experience.  … Also, you said, "What did you want to do?"  I skipped a year at school, so, I graduated college before … I was twenty-one, and I wanted to go to the Naval Academy, and I knew all the requirements and so on, but, you had to be seventeen by March 15th, it was either March or April 15th of the year you entered, to go into the Naval Academy.  So, I couldn't get in.  I mean, I was ineligible.  I was too young to get into the Naval Academy when I graduated high school in 1947.  My birthday is in July.  So, I went to Rutgers, and then, I was having such a good time, I never followed through.  … You know, it would have cost me a year, because it was still going to have been four years, and I was enjoying myself here.  So, I stayed at Rutgers and didn't try to go into the Naval Academy, when I got to be old enough. JG:  Did you apply anywhere else besides Rutgers? BW:  I applied to Princeton and I applied, as a safety school, to one of the colleges in New York that they had in Upstate New York.  They had started a few schools, post-war schools and so on.  I didn't get into Princeton. JG:  Do you remember which New York school that you applied to, Oneonta, Geneseo? BW:  Neither one of those, but, another one up there.  I applied to Princeton, I applied to Rutgers, I applied to that school up there. JG:  Did you really want to go to Princeton? BW:  I had two cousins there, one of whom we had dinner with … about a month ago down in Florida, and his younger brother, [Otto], … their last name is Eckstein, and he was an economist and ending up teaching at Harvard, and he was on President Johnson's Council of Economic Advisers.  He took me around the campus and so on. JG:  Some of our interviewees have said that anti-Semitism may have been a factor as to why they did not get into Princeton.  Do you feel that may have happened in your case? BW:  I think there were quotas in those days.  I mean, from everything I've heard, I think there were quotas.  My grades weren't astronomical, so, I have no hard feelings.  I just wanted to kick the shit out of them on the football field, which we don't do anymore, but, we did in my day.  As a matter-of-fact, you asked, you know, "Why didn't I get into Princeton?"  My grades weren't that good.  About seven, eight years ago, I was at a Rutgers Athletic Hall of Fame dinner, and I went over to a table, another table, where one of my classmates, and the fellow I was on a bank board with, (Abe Sedan?), was sitting to say hello to him, and the woman next to him looked at my name tag, and she said, "Bert Wolf, do you know me?" and I looked at her name tag, and I said, "You're Professor Al Kuebler's wife."  It was his widow.  He was the head of the Industrial Engineering [Department].  I had him all the time, and this was forty some years later, and she said, "You used to drive my husband crazy.  He said you were the smartest kid in the class and the laziest," and she remembered this after forty something years.  SI:  You majored in industrial engineering. BW:  Yeah.  It was called engineering administration, but, it's industrial engineering. SI:  Why did you choose engineering and, specifically, industrial engineering? BW:  [When] I started out, my freshman year, I was civil, but, freshman year engineering was all the same anyway, and this opened up, and this was [exciting], … because it offered the opportunity to prepare you for industry, where you get a mixture of economics and business and straight engineering; good way to make a living. SI:  When did you first decide that you wanted to be an engineer, in high school?   BW:  Yes, I always wanted to be an engineer. SI:  When you entered Rutgers in 1947, the student body was a strange mix of kids, like yourself, coming in from high school and veterans here on the GI Bill.  What was it like to be in class with men who were four to five years older than you?  BW:  No problem, no problem.  We got along.  I mean, it was fine.  As a matter-of-fact, in some ways, it was educational, because … they had knowledge and experience that we didn't have. SI:  What were your impressions of the veterans as a group?   BW:  In many ways, you respected them.  They had been there.  SI:  From looking at other interviews, I get the sense that the professors and other students did not want to press the veterans too much.  Is this accurate? BW:  I don't think we had that problem.  You mean that we wanted to protect them or be super nice to them? SI:  No, that they were not put through the same treatment as a regular student. ---------------------------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE ONE------------------------------------- SI:  We were talking about hazing or not hazing the veterans. BW:  Well, when you had somebody who had life experience, the whole idea of the hazing business is to mature a kid and give him life experience.  If a guy spent several years in the military, … chances are, he got that, got the same experience, and they didn't need the hazing. SI:  Do you remember being hazed as a Rutgers freshman?  Did you have to wear a beanie? BW:  Beanie, I don't think so.  No, I don't think we had to wear one.  I'm not sure. SI:  Did you have to light cigarettes for the upperclassmen? BW:  No; only at the Naval Academy, you had to do that.  There, you had to sit on the first two inches of your chair when you ate, as a plebe.  See, I learned all that. JG:  Were you friends with any of the people who were here on the GI Bill? BW:  Sure.  We were classmates and we were fraternity brothers, yeah. SI:  Did you live on campus? BW:  My freshman year, I commuted.  My sophomore year, I lived on campus.  My junior year, I got a car, and I commuted, and my senior year, I lived on campus. SI:  Where did you live for those two years that you lived on campus? BW:  At the Sammy house, the fraternity house. SI:  Which year did you join Sigma Alpha Mu?  BW:  When I was a freshman, I joined. SI:  At the time, SAM was an all-Jewish fraternity.  That manner of segregation still existed at Rutgers at the time. BW:  Yeah, yeah, yeah.  SI:  Were you rushed? BW:  I was rushed.  You know, I went to the rushing events and so on and I pledged. SI:  Did the fire at the house occur before you joined or during your time as a brother? BW:  Before.  They were back on campus.  So, you know about the fire at the Sammy house. SI:  I know of it through Bart Klion's interview. BW:  I read Buddy Klion's thing on the Internet and … the last time I saw him was on Pearl Harbor Day, at the chapel, [Kirkpatrick Chapel]. JG:  Did you belong to any other clubs or organizations at Rutgers? BW:  I played lacrosse, … and you won't believe this, but, I played on the 150s, 150-pound football, and I was active in engineering stuff, you know, a little.  What else? not much else. SI:  What was it like to play lacrosse?  How long were you on the lacrosse team? BW:  Two years.  It was fun.  SI:  Was it still a relatively new sport at Rutgers? BW:  No, no.  (Al Twitchel?) was the coach, who later became the athletic director, and Dick Voliva was the coach of the 150s. JG:  Where did you play your games? BW:  Up in Piscataway, both of them.  The football was up there and the lacrosse was up there. SI:  Did you have any away games?  Did you get to travel with the team? BW:  Yeah.  I went to Cornell, the Navy, with the 150s, went all over. SI:  Do you remember any of the university administrators, like President Clothier or Dean Metzger? BW:  Larry Pitt. SI:  Was Dean Silvers here at the time? BW:  That name is very familiar.  Larry Pitt just died, didn't he? SI:  I believe so.  There was an article in the Rutgers Magazine. BW:  Bobby Clothier, as he was known, affectionately.  SI:  He left in 1955.  BW:  Yes, he was there all the time. SI:  As a fraternity man, did you have any run-ins with Dean Metzger?  Did your house ever get into trouble? BW:  Now, when I was in school, we never got in trouble, no.  That was about the only time, maybe, they didn't.  I kept them straight.  [laughter] JG:  Did you have to go to chapel? BW:  Freshman year, you had to go, I think, once a week or once a month. SI:  Once a week, I believe. BW:  Once a week, yeah, at lunchtime.  SI:  Was there a service or did you simply listen to announcements? BW:  I don't know. SI:  You did not have to go on Sundays? BW:  No.  That was fifty-five years ago. JG:  Did you continue to practice Judaism while on campus? BW:  Yeah.  I belonged to Hillel. SI:  Was the Hillel just starting up? BW:  I don't think so.  They had been around a while. SI:  I do not know of anyone who joined Hillel before the war, but, then, all of sudden, people were joining in the late 1940s and early 1950s. BW:  Well, I don't know.  They used to be on Church Street, on the second floor.  … You know, that's where it was.  It was quite active and the girls from the Coop [NJC] went there, too.  You know what the Coop is? SI:  Yes. BW:  They don't call it that anymore? SI:  No.   BW:  But, being historians, you know. SI:  Yes.  How much interaction did you have with the Coopies? BW:  The Coopies, right.  It's a great place to meet them.  Aren't we men? I mean, you know, or whatever, growing boys at that time.  It was a social thing, as much as anything else.  I met my wife at the Coop. SI:  How did you meet? BW:  She went out with one of my fraternity brothers, who was her classmate from high school, and she was Class of '53.  I shot him out of the saddle.  I didn't shoot him out of the saddle, but, you've heard that expression before? SI:  Yes.  Do you recall attending any of the social events, such as the Military Ball? BW:  I went to the Military Ball, or the Sop Hop, and so on, and so forth. SI:  I know that, during the war, those events were put on hiatus.  Were they still rebuilding the social calendar when you arrived? BW:  They were going.  They were going when I was here.  I didn't know that they had not been going on.  SI:  During your freshman year, was the ASTP still on campus? BW:  No.  There was no ASTP, but, in those days, everybody went to ROTC for two years. SI:  Did you? BW:  I went to Advanced ROTC.  I joined the Advanced Air Force ROTC.  JG:  Why did you choose the Air Force ROTC? BW:  I wanted to be an aircraft maintenance officer, which is what the engineers who were in Air Force ROTC were trained to be here.  I felt that was a good way to use my technical ability. SI:  Could you tell us a little bit about the Air Force ROTC?  The Class of 1951 was one of the earliest classes to have the option of taking Air Force ROTC. BW:  Yes, we were the second class, I think, to graduate, to get commissioned. SI:  Could you tell us about the routine, what you learned in your classes, how your training differed from the regular ROTC, and who was your commanding officer? BW:  The head of Air Force ROTC was a major and I think his name is Round.  I am not one hundred percent certain.  The Army had a colonel, and our commander was a command pilot, and he was somebody we well-respected, and I think we got good training, and we had fun.  SI:  Did you have any flight training? BW:  No. SI:  Was that an option? BW:  That was not an option, that was not an option, and, for six weeks between our junior and senior year, we went to ROTC summer camp, which was part of the plan. JG:  Where was the camp? BW:  The engineers, the guys who were aircraft maintenance officers, went to Chanute Air Force Base in Illinois, which is right down the road from the University of Illinois.  That was in Rantoul or Champaign.  Yeah, that's where we were and we played at the University of Illinois. SI:  Did you take Air Force ROTC for all four years?  BW:  The first two years were, to the best of my knowledge, … all the same.  I don't think there was a differential made.  I may be wrong, but, … I'm almost certain there was no differential, because, otherwise, how could you have switched branches?  I'm almost certain.  At least for us, at that time, there was no differential.  There might have been later on, but, because the first two years were compulsory, … everybody was the same. SI:  After your sophomore year, you would decide whether you wanted to go for advanced Army or Air Force ROTC. BW:  Right, or nothing.  JG:  When you graduated, you went into the Air Force. BW:  Yes. JG:  Can you tell us about your basic training? BW:  What basic training? SI:  You were already commissioned, correct? BW:  Yeah.  Well, let me tell you something else, or did I mention this?  You had to be twenty-one to be commissioned at that time, the regulations were, and I wasn't twenty-one until July 18th.  We were graduated in the beginning of June or something, and we had orders, and we were going on active duty right away.  So, I went to the Adjutant, and I told him, I said, "You know, you can't commission me until July 18th," and he was too lazy to cut separate orders, and he said, "If I think you're old enough to be commissioned, I'll commission you."  So, I got commissioned with everybody else.  So, I was on active duty before I was twenty-one, and, at Lackland Air Force Base, there's a big sign in the officer's club bar, "No minors under twenty-one will be served," but, nobody carded me.  Thursday night used to be two-for-one night at the officer's club, so, you'd get two drinks for the price of one, which was very cheap, and the place was packed, and I'm coming away from the bar with two drinks in my hand, and I was in shape in those days, and I turned around, and I hit some guy, and I see a little silver thing on his collar. At first, I thought it was a lieutenant colonel, and then, I looked again, and I saw it was a star.  It was the base commander, and I said, "Excuse me, sir," and he put his hand on my shoulder and said, "That's all right, son."  His name was General Steele; that name, I remember.  SI:  When you joined the Air Force, the Air Force had recently become an independent branch on the service. BW:  No, before that.  It was the Air Force then.  We were wearing blue, and, when I went overseas a year later, I happened to be in a stateroom for twelve, with twelve army captains, and the first night, when we got undressed to go to bed, … I was a second lieutenant, and they were captains, and then, they looked, "Hey, Luftwaffe, where's your blue underwear?"  Some guy said that to me; that, I remember.  JG:  The war in Korea was still going on at this point. BW:  Korea started when I was at summer camp, or right before summer camp, the summer of 1950, yes. JG:  Did you think you would be sent to Korea? BW:  Yes.  I ended up as a ground powered equipment maintenance officer.  … I went to school at Cheyenne, at F. E. Warren Air Force Base, and, from there, I was assigned to a tactical reconnaissance wing at Shaw Field in Sumter, South Carolina, and I reported to the squadron commander, a major, and he told me, … he says, "Wolf, you don't know nothing.  I'm going to teach you something and, after you learn something, in three months, they're going to ship your ass overseas."  "Yes, sir."  It was like three months to the day.  I was going on lunch and a fellow by the name of Jack Reed, who was in wing personnel, a lieutenant in wing personnel, who I'd known and we were friends, he says, "Hey, Bert, we got a TWIX today from Ninth Air Force to send you to 20th Air Force," which was Korea, "as an aircraft maintenance officer."  They thought my MOS was that, and they wanted to keep me, and he said, "He's a ground powered equipment maintenance officer."  … TWIX-es are like what faxes are now and they TWIX-ed back and said, "We've been looking for one for two weeks.  Cut orders on him to join a Georgia Guard outfit that had been federalized that was going to Africa, to Morocco."  … That was an aircraft patrol warning unit, the radar unit that went to Africa.  It's not World War II history, it's Korean War history I'm giving you.  SI:  Where in Africa were you sent? BW:  We landed in Casablanca.  We were at (Nouasseur?) Air Base for about a few months, then, we went up to Rabat, the group.  … A group, in the Air Force, was halfway between a battalion and a regiment and we went to Rabat-Saley, which is in a cork forest right outside of Rabat, which was the capital of Morocco, which was our headquarters.  SI:  Can you describe your station, briefly? BW:  We were in a cork forest, living in tents.  We were the headquarters for this aircraft control and warning unit. Our radars were mounted on trucks.  You'd call them vans today.  In other words, there were guys sitting inside the back of the van, operating, and the radar stuff was up on top.  They were mobile, and then, we also had a couple of squadrons.  Our squadrons were stationed throughout Morocco, and we were group headquarters, but, they were looking for Russian planes coming.  I mean, that was our enemy. SI:  Were the squadrons comprised of piston-engine planes or jet planes? BW:  We were a control unit.  We were not a shooting outfit. SI:  Okay.  There were no planes. BW:  We didn't have any planes.  The outfit was a Georgia Guard outfit and the controllers were pilots, World War II pilots, who were now controllers.  They were grounded, but, a lot of them were Delta Airline commercial pilots who were, you know, in the Reserves.  They were in the Guard and got called back in. JG:  How long were you stationed in Morocco? BW:  A year, almost a year.  JG:  Did you interact with the locals at all? BW:  A certain amount. JG:  Did you enjoy your stay in Morocco?  Did you despise it? BW:  No, we enjoyed it.  Yeah, it was fun and we also had privileges at the French officer's club and stuff like that. SI:  Really? BW:  Yeah.  You could go there for dinner and, for the equivalent of fifty cents, you can have a good meal and drink as much cognac as you could handle. JG:  Did you interact with the French often? BW:  Not really, I mean, not that much, but, we had some [interaction], but, … we could go to their officer's club. SI:  What were your everyday duties at the base?  What was a typical day like for you? BW:  …We generated our own power and ground powered equipment was gasoline or diesel engine generators. … The biggest thing was to make sure that there is power, because the radars operated from this power.  … In other words, that was what kept us going and, also, the vehicle maintenance and stuff.  That was my responsibility, to keep the ground powered equipment running.  SI:  Do you know if there was a specific Russian threat that your unit was looking for, long-range bombers, etc.?  BW:  I had no tactical knowledge of anything specific, but, we never had anything even come close, to the best of my knowledge.  … We had units on the southern borders of Morocco and on the eastern borders, you know, next to Tunisia, or Libya, and so on.  We had people stationed throughout Morocco. SI:  Your base was basically just a radar station.  Were there any planes, theoretically, that you could call on? BW:  There was an air base in (Nouasseur?).  There was an American air base at Sidi Slimane.  … Nouasseur, I think, just had transport planes.  They might have had some operational [aircraft].  Sidi Slimane had an operational aircraft, you know, military combat aircraft. JG:  Were you stationed anywhere else before you were discharged? BW:  No.  I went to Europe on leave. SI:  Which countries did you visit? BW:  We flew into (Rhine Mein?) in Germany, and I had a month's leave before I … came home, and I went skiing in Davos, Switzerland, for a week.  I met a cousin, but, this was a cousin of another generation, who became my boss when I left, who was there with his wife.  I went to London for a week.  I went to Paris for a week.  I went to Germany for a week.  I went skiing in Switzerland for a week.  It was a very tough life.  [laughter] SI:  What was it like to go back to Europe, particularly Germany, after World War II? BW:  Things were different.  I had a letter from my mother.  We had a bank account in a bank in Germany that had been frozen, you know, before and stuff.  … My mother wrote me a letter saying [that] I could take out whatever it was, I don't know, a thousand dollars, in those days, it was a lot of money, to pay for my vacation.  … I called the bank and, of course, they were already closed.  I mean, they close at one o'clock or something.  When I got there, … they told me, "Just come," they'll open the door, and, a little Jewish boy, with a blue uniform and gold bars on the shoulder, … they took care of me, and the red carpet was out.  They met my every need, after normal banking hours, you know, and they are sticklers for details.  It was different.  Things had changed.  JG:  Was there still a lot of destruction from the war, that you could see, even in 1951-1952? BW:  Not where I was.  In the middle of Pforzheim, there were still some [ruins], but, it had been pretty much taken care of, and, as a matter-of-fact, this is an interesting story, we still owned property in Germany.  … Pforzheim was bombed once with a big raid.  In other words, they tore the town up at one time with whatever number of planes it was and it was on a certain date.  In other words, the damage was done on a certain date, all of it, and our property was damaged to some point.  … We had somebody taking care of our affairs; it was a cousin of my father's.  When I became a citizen, and I became a citizen on such-and-such a day, whatever it was, but, I was a US citizen the day our property was bombed by the US Air Force, and guess who paid me for the damage.  I owned a quarter of the property.  Do you know who paid me for it? Uncle Sam.  It paid for one year's tuition at Rutgers, which was only 500 bucks in those days, but, it was when I was going to school.  It paid for one year of my tuition, the damage the US Air Force did to our property in Germany, because I was an American citizen.  It's a great country. JG:  Did you have a chance to meet any old friends or family in Germany during your leave? BW:  Yes.  … There was a neighbor who lived where we did and they had their business in back of where our business was.  They were beer distributors and she lost a son on the Russian front.  Nobody ever died on the American front that you talked to.  I mean, this kid really did get killed on the Russian front, but, when you talk to the Germans, they all fought against the Russians.  Nobody fought against the Americans.  I never met one.  They all fought on the Russian front. JG:  Did you encounter the "Me no Nazi" types, either?  BW:  But, these people weren't Nazis, I mean, because we knew them, but, they were all on the Russian front.  SI:  While you were at Rutgers, the State of Israel was declared.  Were you aware of that?  How did you feel about Israel gaining its independence? BW:  Oh, yeah.  No, … it was before I was at Rutgers.  I was in high school.  It was 1946. SI:  I thought it was 1948. BW:  I don't know, maybe.  I'm fully aware of that.  Well, are you a Christian? SI:  Yes. BW:  Are you?  You Jewish?  You're nothing?  Well, anyway, I told my Christian friends, I started this about three years ago, and then, of course, after September 11th, I said it again, I said, "When you Christians go on the next crusade, come around and ask us Jews and we'll help you," because, a thousand years ago, the Christians did the same thing, had the same problems that we have now. JG:  Did any members of your family move to Israel? BW:  Yes. SI:  How many? BW:  What? SI:  You mentioned them earlier. BW:  Yes, both on my mother's side and my father's side, the people from Argentina.  I have an aunt, my uncle's widow, and first cousin and her kids, she had twin daughters, they moved there fifteen, twenty years ago, individually, and then, my cousin, who is a few years younger than me, and her husband and my aunt, who is a woman in her nineties, moved, about three, four years ago, from Argentina to Israel.  I visited them two years ago.  JG:  Going back to Rutgers for a moment, you wrote on your survey that Sam Owen and someone else were your favorite professors. BW:  Kuebler, that was Kuebler. JG:  Which subjects did they teach? BW:  Sam Owen taught freshman and elementary engineering courses.  He taught a course called "Engineering Problems," which taught you how to think properly and so on, and he also taught a drawing course, I think. Kuebler taught an industrial engineering course every semester.  I had him for one course for like two-and-a-half, three years. JG:  Also on the survey, you wrote that you were a Republican while you were at Rutgers, which.  surprised me … BW:  While I was at Rutgers?  Okay. JG:  Yes.  I was surprised, because you spoke very fondly of FDR and Truman earlier. BW:  Well, but, I voted for Eisenhower.  I think that was the first election I could vote in, in '51.  He ran in 1952. So, I've never voted for a Democrat for president. SI:  Not even Kennedy? BW:  I'm not sure.  I don't remember.  I don't think so.  I don't know.  I voted for young Bush, but, I was skeptical, but, he was better than the alternative, and he has proven himself.  He's doing a good job, but, my favorite political person is his mother, Barbara.  She's all right.  JG:  Who was your favorite president? BW:  In hindsight and everything?  Harry S. Truman.  JG:  I thought you would say that. BW:  He was a guy who had no respect when he got the job, I mean, when Roosevelt died.  He was a machine politician from Missouri, and so on, and so forth, and he had the intestinal fortitude to run the country the right way, and a lot of these people today could take lessons from him.  Well, they may not be able to run it that way today, but, Harry Truman did a good job, but, he's a Democrat, so, it shows I'm fair. SI:  I would like to ask you a few more questions about World War II.  Do you remember how you reacted to news of the D-Day landings? BW:  … I'm speaking now from looking back, but, that was the normal consequence in a series of actions.  In other words, we had come into Africa, we had come up to Sicily and so on, and, [in] those, we were coming from the south, particularly.  We had to come in from the north and that was it.  I mean, that had to be done.  It was a question of exactly where or when, but, the where was not a question of where.  It had to be, "Which twelve miles?" not, … "Which thousand miles?" that it was going to be. SI:  During the Battle of the Bulge, were there any fears at home of a reverse? BW:  Like, of losing? SI:  Yes BW:  Not really.  I mean, you didn't like to hear that stuff, but, you know, it's not [too bad].  … When, today, we hear news of things in Afghanistan, one guy was killed or we missed [the target], … friendly fire, that's combat, baby.  That's the way the ball bounces.  I mean, you don't do everything.  Not every action … ends up exactly like it's written in the textbook.  I mean, that's not the way it works.  Nobody is perfect.  I mean, Eisenhower, if he was an infantry platoon commander, would make a mistake here [and there].  That's the way it is and that was the Battle of the Bulge.  That was Hitler's last gasp.  After that, it was over.  General McAuliffe was the guy who got them; see, that name, I remember.  SI:  Do you remember learning about the atomic bomb?  Did you realize what that meant at the time? BW:  I think I realized what that meant; I mean, … you know, shortly thereafter.  Listen, Harry Truman saved a million American lives and he also saved, probably, a million or two million Japanese lives by doing it that way, [rather] than having our troops invade, you know, in a ground invasion of Japan.  It would have cost them more than it would have cost us, and it would have cost us an awful lot.  It would have been a tough [battle].  … We would have lost a lot of people, a lot of casualties.  SI:  Do you remember V-E Day and V-J Day? BW:  Yeah, that was fun. SI:  Were there any parades or people dancing in the streets? BW:  Parades.  You got to kiss girls. SI:  Did you go into New York for either of those days? BW:  No, I was too young.  I mean, I was fifteen.  You know, I was a kid.  I don't remember. SI:  Do you remember if there was any black market activity in the Somerville area? BW:  Not to my knowledge.  You know, you said, "Black market;" as far as rationing food, you know, … Somerville was an agricultural town in those days, so, you could always go out to the farm and get some food. JG:  After you were discharged from the Air Force, did you have any difficulty returning to civilian life?  What was your first job after you were discharged? BW:  I went to work in my uncle's company, the uncle that had died, … that I came over with on the boat, and [my] cousins.  It was a family business and I was with them for almost about seventeen, eighteen years. SI:  What did you do? BW:  It was a tanning business.  I started out … doing industrial engineering and plant engineering and stuff, and, also, in sales, and then, … I spent five years running an operation, a complete business, both in manufacturing and sales, in Puerto Rico.  In other words, we manufactured in Puerto Rico and shipped it up here.  Then, in the early '70s, I left, and fiddled around a little, and went backwards, and then, in '75, I bought a lumber/building yard in New Brunswick.  I ran that for about seventeen, eighteen years.  Since then, I've been retired. SI:  You stayed in the Reserves. BW:  I stayed in the Reserves for a while, and then, … I went to meetings and did stuff, and took correspondence courses.  I went on two-week short tours, and then, when I went to Puerto Rico, … I was out of it, and then, I was discharged, because I had not been active.  I was a captain when I was discharged. SI:  You would not have been recalled for service in Vietnam. BW:  I was too old by then, but, not really.  They separated me.  It happened to be during Vietnam.  SI:  Were you put on alert during the Cuban Missile Crisis? BW:  No. JG:  How did you feel about Vietnam? BW:  I had no respect for you students who were marching around, bitching, because, you know, if your country calls you, right or wrong, it's your country.  On principle, I had no problem with what was going on.  Tactically, we made a lot of mistakes.  I mean, it was the first war we didn't win.  We should have won it.  I mean, if you're in it, if you're gonna go in it and get people killed and everything, then, do it to win and not to finish second, or else don't go in.  You know, if you're gonna go in, do it to win; if you're not, don't go in. SI:  Was your brother of age to go to Vietnam?  Was he too old? BW:  No.  My brother was in law school, think, at the time.  My brother was separated as a major in the … Army Reserve, but, he was never really on active duty, other than maybe six months.  He was clerking for a judge, … and then, he got called up, and then, … whatever, they didn't need him.  It was over, pretty much.  I mean, he served for a relatively short time, probably less than a full year, but, he stayed active in the Reserve until he made major. Then, … he merged his small law firm with the first or second largest firm in the state, and he got so busy that he couldn't take weekends off for the Reserve corps, but, he was a major by then.  … When he got commissioned, I gave him my gold bars, and then, when he got promoted, I gave him my silver bars, and then, I gave him the captain's bars, and, when he made major, I went out and bought him a set of oak leaves.  … JG:  Your wife went to Douglass.  SI:  Was it a conscious decision to wait to get married until after you were out of the service or did it just happen that way? BW:  It just happened that way.  We were not engaged right away.  She was still a student and we were not engaged. JG:  Do you want to tell us about your children? BW:  We have two daughters.  My oldest daughter is forty-seven, or almost forty-seven, no, she was born in '55, she's forty-six now, and she's not married.  She spent almost twenty-five years, … I mean, this year, it will be twenty-five years, with Unilever.  She's in charge, or was in charge, of the development of liquid detergents.  She has a degree in chemistry from Lehigh and my younger daughter is two years younger.  She's a gynecologist who has a specialty of reproductive endocrinology and fertility.  She's married and we have a three-and-a-half-year-old grandson, who's great. --------------------------------------END OF TAPE ONE, SIDE TWO------------------------------------- SI:  This continues an interview with Mr. Bert Wolf on April 2, 2002, in New Brunswick, New Jersey, with Shaun Illingworth and … JG:  Jonathan Gurstelle.  BW:  Hi, this is Bert Wolf. SI:  Would you like to tell us more about your family? BW:  I used to be a male chauvinist, but, since I have two daughters, who are both very successful women, I'm no longer a male chauvinist.  SI:  Please tell us a little bit about your life as a Rutgers alumnus.  Have you remained active with the University? BW:  Yes.  I'm active with the Alumni Association and with my class.  I was president of the class for five years, between our fortieth and forty-fifth reunion, or was it between the thirty-fifth and fortieth, I don't know, it could be, and I was reunion chairman, and this and that.  I'm active with my class, and I'm a Loyal Son, and I'm a season ticket holder to football games.  I suffer.  [laughter] JG:  We all do.  [laughter] SI:  Do think we should go back to playing Princeton in the Patriot League? BW:  The biggest mistake we made was not taking the offer to go into the Ivy League when we had the chance, because that's both … more fun, football-wise, and then, more prestigious, in an academic way.  That was Sonny Werblin's fault, I think, and my good friend, I'm getting old, I can't remember names, Freddy Gruninger. JG:  What do you think of how Rutgers has changed since your day, becoming the state university and all? BW:  Well, we were the state university while I was there, but, Rutgers was a college of four thousand people here.  You knew almost everybody, and it was a small school, and it was friendly.  I don't know how it is now, but, with 50,000 people, it's gotta be an awful lot different, but, that's a question of, you know, time, and things grow and advance.  Whether it makes life simpler and happier, that's another question, but, as the state university for a state, it's got to grow.  I mean, I don't object to it.  It was probably more pleasant in our days. JG:  Did you encounter any anti-Semitism when you were in the Air Force? BW:  No, not to my knowledge. SI:  Since we have interviewed only a handful of people since September 11th, would you mind sharing your reactions to that day and the events since?  Do you think it really was a second Pearl Harbor? BW:  Well, it was a very devastating shock.  Was it the second Pearl Harbor?  I don't know.  Are we doing the right thing, right now?  I mean, in some ways, I am prejudiced, but, it's a very, very difficult problem.  I mean, I say, "Nuke the bastards," but, we need their goddamned oil, and I'm quite certain [that] the fact that we need the oil affects a lot of our tactical and strategic decisions.  We have to befriend some of the Arab people in order to do this and they are very difficult to do business with.  It's impossible to trust them and, if I had the solution, I'd go to Washington tomorrow. SI:  Is there anything we forgot to ask? BW:  I don't think so.  SI:  Is there anything else you would like to add to the tape for posterity? BW:  Keep the flag flying. JG:  Thank you very much for participating in the project. SI:  Thank you very much. BW:  My pleasure.         --------------------------------------------END OF INTERVIEW---------------------------------------------   Reviewed by Tracey Pall 12/13/02       Reviewed by Shaun Illingworth 1/16/03 Reviewed by Bert Wolf 6/04

Zukaukas, Charles L.

Description: Dr. Zukaukas was a student at Rutgers University and the University of Pennsylvania, where he studied medicine while in the US Army during World War II, then served in the US Army Medical Administration Corps in the postwar period.
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